to your Majesty Sir Pietro degli Ubaldini, my ambassador, on
occasion of the valued gift of the Garter with which you
have condescended to decorate me; and, on his return, he has
reported to me the great politeness and consideration
wherewith your Majesty received him, and the love and favour
you so kindly exhibit towards me. Many as are these
obligations, especially from so lofty a monarch, and greatly
as I am indebted for such remarkable goodwill, I often
repeat to myself that I cannot but surpass them in my
grateful joy. I offer your Serene Highness not the thanks
which I owe, for they are too great, but those which I can
pay; yet your Majesty will deign to accept such as my heart
possesses, which, in faith and service to you will ever be
most ardent. I now send in writing to the very Reverend Lord
Bishop of Salisbury, the serene Chancellor of the Garter, a
message which Sir Pietro omitted to deliver, whose tardy
arrival your Majesty will condescend to pardon. I also write
to the very Reverend Bishop of Lyconia, Chancellor of your
kingdom, some matters which now occur to me, and which he
will relate to your Majesty, lest I should weary you by
prolonging this letter. To these, therefore, your Majesty
will please to adhibit credence; at whose feet I anxiously
and humbly recommend me and mine. Your Serene Highness, &c.
From Urbino."
On the same occasion he wrote in the following terms to the Bishop of
Salisbury, Chancellor of the Garter:--
4. "Most Reverend Father in Christ, and my much honoured
Lord Father;
"Sir Pietro degli Ubaldini was sent by me last year, that he
might complete in my name all matters in regard to the
distinguished order of the Garter. I know not in what way my
clerks drew the mandate for him, but when charged with
neglect or carelessness, they plead in their own
justification that it has been always usual to send to
sovereigns and princes letters accrediting the person of the
bearer, without any more special mandate; however it
happened, it annoyed me much. I send you these present
letters, upon receiving which I shall be glad that you
acknowledge them; and also that you do your utmost to get
the King to write me that he has received and considered
them. Which, indeed, I should have despatched earlier so as
to reach you within the prescribed time, but I delayed a
little lest any letter should arrive from your Lordship,
instructing particulars as to the indulgence you wish
granted to the church of St. George, at Windsor. I shall
give all my influence to obtain your petition, and to
maintain the reputation of that distinguished Order, on
account of which I am under such obligations, nor is there
anything that I would not undertake to the utmost of my
power towards fulfilling my duty and desire in this respect;
and I wish your Lordship to be assured how much it will be
my endeavour, at all times and occasions, to demonstrate how
highly I prize that honour. I offer to your Lordship many
thanks for your kindness to my envoy, Sir Pietro, and for
your courteous reception of him: he told me how difficult it
would be to enumerate all the demonstrations of regard he
received from your Lordship, for which I am highly indebted.
I pray you to inform me of any favour that may be within my
reach, as it would be to me a great pleasure to obtain it,
from whatever quarter, for your Lordship, to whom I commend
myself. Whenever you wish to send me letters you may safely
do so by the hands of Stoldo degli Altoviti, a Florentine
merchant resident in London, a person of the highest
respectability, and bound to me by the most especial
regard."
This letter accompanied the preceding one. Another to the Chancellor
of England is much more verbose, assuring him of the Duke's grateful
regard for the King, and anxious readiness to be of use in forwarding
his views, especially by employing at all times his influence with the
Pope, to whose goodwill towards his Majesty he bears strong testimony.
It also hints indistinctly at the King's taking some interest in the
affairs of Spain, suffering as they then were from Turkish annoyance.
A letter to the Chancellor, written some months later, goes over the
same general assurances, and is expressed in the tone of one who
regarded himself as specially entrusted with the English monarch's
interests at the Holy See. Both abound with proffers of service to the
Chancellor himself, who seems to have been a cardinal. We shall
extract one more letter in which the affair of St. George's Chapel is
renewed, and which is addressed to the Chancellor of the Garter.
5. "Most Reverend Father in Christ, and my much honoured
Lord Father,
"By the messenger whom I had sent some months ago I have
received your Lordship's most courteous letters, and along
with them the hounds adapted for all manner of hunting, and
I cannot tell you how acceptable and agreeable they are to
me. My son Guido also received the high-mettled ambling
colt, which has delighted him beyond measure, and made him
truly joyful, and he unites with me in thankfully
acknowledging to your Lordship his obligation, not only for
the value and beauty of the gift, but also for all your
Lordship's good wishes for his future happiness, towards
whom, as a father, he will ever during life look up with
filial affection. I have besought from the Pope that
indulgence which you desired for the chapel of the high and
excellent Order of the Garter, and his Holiness has deigned
to concede it in the way which your Lordship will find in
the accompanying bull.[309] I understand that his Holiness
has granted much more than the usual privileges, against the
opinion of almost all Roman jurisconsults, so that, in case
they should fall short of your Lordship's desires, I wish
you to be assured that I have not omitted to do my utmost to
obtain these for you; and in regard to the decoration of
that chapel for the welfare of souls, more has been conceded
in this case than in perhaps any preceding one, at once out
of consideration for your Lordship, and from his Holiness'
clemency. I should, indeed, have wished still more ample
concessions, for the exaltation of that most serene Order,
my interest in which it might seem an exaggeration in me to
state, although most desirous to testify it by all ways and
means. Along with these letters is transmitted the petitions
your Lordship begged me to sign, and a copy of the letter
which the Holy Father wrote to me. From these your Lordship
will perceive how gladly I should conform myself to your
views, which it would give me the highest gratification to
see attained. It only remains for me to beg that your
Lordship will remember with that courtesy and goodwill which
you extend to me, to commend me frequently and humbly to his
Highness my Lord the King. All prosperity attend your
Lordship, to whom I commend myself, and to whom I recommend
also Stoldo Altoviti, a citizen of Florence residing in
London, who is my intimate and valued friend, and who will
thank your Lordship in my name."[310]
[Footnote 309: Anstis refers to this as of 1476-9.]
[Footnote 310: Among the other letters in this collection relating to
England, are one to the Reverend John [Morton, Master of the Rolls],
counsellor to the King, with thanks for his attentions to Pietro
Ubaldini; another, thanking the Lord Chancellor for a horse and
hounds; another of civility to Archbishop Boutcher, Cardinal of
England, presbyter of S. Ciriaco. There are three others to Edward IV.
In the first he avails himself of a visit from Sir John de la Scrop,
then on his return from the Holy Land, to offer the King his
affectionate duty, and to express his high regard for that nobleman.
In the next he alludes to Sir John, an English ambassador then at
Urbino, who seems to have been accredited in order to co-operate with
the Duke in obtaining a Jubilee [1475], and in recommending some one
to an Irish see. In another he mentions hearing that his Majesty had
crossed over to France [1475], and offers his good offices with the
Pope and King of Naples.]
A volume in the British Museum (Add. MSS. No. 6298, f. 277), formerly
belonging to Anstis, contains a notice of our Duke, which probably
expresses those qualities which secured his admission into the Order.
"Frederick Duke of Urbin was Earle of Montferrat and Durant,
standard-bearer of the Church of Rome, and confederate of the Emperor.
Hee founded to the glory of himself and his posterite the stately
palice of Urbin; hee foughte dyvers battayles; tooke six standerds in
the field; eight tymes hee overthrewe his enemyes, and in all his
warres wes ever victorious, which greatly increased his riches. His
justice, clemency, liberality, made hym everywhere famous, and did
equalize and adorn his victories with peace. The arming sword which
hee wore had this inscription, '_Son quella che difende la ragione,
non ti fidar di me s'il cor ti manca_'--I am one that defends the
right; rely not on me should thy heart fail thee!"
Giovanni Sanzi thus chronicles the English decoration:--
"Nor were the glories of his name confined
To narrow limits, for its lustre reached
The shelving shores of Britain's distant isle;
Which of this peopled sphere another land
We well may deem, by yon far-distant sea
Disparted,--where the slowly sinking sun
Seeks in the briny waves his evening bath.
'Twere waste of words to tell how Edward was
King of that realm, by far-sprung pedigree,
Great pomp, and grace of person eminent,
And foremost by inheritance of those
Linked in a holy brotherhood of arms,
Each candidate for which was held to prove
Rare worth and dauntless prowess, requisites
Alone entitling to election
In that exclusive Order, limited
To six-and-twenty knights, all notable
For varied martial deeds. Among whom were
King Edward's eldest son, of high exploits;
The sovereign, too, of Portugal was there;
Matthias, Hungary's admirable King,
Whose fame still loftier soars; and Ferdinand
Of Naples, emulating his renown.
He, too, of Burgundy, the petted child
Of wayward fortune, till by Alpine bands
Thrice was his banner flouted, and at last,
Dying at Nancy, he the reckoning paid
For all his God-outraging cruelties,
Of blood a very glutton: but no more
Of him. In this devout companionship
Were many nobles of that land enrolled;
Yet 'twas King Edward's fancy to include
Our Duke Federigo, deeming him most meet,
So wrote his friendly purpose in a letter,
Which from the Latin I shall here translate;
And, better to convey the courteous sanction
Of the unanimous fraternity,
Despatched with it a trusty embassy:
Its tenor this, the wonted greetings said.
'Thy worth and high achievements reached our court
By one who wandered long in distant lands
Filled with thy fame: yet who has ever ta'en
A loving heart from sites so far remote,
To bind it in a fardel fast and firm
With thy so glorious and signal deeds?[311]
On these relying fully, and inflamed
With warm affection, 'tis our only doubt
Which to desire, thy presence, or this link
Of friendly brotherhood, though both were best.
But, choosing that which seems most feasible,
And, next to death's inevitable doom,
Unchanging, be it ours a knot to bind
Indissoluble,--benefit unmatched,
Which the our children's sons will test the force
Of friendship, and a priceless jewel prove,--
Be ours the bond to clench by formal vote
Of the grave college, with a full accord
Their portals opening for thy free admission
To a companionship of charity,
Where each others' weal would willing die.'
This letter read, the noble envoy next
Set forth the object of his mission
In solemn gracious phrase, the Duke addressing
As the dear brother of his sovereign.
A precious garter then produced,
Remarking that, though fashioned with mean tools,
'Twas the exclusive guerdon of high birth,
And pregnant with fine sentiment,
In golden letters on its circle traced,
'Woe to the man whose thoughts are aught but right!'
This decoration dates from Pepin's reign,
An ancient king, whose far-descended line
And dignities I leave to other pens.
He next displayed a robe of ruddy hue
Blazing with gold brocade, a mantle round
Of regal cut that swept the ground, its tint
A lovely Alexandrian blue. The Duke
With grateful heart and kindly welcome took
From him these ensigns, and these honoured robes,
And so invested with that princely Order
Of wide-extending fame a Knight was made,
Of good St. George, upon whose festal day,
In solemn concourse met, the cavaliers
Observe with fitting rites his memory."
[Footnote 311: This passage, written probably in Norman French, has
become somewhat obscure in its transmission through barbarous Latin
into Sanzi's rugged rhymes.]
It only remains to quote the mention of this event made by Porcellio
in his Feltria, which we extract as a specimen of its rugged
style.[312]
[Footnote 312: Vat. Urb. MSS. No. 373, f. 105, 106.]
"Rex præstans animi, et claris celeberrimus armis,
Anglicus, hunc ipsum Feltrensem foedere sanctæ
Jungit amicitiæ, fraternaque munere mittit,
Quæ deceant tantum reges in pignus amoris;
Serica regales quæ nectant cingula sures
Donat habere Ducem; nitet aurea fibula, et auri
Litterule splendore micant, quibus usque notatur
Argumentum ingens veteris reverentia facti,
DISPEREANT QUI PRAVA PUTANT.
Levaque purpureo Britonis de more tyranni
Traditur hæc isdem signis, eodemque tenore,
Crebro intexta patet tyrio de murice subter
Purpura migdoneis nivibus mage candida fulget,
Et paribus capitis donatur tegminæ signis.
Misit item leges in religionis honorem,
Servandas fratrum de more et tempore certo.
Lætus erat Cæsar, non ipso munere tantum,
Sed quod erat primo regum insignitus honore:
Postquam Edwardi clarissima munera regis
Accepit, gratesque egit sic ore profatus:
Hæc me dona ligant sub religione teneri
Auxilium præstare, et duris succurrere in armis;
Sed si diva meum servet Proserpina crinem,
Et mea fatales non rumpant stamina Parcæ,
Quantum opis et quantum dederint mea fata rependam."
APPENDIX VIII
(Page 347)
THE ARMY OF CHARLES VIII., IN 1493
The contemporary Chronicle of this expedition, reprinted at Lyons in
1842, gives a general muster-roll of the French army, which may be
thus classed:--
I. THE ROYAL STAFF.
Monseigneur le Visdasme, commanding gentlemen in full sleeves 100
" de Myolans, commanding gentlemen in full sleeves and
crossbow-men 100
" de Cresol, commanding archers of the French guard 200
Captain Claude, commanding archers of the Scottish guard 100
Many lords of the blood-royal, the court and the council.
II. THE LAND FORCES.
Men-at-arms 3,600
Bowmen on foot 6,200
Crossbow-men on foot 8,000
Long-pike-men 8,000
The Lord Ludovic 2,040
Dastardeurs 6,200
Masters to dress the artillery 200
Master carpenters 600
Master sappers 300
Master stone-hewers 900
Master charcoal-burners 200
Master rope-makers 120
Artillery drivers 4,000
------
40,360
------
Battering guns [_bombardes_] 1,200
Large stone balls 140
Artillery horses 8,000
------
[Transcriber's Note: subtotal is missing in original]
Monseigneur de Serve lances 40
" de Monfaucon " 40
" Robert de la Marche " 30
The Mareschal de Baudricourt " 60
Monseigneur de Guise " 40
" de Chaude " 30
" de Mauleon " 200
" Aymart de Poye " 25
" de Camicam " 35
Captain Odet " 25
----
525
----
III. THE NAVAL ARMAMENT.
Gentlemen of Agenes, for Monseigneur d'Orleans's guard 4,000
" of Normandy " " " 4,000
Commissaries 200
The Duc d'Orleans }
The Conte d'Angoulême }
The Duc de Nemours }
The Prince d'Orange }
Monseigneur de Vendôme }
The Conte de Ligny }
" de Nevers } with their companies, }
} amounting to } 15,000
Monseigneur d'Albret }
The Conte de Boulogne }
The Great Bastard of Burgundy }
" " of Bourbon }
The Marechal of Burgundy }
The Governor of Champaign }
" of Burgundy }
Monseigneur d'Orleans lances 100
" de Foix " 50
" Gracien " 50
The Bailli of Dijon " 30
" " Swiss 3,000
Monseigneur de Montaison lances 30
" d'Allègre " 40
" de Chaumont " 30
George de Silly " 30
Castillon " 30
Julien Burinel " 30
Monseigneur de Vergy " 30
" d'Armansy " 40
Don Jehan " 30
André de l'Ospital " 54
Monseigneur de la Place " 40
The Marechal of Burgundy " 40
Monseigneur d'Aubigny " 100
" de Ligny " 100
" de la Tremouille " 50
" de Silly " 40
" the Grand Equerry " 40
" de Beaumont " 40
" de Piennes " 50
" the Prince d'Orange " 40
The Seneschal d'Armagnac " 25
Monseigneur Pierre de Bellefrontiere " 25
Despert de Bonneville " 25
------
27,389
------
Great ships 24
Great galleasses 8
Quarracques 11
Galleras 226
Sailing galleys 50
Brigantines 60
Fustes 80
Boats innumerable.
----
Total vessels 459
----
Allowing to each man-at-arms and lance two followers, and to each
gentleman one, the total force would amount to nearly 90,000 men, 1200
pieces of artillery, and 459 sail. To this there falls to be added,
besides the usual attendance of servants and sutlers, an immense
retinue attached to the luxurious court of Charles, of which no
enumeration is attempted.
APPENDIX IX
(Page 354)
THE BATTLE OF THE TARO, IN 1495
The battle of Fornovo bears so little upon the proper subject of our
narrative, that we have but rapidly noted its issue. It may be well,
however, now to examine in greater detail the circumstances leading to
a result so opposite from that which the ordinary chances of war would
have inferred, and to consider how far the fortune of that field tried
the comparative superiority of French and Italian prowess. We are in
possession of contemporary statements which fairly represent each side
of the argument; and the narratives of Corio, Sanuto, and
Guicciardini, the historians of Milan, Venice, and Florence, may be
accepted as exhausting those pleas by which the frank and graphic
commentaries of Philippe de Comines and the more confused details of
the _Vergier d'Honneur_ ought to be tested.
The French march through Italy had been rather a pageant than an
invasion: as they advanced, difficulties disappeared,--enemies fawned,
crouched, or fled without hazarding a blow. A career of such success,
trying to any judgment, intoxicated the young and giddy monarch, and,
though startled by the northern confederacy, he was not fully roused
to the danger of being caught and enclosed in an enemy's country. We
accordingly find the pages of Comines full of lamentations at the
careless ease with which he loitered on his retreat, and the
infatuation of weakening his army by leaving small garrisons at Siena,
Pisa, Lucca, and Pietra Santa, as well as by detaching a useless
expedition against Genoa, whose resistance closed the coast road
against him. At the two first of these places above a fortnight of
valuable time was lost, whilst the allies were mustering to intercept
his passage of the Apennines. As he approached the danger, blunders
consequent upon divided councils were aggravated by imperfect
discipline; and the wanton destruction by the Swiss of Pontremoli with
its magazines exposed the army to famine in the mountain passes. A new
obstacle now presented itself in the enormous artillery train,
consisting of fourteen culverins from twelve to fifteen feet long. The
Sieur d'Argenton, whose mission at Venice taught him to appreciate the
urgency of a retreat ere the allies could concentrate their forces,
and others who knew the difficulties of such a march, would gladly
have seen these cumbrous impediments abandoned, but the Swiss,
tackling themselves by hundreds to each piece, dragged them up defiles
and lowered them down precipices, where beasts of draught could have
been of no avail. This feat is described in the _Vergier_ as "une
execrable peine, merveilleux travail, et très penetrant ennuy, attendu
la façon de proceder, le lieu estrange, et la chaleur grande et
terrible que lors se faisoit." The army, after crossing the summit,
slowly descended on Lombardy, by the left bank of the Taro, until its
vanguard under Marechal de Gie, being thirty miles in advance, reached
Fornovo on the 2nd of July, and halted for three days until the King
should come up.[313] The allies were encamped at Ghiaruola, about
three miles further in the open plain. Had they at once attacked the
Marechal, his division might have been exterminated, whilst the army
thus weakened, and unable from fatigue and exhaustion to fall back
upon Tuscany, must have become an easy prey, or have surrendered at
discretion. Opportunities so precious are rarely offered to men's
exigencies, and once lost cannot be retrieved.
[Footnote 313: The former march of the army by the same passes
required but three days from Fornovo to Pontremoli; on this occasion
the King was four days in crossing, besides a halt of three more to
enable his artillery to get ahead of him. It is probable that in 1494
much of his ordnance, baggage, and stores had been sent in the fleet.]
The estimate by Comines of the two armies is admitted to be a fair
one. That to which he belonged was reduced to a tithe of the original
armament, and numbered much under 9000 fighting men, who had to cut
their way through at least four times that strength, with every
disadvantage of ground. Both were now on the right of the Taro, a
mountain torrent here subsiding into a shallow stream, which the
French had to cross within half a mile of the enemy. So convinced was
Comines of the risk, that on the 5th he availed himself of the anxious
feeling which began to manifest itself among his countrymen, when in
presence of so formidable a host, and opened negotiations. These
appear to have been continued next day, even after the battle had
commenced, but led to nothing. That they should have been entertained
by the confederates might occasion surprise, but for Sanuto's ready
admission that, even at such a moment, the hesitating and ruinous
policy habitual to Venetian _proveditori_, sacrificed the advantages
of the emergency. He tells us that they, "conducting themselves most
wisely, wished to let the King pass, without perilling their cause,
seeing that, as all know, a general action is essentially hazardous,
and ought therefore to be avoided by a powerful state such as
Venice."[314] The narrative of Guicciardini inculpates others in these
craven counsels, which carried the day, and induced the scarcely
credible resolution to wait for instructions from Milan and Venice:
scarcely was it formed ere its fatuity became apparent.
[Footnote 314: It is curious to find this cowardly policy openly laid
down by such authority as a maxim, and it affords a clue not only to
the lax military operations of the grasping Republic, but betrays the
secret that their mainland advantages were oftener gained by tortuous
diplomacy than in open field. The Venetian _proveditori_ were at first
of the nature of quartermasters and commissaries-general, their duty
being to distribute pay and quarters to the troops, as well as to levy
and allot taxes whereby the military finances were maintained through
the agency of local sub-commissaries. But they became tools of the
ever-jealous Signory, empowered to control the commanders, as well as
to watch and report their proceedings. We have frequent occasion to
notice the bad consequences of this narrow policy.]
At eight on the morning of Monday the 6th, the French army, once more
united, resumed its march. The advance, still commanded by the
Marechal de Gie, included the Swiss, and was followed by the
artillery; the King was with the main body; and to De la Tremouille
and Guise was committed the rear-guard. The baggage was detached on
the left under Odet, and from the first was in some confusion. The
confederates having opened their fire from a large gun, it was
promptly dismounted by the French artillery, and the army, crossing
the Taro, marched steadily on for above a mile. On the feint of
exchanging a prisoner of rank, a Venetian trumpet was sent to Charles,
for the purpose of ascertaining his position and appearance, that he
might be singled out in the charge which the Marquis of Mantua
immediately made at the head of the Stradiote irregular horse. This
Cossack-like force, recruited in Dalmatia, and used by the Republic
with infinite effect under the new mode of warfare, cut its way almost
to the King, whose conduct during the day was bold and energetic
beyond what might have been expected from his feeble constitution and
effeminate habits. By this time the vanguard had likewise been
attacked, and the mêlée was at its height, when the Stradiotes of the
Marquis, having seized upon the baggage, gave themselves up to
pillage. The example was contagious upon the other undisciplined
Albanians; but although Italian writers impute to this casual and
untoward incident the loss of the battle, they scarcely question the
Sieur d'Argenson's allegation, that their men-at-arms had already
yielded at all points. Making their way back with difficulty through
the Taro, which a severe thunder-storm had swollen to a dangerous
torrent, they fled towards Parma, although partially rallied by Nicolò
di Petigliano, a captain of the Orsini, just then escaped from the
French, with whom he had been prisoner. The fortune of the day might
still have been retrieved by him and by the reserve, which, under
Antonio di Montefeltro, stood vainly waiting orders to engage; or, on
the other hand, had Charles followed up his success by a general
assault, it seems admitted by Guicciardini that the confederates would
have been routed. But his policy was security rather than success; and
he encamped about a mile from the field, leaving the bulk of the
allied forces to resume their former quarters. Even next day the
latter might have struck a blow sufficient long to preserve the
Peninsula from foreign aggression; but jealousies distracted their
captains as well as their councils, for each thought more of
preserving intact his own contingent of troops, as a defence against
his neighbour's ambition, than of making common cause against the
general enemy. The Italians claimed the victory; and the Venetians,
with their usual arrogance and insincerity, ordered triumphant
festivities on the strength of having captured the King's baggage,
carrying off his rosaries and a portfolio of meretricious
portraits--recollections of his harem! History has disowned the claim,
and has justly awarded to the French the honours of the day, upon the
better title of having continued an orderly retreat, with the loss of
but a small proportion of those who fell at Fornovo.
APPENDIX X
(Page 375)
THE ARRIVAL OF DUKE VALENTINO AT THE FRENCH COURT
Brantome[315] has preserved, from an unedited rhyming chronicle, the
following curious account of this upstart's entry, on the 18th of
December, 1498, into Chinon, where Louis then held his court:--
[Footnote 315: _Vies des Hommes Illustres_, Discours 48.]
"First came eighty most beautiful mules, laden with trunks,
portmanteaus, and packages, with red cloths whereon were the Duke's
armorial bearings. Then eighty more mules, whose cloths were
party-coloured red and yellow, for they bore the royal liveries, such
as I have seen our Queen Margaret's pages and footmen wear. These were
followed by twelve mules, in cloths of yellow satin all _barré_
transversely. Then ten others in striped cloth of gold alternately
waved and plain.
"Next there came sixteen fine tall racers, led with Turkish bridles,
and in cloths of gold, red, and yellow. Also eighteen pages, each on a
beautiful racer, sixteen of them in crimson velvet, the other two in
waved cloth of gold, while the people wondered why these minions were
so much finer than the rest. Further, six footmen led, as was then the
fashion, as many beautiful mules richly caparisoned with saddles,
bridles, and housings, they and the footmen in crimson velvet. Then
two mules laden with chests, over which was cloth of gold: 'Think how
much richer their burdens,' said the bystanders,--'perhaps bright and
splendid jewels for his bride, or bulls and indulgences from Rome, or,
it may be, holy relics!' Thereafter came thirty gentlemen in gold and
silver stuffs: 'Too small a troop,' said the court, 'considering all
the preceding equipage, requiring at least some five or six score in
French and Spanish costumes.'
"There were also three musicians, two being tabors the other a rebec,
then much in use, as still, among the high noblesse and commanders of
Germany, who have kettle-drums in marching, as had the ostentatious
Baron Dhona, till the gallant M. de Guise broke and silenced them, to
his great disgrace. These drummers of Borgia were clad in their
national costume of gold cloth, and their rebecs were decked out with
gold cord, the instruments being of silver, with golden chains. And
these musicians went between the gentlemen and the Duke of
Valentinois, playing incessantly. There were likewise four trumpeters
and clarioneers, richly dressed, ever sounding their silver
instruments; and twenty-four laquais, in crimson velvet party-coloured
with yellow silk, surrounded the Duke, with whom the Cardinal of Rouen
was in conversation.
"As to the Duke, he rode a tall and large courser, very richly
accoutred, with a robe of red satin party-coloured with gold cloth,
and trimmed with many costly stones and pearls. On his cap a double
row of rubies, the size of large beans, glittered brilliantly. Its
turn-up had also a great quantity of jewels; and even his boots were
all stuck over with gold cords, and edged by pearls;
"With collar which, to say the truth,
Was thirty thousand ducats worth,
"The charger he bestrode was quite covered with leaves of gold
bedizened with jewellery, stones, and pearls. He had besides a pretty
little mule for riding about the town, with saddle, bridle,
breastplate, and other harness, studded in roses of fine gold an inch
thick. Last of all, there were likewise four-and-twenty mules, with
red cloths, bearing this lord's armorial ensigns, and a quantity of
baggage-carts with camp-beds and other furniture.
"Such was the entry, challenging renown,
Of this grandee into Chinon.
"The King, being at the window, saw him arrive, and there can be no
doubt how he and his courtiers ridiculed all this state, as unbecoming
the petty Duke of Valentinois."
APPENDIX XI
(Page 385)
DESPATCH OF SER BENEDETTO TREVISANO, ENVOY OF VENICE AT THE COURT OF
LOUIS XII., DETAILING THE ENTRY INTO LYONS OF LUDOVICO DUKE OF MILAN,
THE 2ND OF MAY, 1500
Most serene Prince and excellent Lord [Doge],
This day, at half-past four o'clock, the Lord Louis was brought into
the city in the following manner. First, there came twelve town
serjeants on foot, who prevented the very dense crowd from shouting;
next the governor of the city with the provost-marshal on horseback,
followed by a hundred archers of the King's guard; after them the Lord
Louis, dressed in a vest of black camelot with black boots, and a cap
of black cloth which he held almost constantly in his hand. He kept
looking around him, and seemed anxious to appear unmoved by this great
reverse of fortune. Although he had been shaved this morning his face
did not evince health, and his arms, hands, and all his person
trembled. Immediately near him was the captain of the King's archer
guard, followed by another hundred archers, and thus was he led
through the town to the castle, which stands on a mount, where he will
remain well watched and guarded for the next eight days, until the
completion of the iron cage, which will be his constant night chamber.
The said cage is very strong; its irons are bound with wood, and the
metal is so tempered that if forcibly touched by a file, or any other
instrument, it would instantly fire the wood. I must not omit to tell
you that I being with the Spanish minister at a window by which the
Lord Louis had to pass, the said Lord, on having the Spanish envoy
pointed out to him, raised his cap, and then being told that your
Serenity's ambassador was likewise there, he stopped and made a sign
that he wished to speak, but I did not move. And the captain of
archers who was near him cried, "Let us get on! let us get on!" but
afterwards reported to the King's majesty that the Lord Louis then
said, "Go tell him that I made not my reverence to him; he is of an
evil race, devoid of faith," &c. I replied that I should have
considered myself disgraced, not honoured, by any demonstration of
goodwill from such a one. I afterwards went to the King's majesty at
his palace, and mentioned having seen the Lord Louis pass, and I found
there many other lords and nobles, who said some one thing some
another concerning Il Moro. The King told me he had determined on not
sending him to Loches, as he at first said, because he was in the
habit of going thither himself at certain seasons of the year to hunt,
and was averse to seeing his captive, but should have him taken to
Selys in Berri, about two leagues from Bourges, where there is a very
strong castle with wider moats than those at the citadel of Milan, and
full of water. This place is in the centre of France, and its warder
will be a former captain of his Majesty's archers when Duke of
Orleans, with a company of most faithful persons, all brought up under
his Majesty.
On dismounting from his mule, the Lord Louis was carried like a sack
into the castle, for he cannot walk a step without assistance, and all
think his days must be few. I humbly commend myself to your Serenity.
From Lyons, the 2nd of May, 1500.
BENTUS TRIVISANUS, _Eques, Orator_.
APPENDIX XII
(Page 391)
Ahi bella Italia, già sublime e diva!
Come ti pon' in man de' tuoi ribelli
Che ti darann' ognor aspri flagelli,
E di ciascun tuo ben resterai priva.
Hor ogni alta virtute in te fioriva,
Arme, dottrine, sculture, penelli,
Architetture, fabriche e martelli:
La prisca età tant' alto non saliva.
Già tutti i stuoli barbareschi e rei
Furono soggetti al tuo Felice scanno,
Et or t'inclini a lor come a' tuoi Dei.
Adunque piangi con perpetuo affanno,
Pensando a quel che fosti e a quel che or sei,
Che quanto è il ben ch'è perso, è tanto il danno.
MARCELLO FILOSSENO.
APPENDIX XIII
(Page 398)
The following narrative from Sanuto's Diaries of the Marriage
Festivities of the Princess of Ferrara gives an ample idea of the
pageants often alluded to in our volumes.
ORDER OF THE POMPS AND SPECTACLES FOR THE MARRIAGE OF THE LADY
LUCREZIA BORGIA, ON HER COMING TO HER HUSBAND AT FERRARA, THE LAST DAY
OF JANUARY, 1502.
First, the bridegroom Don Alfonso went to meet his bride at
Malalbergo. Then, on the 1st of February, the most illustrious Lady
Marchioness of Mantua went in the bucentaur, or state-barge, at the
fourteenth hour, with her attendants, almost to Malalbergo, where she
met the most illustrious bride, who was in a vessel with the most
illustrious Duchess of Urbino and a few others. My Lady Marchioness
then quitted her bucentaur for the bride's vessel, accompanied by the
illustrious Lady Laura di Gonzaga and the Marchioness of Cotrone, when
they embraced most courteously and proceeded towards Ferrara. On
reaching the moat-tower, they all disembarked, and the bride made her
reverence to the Lord Duke, who awaited her on the banks of the Po,
with seventy-five mounted bowmen drawn up in file, in red and white
uniform. The Duke having kissed her, and the foreign ambassadors with
him having touched her hand, all of them embarked on board the
bucentaurs, and so they arrived about the twenty-fourth hour at
Casale, a possession of Lord Alberto d'Este on the opposite bank of
the Po. The bride was received and led to her apartments by the Lady
Lucrezia Bentivoglio, with many other noble dames, who all returned to
Ferrara, after the steward of Don Alfonso had presented the Lady
Teodora and twelve damsels as companions for the bride, all dressed in
bodices [_camore_] of crimson satin and black velvet gowns with black
lambskin. She was also complimented with five carriages, the first of
which was covered with gold brocade and drawn by four horses, each
worth fifty ducats. The next was in black velvet with bay horses, and
the others in black satin drawn by horses of different colours. The
bride wore a robe of cloth of gold, with _tirate_ and _galezoto_ of
crimson satin, the sleeves of her chemise being in the Spanish
fashion. Over these was a mantle [_albernia_] slashed on one side with
black satin and trimmed with martens' fur. Her throat was bare, and
her sleeves slashed in her own taste. On her neck was a string of
large pearls with a garnet pendant pierced with a pearl; on her head a
gold cap without any bandlet. The Lady Marchioness wore a robe of
green velvet embroidered in gold, and a black velvet gown trimmed with
lynx-skin, a cap of gold on her head, and a golden bandlet on her
forehead, with a circlet of gold studded with diamonds round her neck.
The Lady Duchess of Urbino wore a black velvet robe embroidered with
golden ciphers.
Next day, the 2nd of February, the entry was made into Ferrara. First,
there came an advanced guard of seventy-five mounted archers of the
Duke in long coats [_salioni_] of white and red cloth, their three
officers all differently dressed. Then followed eighty trumpeters,
their long coats being half of gold brocade, and half of black and
white satin; next to whom twenty-four fifes and trombones; and then
the courtiers and nobles of Ferrara indiscriminately, seventy of whom
had gold collars, worth one with another 500 ducats, some of them
being from 800 to 1200 ducats. Thereafter the Duchess of Urbino's
company, in satin and velvet, this division being closed by the Lord
Don Alfonso, along with Messer Annibale Bentivoglio; he bestrode a
tall bay horse caparisoned in black velvet, with trappings of massive
beaten gold, wrought in relief, and a long coat of grey velvet covered
with gold scales, the whole equipment being estimated at 6000 ducats.
His black velvet cap had a fringe of beaten gold and white plumes. The
gaiters [_brusadrini_] on his legs were of grey _sumacho_. The
attendants at his stirrups were four pages and four tall men in
French doublets of gold brocade and black velvet with hose of black
and red cloth.
Next came the bride's company, in which were ten couple of Spaniards
with gold brocade frocks [_saghi_], over which they wore velvet
tabards lined with brocade or velvet; they had in all twelve gold
chains of no great weight. These were followed by the Bishops of
Adria, Comacchio, and Cervia with two others sent by the Pope, near
whom were the envoys of Lucca, Genoa, Siena, Florence, with two from
Venice in long robes of crimson velvet lined with fur, and four from
Rome in mantles of gold brocade lined with crimson satin, behind whom
were six tambourine players and a couple of running footmen.
Then came the bride, under a canopy of crimson satin borne by the
doctors of laws; and in advance of it was led a tall piebald horse
given her by the Lord Duke, with crimson velvet housings embroidered
with gold, upon which she made her entry as far as the bridge of
Castle Tealto, where it started at the discharge of fire-arms, and
nearly threw her, but she was supported by eight of her stirrup-men,
who were arrayed in long coats of black and yellow satin with hose to
match; after which accident she mounted a black mule, with furniture
of velvet covered with gold and studded with nails of beaten gold, a
most beautiful and rich sight. Her dress was a _camora_, with wide
sleeves in the French mode, of gold tissue and black satin slashed in
stripes; over that an _albernia_ of woven gold brocaded in relief,
which was open at the side and lined with ermine, as were also the
sleeves of her robe. On her throat was a collar of diamonds and
rubies, once belonging to our Lady of Ferrara of happy memory, and on
her head a jewelled cap (sent her to Rome with that necklace by the
Lord Duke), but no coronet. Her mule was led by six chamberlains of
Don Alfonso variously arrayed, and all with massive gold collars, and
she was attended only by the French ambassador.
The Lord Duke of Ferrara followed, with the Duchess of Urbino on his
right. She rode on a black mule, caparisoned in black velvet,
embroidered with woven gold. On her _camora_ of black velvet there
were certain triangles of beaten gold, being astrological signs; a
string of pearls surrounded her neck, and she wore a cap of gold. The
Lord Duke bestrode a brown horse, with housings of black velvet, and
wore a long cloak [_robbone_] of black velvet. Then came two noble
dames, the Lady Girolama Borgia and one Ursina, in black velvet,
behind whom the Lady Adriana, a widow related to the Pope: these were
the only ladies on horseback. Next to them was the Lady Lucrezia
Bentivoglio, in a carriage covered with gold brocade, followed by
twelve others filled with the bride's ladies of Ferrara and Bologna;
after whom there were led two of her sumpter mules with black velvet
furniture, garnished with beaten silver in various designs; and behind
these fifty-six other mules, covered with black and yellow cloth, and
twelve more with satin of these liveries brought up the rear.
Triumphal arches had been raised in some of the streets through which
the bride passed, and certain representations enacted; and so, at
sunset, the procession reached the piazza, where a spectacle had been
prepared of two men descending by cords from the Rugobello tower, and
from the turret of the Palazzo della Ragione, at which moment all the
prisoners were set free. The Lady Marchioness of Mantua stood to
receive the bride at the stairs of the castle court, arrayed in a
_camora_ embroidered with musical notes, and accompanied by her
mother-in-law, the Lady Laura di Gonzaga, whose _camora_ was of gold
brocade striped with black velvet: many ladies of Ferrara were also in
their company. When the bride dismounted, the Duke's archers seized
the canopy as their perquisite, whilst his stirrup-men and those of
Don Alfonso contended for the mule, which was finally obtained by
those of the bridegroom. The bride was then escorted by the
ambassadors and Don Alfonso, with the Marchioness of Mantua and the
Duchess of Urbino, into the grand hall and the ducal chambers, which
were prepared with household requisites; and after remaining there
awhile, all at length retired, and she and the bridegroom kept each
other company that night.
On the 3rd, after dinner, two dances were performed in the hall, but
with great difficulty, by reason of the crowd; and then the Duke
reviewed all the actors in the five forthcoming comedies, one hundred
and ten in number: they were in their stage dresses of taffety and
camlet, in the Moorish fashion. First, there came one who represented
Plautus, and recited the subjects of the proposed comedies, namely the
_Epidicus_, the _Bacchides_, the _Miles Gloriosus_, the _Asinaria_,
and the _Casina_. Then, about six o'clock, the first of them was
commenced, with some good Moorish interludes, one of which was
performed by some soldiers in antique dresses, with red and white
plumes, having mock breastplates, helmets, and arms; one party
wielding maces, the other axes, but each having swords and daggers.
The former were victorious: they attacked with maces and axes, then
with swords, finally with daggers, until half of them, having fallen
down, were led away prisoners by the others, and removed from the
stage. The second interlude was performed by some dressed as foot
soldiers, with gorgets and breastplates, a feather on their heads, and
hatchets in their hands; they fought like the others, after making a
review to the sound of the trumpet, as if going to battle. The third
interlude was musical, followed by certain Moors with two lighted
candles in their mouths. The last one was also played by Moors bearing
lighted torches, and making a fine show. Also, before the exit in the
third interlude, there came to the sound of fife a fire-eater, who
acquitted himself very well.
The bride did not make her appearance on the 4th until about noon,
when, having taken a slight collation, she came into the hall attended
by the diplomatic body. She wore a dress of gold thread in the French
mode, and an _albernia_ of dark satin, with narrow stripes of beaten
gold studded with small gems, and trimmed with ermine; on her head a
cap bossed with garnets and pearls, and on her neck a jewelled collar.
At the moment of her entrance into the hall there appeared also the
most illustrious Marchioness of Mantua: her dress was embroidered with
gold, her neck had a string of large pearls, with a great diamond in
the centre, and a richly jewelled bandlet on her brow. The most
illustrious Duchess of Urbino was with her, in a _camora_ of brown
velvet slashed, and bound with chains of massive gold. They spent the
day dancing in the hall until near sunset, when all adjourned to the
representation of the _Bacchides_ by Plautus, with two Moorish
interludes. One of these was executed by ten men dressed as if naked,
with aprons and long hair; in their hands were ten cornucopiæ, each
of them holding four lighted torches filled with turpentine, which
emitted flames when shaken. They were preceded by a damsel, who moved
timorously about, without music, towards the back of the stage, whence
a dragon issued to devour her; but a dismounted man-at-arms defended
her, combated and vanquished the dragon, and carried him off captive,
followed by the damsel in the arms of a youth, the ten men dancing
round them and making their turpentine blaze up. The second Moorish
interlude represented maniacs in their shirts, their hose over their
heads, and in their hands fly-flaps and inflated bladders to beat
themselves with.
During next day, which was Saturday, the bride was occupied all the
morning in washing [dying?] her head, and writing, nor did she appear
during the day; so the other lords and ladies, nobles and dames, went
for their pleasure through the city. And in the forenoon the Lady
Lucrezia presented privately to the Lord Duke the patent of the fief
of Ferrara from his Holiness. The Lady Marchioness of Mantua wore
to-day a gown of white silver tabi, and her head and neck were decked
with pearls; the Duchess of Urbino had a dress of velvet striped with
woven gold.
On Sunday, the 6th, solemn mass was chanted in the cathedral by the
Bishop of Carniola; of the principal lords only Don Alfonso being
present, accompanied by the French ambassador, but there were many
courtiers and a crowd of people. When mass was over, one of the Pope's
gentlemen of the bedchamber, named Messer Leandro, presented to Don
Alfonso a sealed bull, which being opened was of the following
tenor:--That it being usual for the Pontiff, every year, on Christmas
eve, to bless a sword and hat, as a present for some Christian prince
deserving well of the Church, his Holiness had made choice of his
Highness, in consideration both of the dignity of his house and the
excellency of his own person, the sword being in defence of the
Christian faith, and the hat for that of himself individually. This
brief having been publicly read, Don Alfonso went to the altar and
knelt, and the aforesaid Bishop, having recited some prayers, placed
on his head the hat of grey velvet, surmounted by a knot embroidered
in pearls, and fringed with gold, which crossed and hung down in the
form of a broad band, lined with ermine, with pendent tails. He then
placed in his hand the sword, which was very richly ornamented with
gold; and after he had remained thus for a short time, the Bishop
ungirded him, when, rising on his legs, he called for Messer Giulio
Tascone, who took the sword in his hand, having the hat on its point;
and thus they went to dinner by sound of trumpet.
After dinner the Lady Marchioness, arrayed in a black velvet robe, in
the French fashion, lined with crimson satin, slashed and bound with
lacets of massive gold, and buttoned down the front with garnet studs,
her cap being formed of certain golden bars set with precious stones,
and having round her throat a string of pearls and a golden necklace,
went to escort the bride from her chamber, accompanied by her brothers
and the Duchess of Urbino, whose gown was of black velvet closely
embroidered in gold, her head and neck in gala attire. The bride wore
a dress, in the French style, of dark satin, all striped with
fish-scales of woven gold, each stripe being of two fingers' breadth:
on her head were a cap and a richly jewelled coronet, and a pearl
necklace of great price round her throat. And thus they led her down
to the grand hall, where they danced for two hours, the bride with one
of her maidens performing _busia_ very admirably in the French style.
Then at sunset they went to the spectacle of the _Miles Gloriosus_, a
comedy of Plautus, which lasted five hours and a half including three
Moorish interludes. In the first of these, Cupid came upon the stage,
shooting arrows and spouting verses; and he was followed by twelve men
cased in tin, covered with lighted candlesticks, with looking-glasses
on their heads, and pierced paper balloons in their hands, also filled
with candles; so that it was a fine sight. The second interlude
represented goats rushing and leaping about the stage, with the
goatherd after them. The third was performed by foot soldiers in
doublets of gold and silver brocade, with white and red hose, and on
their heads black velvet caps with white plumes and false hair. In
their hands were darts, and at their sides daggers; they first moved
about the stage, thrusting at each other with the darts, and then with
the daggers, but always keeping time; and when this was concluded all
went to supper.
Next day, the 7th, about two o'clock, all met to witness a combat
between two men-at-arms, who had been allowed to fight in the piazza
fronting the cathedral. One of them was named Vicino da Imola, in the
Marquis of Mantua's service; the other was Aldobrandino Piatese, of
Bologna. At the third sounding of the trumpet they made their onset,
spurring their horses, and meeting near the extremity of the Palazzo
della Ragione, when Aldobrandino received a thrust in the shoulder
from his adversary, and was unhorsed. Throwing away their lances, they
then took to their swords; but Aldobrandino having lost the naked
sword of his bridle-hand at the first charge, employed the other, with
which, at close quarters, he gave two wounds to his enemy's horse, one
in the neck and the other in the shoulder. At length Vicino broke his
sword's point, and unwittingly used it thus for some time; but on
becoming aware of the fact, he seized his mace, and having soon lost
this also, he instantly took his dagger, dodging about the lists with
it, and courageously followed by his antagonist, who sought out his
exposed and wounded points with his sword; until, finally, having cut
him in the hand, Vicino's horse at the same instant beginning to
stagger from his two wounds, Aldobrandino would doubtless have
vanquished and slain his enemy, had not the Duke caused them to be
parted, having reserved to himself this right of separating the
combatants. Aldobrandino, after a very brief delay, was the first to
mount a fresh horse and ride round the lists, amid infinite shouts of
applause, and cries of "Turk, Turk!" [being a sort of slang for
"Pluck, pluck;"] his adversary exhibiting his broken sword. And this
duel of an hour's duration being so ended, the Duke, as umpire,
reserving his award, all went from this spectacle to that of the
comedy of Plautus, named the _Asinaria_, which was beautiful and
delectable. Its notable interludes were, first, ten wild men, who ran
about the stage jumping most fearfully, and then, terrified by the cry
of dogs and hunters, retreated into a wood, whence, on seeing some
coneys pass by, they pursued them with sticks and caught them. Then,
on hearing the horns again blown, they hid themselves a second time,
but came forth to chase some kids and chamois, which also they took.
Finally, at the third blast of the horns, they once more fled into the
wood, where they gave chase to a lion and a panther with their sticks;
and these animals, defending themselves, were at length taken and
bound by them, with great applause. Thereafter, all the ten met at one
end of the stage, jumping, and four of them having formed a circle
with their hands joined, other four sprang up and stood upon them with
joined hands, they all bounding and dancing to pipe music, whilst the
remaining two capered round them until they all separated. They all
wore bells, which sometimes rang and were sometimes mute, but all in
perfect time. Thereafter came some Mantuan music of the _tromboncino_,
_paula_, _poccini_, &c., and last of all twelve peasants made their
appearance with a tambourine, to represent the progress of
agriculture. First, they dug the ground with spades; then they sowed
from baskets filled with gilt copper chopped fine; then, with sickles,
they reaped the corn, and so, going through each step, winnowing and
housing it, until some peasant girls came forth with panniers and
covered caldrons for a repast, preceded by fifes, with whom the
husbandmen commenced dancing, and so went off the scene. The
performance ended at nine o'clock, when all moved to supper.
On this day the bride appeared in a dress of woven gold, and an
_albernia_ of dark satin lined with ermine; on her neck was a great
chain [_canata_, or fence of canes] of most valuable stones, and on
her head a coronet of diamonds and emeralds. The most illustrious
Marchioness wore a gown of crimson velvet striped with gold brocade in
open work; on her neck was a very rich chain of stones, and a coronet
of immense diamonds on her brow. The Lady Duchess had a black velvet
dress, striped and crossed with gold and silver brocade, with pearls
and jewels [_prede_] on her neck and head. The French envoy presented
the bride to-day with a string of Venetian gilt beads.
On the 8th, being Shrove-Tuesday of the carnival, the ambassadors
entered the bride's chamber to offer their gifts, the Duke having
already presented her with almost all his own jewels, which are most
beautiful and of great value. The Venetian first, after a fitting
exordium, presented robes and hoods of crimson velvet lined with
paunch fur. Then the Florentine gave her a beautiful piece of cloth of
gold flowered in relief, thirty-five yards long. The Sienese donated
two silver vases of considerable size and well wrought. Lastly, the
Lucchese gave a beautiful silver basin and ewer. Thereafter came the
bride arrayed in a robe of gold brocade and dark satin, slashed and
bound with white silk, with an _albernia_ of crimson satin lined with
ermine, and a most beautiful long chain of pearls and _prede_ on her
throat, with a jewelled cap on her head. She was accompanied by the
Lady Marchioness, in a dress of dark velvet covered with acorns woven
in gold, a collar of large pearls with a garnet centre, and a most
beautiful tiara of diamonds, rubies, and emeralds, along with the Lady
Duchess of Urbino in a gown of black velvet striped with gold, with a
jewelled necklace and diadem. They went into the hall, where they
danced till after sunset, and then proceeded to hear the last of the
comedies, the _Casina_, which was performed with great applause of the
spectators. The interludes were, first, one of music, in which a
_buffo_ was sung in praise of the bridal pair: this preceded the
comedy, after the first act whereof, a women in the French dress came
forward to the sound of a tambourine followed by ten youths clad in
taffety of Don Alfonso's colours of white and red, holding baskets on
which were inscribed "Love wills not." Then they danced, and the
woman, following them, snatched and threw away their baskets, on which
feigning anger they left the stage, but returned with darts in their
hands, wherewith they wounded her, leaving her half dead. Cupid then
came, and with his arrows floored these youths and freed her, when all
arose and left the stage. Thereafter music was performed by some
Mantuan barbarians, who sang a ballad, the burden whereof was Hope. On
the conclusion of the second act, six wild men appeared, and drew a
large globe to the centre of the stage, wherein were enclosed four
virtues, Justice, Fortitude, Temperance, and Prudence, who, on the
globe being opened at the blast of a horn, sang a song. After the
third act, some very good music was performed by six viols, one of
them played by the Lord Don Alfonso. In the fourth place, twelve men
in German arms came forward, with breastplates, halberds, and knives,
having plumes on their heads, and they performed a very fine Moorish
dance. Finally, there came other twelve with long torches lighted at
each end, who paced about in the Moorish fashion, making a most
beautiful display; and thus the spectacle ended at eleven o'clock,
when all went to supper.[316] During these nuptials, the most
illustrious Lady Marchioness of Mantua has made many presents, both in
money and dresses, to the trumpeters, buffoons, tambourine and fife
players, and other musicians: amongst them she gave dresses to three
Spanish buffoons, two being of gold brocade, the other of dark satin,
all beautifully figured.
[Footnote 316: It is scarcely necessary to point out in these
interludes the germ of the modern ballet spectacles (which in Italy
are still introduced between the acts of the opera), as well as of
various carnival pastimes. The details illustrate the history of the
stage, as well as the social manners of the cinque-cento, which may
excuse the length of this extract.]
END OF THE FIRST VOLUME.
GENEALOGICAL TABLES
[Transcriber's Note: Missing legends for natural children in some of
the genealogical tables have been added. In some tables, the original
uses the same symbol to indicate both natural children and skipped
generations. In order to distinguish between them, the skipped
generations are indicated by the § symbol, as that symbol is used for
that purpose in the other original tables.]
DESCENT OF THE MONTEFELTRI, COUNTS AND DUKES OF URBINO.
N.B.--_Natural children are connected thus_ !
!
!
I. ANTONIO, Lord of Monte Copiolo.
|
II. MONTEFELTRINO, made Count of Montefeltro in 1154.
___________|___________________________
| |
III. BUONCONTE, Count of Montefeltro TADDEO.
and of Urbino in 1216.
|
§
|
V. GUIDO IL VECCHIO, Count of Montefeltro = COSTANZA.
and Urbino, d. 1298. |
_________________________________|____________
| |
VI. FEDERIGO, Count of Montefeltro BUONCONTE.
and Urbino, d. 1322.
|
___________|_______________________________________
| | | |
GUIDONE. VII. NOLFO, VII. FEDERIGO SPERANZA.
Count of or NOVELLO.
Montefeltro VIII. |
and Urbino. |
____________________________|______________________________
| | | | |
| | 1378. | | |
VIII. ANTONIO, = GIOVANNA NOLFO = ---- GUIDO. GALEAZZO. ANNA.
C. of | GONZAGA. GABRIELLI.
Montefeltro |
and Urbino, |
d. 1404. |
_|_______________________________________
| | |
1. | 2. | |
RENGARDA, = IX. GUIDANTONIO, = CATERINA, ANNA. BATTISTA, = GALEAZZO
d. of | C. of | d. of d. 1447. § MALATESTA,
Galeazzo | Montefeltro | Lorenzo Lord of
Malatesta S.P. and Urbino, | Colonna, Pesaro.
of Rimini, d. 1442. | d. 1438.
d. 1423. ! |
________! ________|________________________________________
! | | | | |
! X. ODDANTONIO, | VIOLANTE = DOMENICO | SUEVA = ALESSANDRO
! DUKE OF | | MALATESTA | SFORZA of
! URBINO, BIANCA = GUIDANTONIO | NOVELLO | Pesaro.
! d. 1444. MANFREDI, | of Cesena, |
! of Faenza. | d. 1465. AGNESINA = ALESSANDRO
! | GONZAGA of
! S.P. Castiglione.
!___________________________________________________________
| |
1437. | 1460. |
GENTILE, d. of = X. FEDERIGO, = BATTISTA, d. of AURA = BERNARDINO
Bartolomeo | DUKE OF URBINO, | Alessandro | UBALDINI
Brancaleone | b. 1429, | Sforza of | DELLA CARDA.
of Mercatello | d. 1482. | Pesaro, |
Durante, | ! | b. 1446, d. 1472. OTTAVIANO.
d. 1457. S.P. ! |________________________________________
! |
_______________________!_________________________________________ |
| | | | |
BUONCONTE, ANTONIO = EMILIA PIA BERNARDINO, AGOSTINO FREGOSO, = GENTILE. |
d. 1458. DA CARPI. d. 1458. of Sta. Agata. |
|
_________________________________________________________________________|________________________
| | | | | | |
| 1489. | | 1474. | 1474. | | CHIARA, a Nun.
XI. GUIDOBALDO I., = ELISABETTA, | GIOVANNA = GIOVANNI AGNESINA = FABRIZIO | |
DUKE OF URBINO, | d. of | 1475. | DELLA | COLONNA, | VIOLANTE = GALEOTTO
b. 1472, | Federigo, ELISABETTA, = ROBERTO | ROVERE | Lord of | MALATESTA.
d. 1508 | Marq. of b. 1461. MALATESTA | of | Marino. |
| Mantua, of Rimini, | Sinigaglia, ______|______ COSTANZA = ANTONELLO
| d. 1526. d. 1482. | Prefect | | SANSEVERINO,
| | of Rome. ASCANIO VITTORIA Prince of
S.P. | COLONNA, COLONNA, Salerno.
THE DELLA ROVERE Claimant of Marchioness
DUKES OF URBINO. Urbino, in of Pescara.
1522-1530.
DESCENT OF THE MALATESTA, as connected with URBINO.
N.B.--_Natural children are connected thus_ !
!
!
MALATESTA, of Verucchio, = MARGHERITA PANDOLFINI.
Lord of Rimini, in 1280. |
|
|
PANDOLFO MALATESTA,
Lord of Rimini,
d. 1326.
|
_____________|_________________________________
| |
MALATESTA GALEAZZO,
MALATESTA, or GALEOTTO
Lord of MALATESTA,
Pesaro. Lord of
______|_______ Rimini,
| | Faenza, and
MALATESTA PANDOLFO = CONSTANZA Fossombrone,
MALATESTA, MALATESTA, | D'ESTE, d. 1383.
called Lord of | of |
_l'Ungaro_, Pesaro, | Ferrara. |
d. 1372. d. 1373. | |
______________| |
| |
| _____________________________________|
| | | | |
| CARLO PANDOLFO ANDREA RENGARDA, = GUIDANTONIO,
| MALATESTA, MALATESTA, MALATESTA, d. 1423. Count of
| Count of Lord of Lord of Urbino,
| Rimini, Fano, &c., Cesena, d. 1442.
| d. 1429. d. 1427. d. 1416.
| !
______|______ !
| | !
MALATESTA SIGISMONDO ____!______________________
MALATESTA, MALATESTA, | | |
Lord of Lord of GALEAZZO SIGISMONDO DOMENICO = VIOLANTE DI
Pesaro, Pesaro. ROBERTO, PANDOLFO, MALATESTA MONTEFELTRO,
d. 1429. Lord of Lord of _Novello_, of Urbino.
|______________ Rimini, Rimini, Lord of
| d. 1432. married,-- Cesena,
| 1. GIUNIPERA d. 1465.
| D'ESTE,
| 2. POLISSENA
| SFORZA,
| 3. ISOTTA
| DEGLI ATTI,
| d. 1468.
| !
| !
1 | 2 !
BATTISTA DI = GALEAZZO = MARIA DE' !
MONTEFELTRO, | MALATESTA, MEDICI, !
of Urbino, | sold Pesaro d. of !
d. 1447. | in 1444. Pierino. !
| !
ELISABETTA = PIER-GENTILE !
MALATESTA | VARANA, of !
| Camerino, !
| d. 1433. !
| !
COSTANZA = ALESSANDRO !
VARANA | SFORZA, !
| Lord of !
| Pesaro, !
| d. 1473. !
| !
BATTISTA = FEDERIGO, !
SFORZA, Count of !
d. 1472. Urbino, !
d. 1482. !
!
!
_____________________________________!_________________________
| | | | | |
ROBERTO = ELISABETTA | | | MARGHERITA = CARLO DI GIOVANNA = GIULIO
MALATESTA, DI | | | MONTONE, CESARE
_the_ MONTEFELTRO, | | | of VARANA,
_Magnificent_, of Urbino. | | | Perugia. Lord of
Count of | GIOVANNI.| Camerino,
Rimini, | | d. 1502.
d. 1482. VALERIO. SALLUSTIO.
!
!
PANDOLFO, = VIOLANTE
died BENTIVOGLIO,
in an of Bologna.
hospital.
DESCENT OF THE ORSINI, as connected with URBINO.
_From Litta._
N.B.--_Natural children are connected thus_ !
!
!
1 2
PERNA GAETANI = MATTEO ROSSO ORSINI, = GIOVANNA DELL'AQUILA.
a great Campagna
baron, 10th in
descent from Orso,
who lived A.D. 1000;
d. 1246.
____________________|________________________________
| | |
GENTILE ORSINI. RINALDO ORSINI, NAPOLEONE.
| of Monterotondo, |
§ d. 1267. §
| | |
NICOLÒ ORSINI, | GIOVANNI ORSINI, = BARTOLOMEA
Count of Petigliano, | 6th from | SPINELLI.
a famous Condottiere, § Napoleone. |
9th from Gentile, | |
d. 1510. | |
| |
____________|__________ |
| | |
CLARICE = LORENZO ORSINI, GIACOMO ORSINI. |
ORSINI, of | of Monterotondo, | |
Bracciano. | 6th from Rinaldo. CLARICE, = LORENZO DE' |
| d. 1488. § MEDICI, _the |
| Magnificent_. |
|_______________________ |
_____________________________|______________ |
| | | |
GIULIO ORSINI, = MARGHERITA GIANBATTISTA, GIOVANNA = GIOVANNI |
Condottiere, | CONTI. Cardinal, | DA CERI. |
d. 1513. | poisoned 1503. | |
| | |
MARIO ORSINI, = VIRGINIA RENZO DA CERI, |
Condottiere, DELLA ROVERE. Condottiere. |
d. 1529. |
|
_________________________________________________________|
| |
FRANCESCO ORSINI, = MARGHERITA DELLA MARRA. CARLO ORSINI = PAOLA
Duke of Gravina, | | ORSINI, of
d. 1456. § | Tagliacozza.
| |
FERDINANDO ORSINI, = VIRGINIA DELLA ROVERE, |
Duke of Gravina, da. of Guidobaldo II. |
6th from Francesco. Duke of Urbino. |
|
__________________________________________________________|__________
| | |
NAPOLEONE ORSINI, = FRANCESCA ORSINI, ROBERTO ORSINI, = CATERINA LATINO ORSINI,
of Bracciano | of Monterotondo. Condottiere, | SANSEVERINO. Cardinal,
d. 1480. | d. 1476. | d. 1447.
| | !
| ALFONSINA = PIETRO !
| ORSINI DE' MEDICI. !
| !
| PAOLO ORSINI,
| Condottiere,
| strangled 1503.
__________|__________________________ |
| | |
GENTILE VIRGINIO ORSINI, = TRIFALDA BARTOLOMEA = BARTOLOMEO |
of Bracciano, | ORSINI, of D'ALVIANO, |
Condottiere, | Pacentro. Condottiere. |
d. 1497. | |
! |_____________________ |
! 1 | 2 |
CARLO ORSINI, MARIA CECILIA D'ARAGON, = GIANGIORDANO = FELICE DELLA |
Count of bastard of Ferdinand, | ORSINI, of | ROVERE, bastard |
Anguillara, King of Naples. | Bracciano. § of Julius II. |
Condottiere, | | |
d. 1505. NAPOLEONE The Dukes of |
ORSINI. Bracciano. |
|
______________________________|
__________________________________________|____________
| | |
FABIO ORSINI, = GIROLAMA CAMILLO ORSINI, = BRIGIDA PORZIA = VITELLOZZO VITELLI,
Condottiere. BORGIA. Condottiere, | ORSINI, of of Città di Castello,
d. 1559. | Bracciano. strangled 1503.
|
| 1541.
PAOLO ORSINI, = LAVINIA FRANCIOTTI
Condottiere. DELLA ROVERE.
TABLES SHOWING THE DISPUTED SUCCESSION TO THE CROWN OF NAPLES.
_From Le Sage, &c._
N.B.--_Natural children are connected thus_ !
!
!
I. LINES OF NORMANDY, HOHENSTAUFEN, AND ARAGON.
TANCRED, Lord of Hauteville,
in Normandy, before 1000.
____________________|_____________________
| |
ROGER, ROBERT GUISCARD,
Count of Sicily, his fourth son,
d. 1101. Duke of Puglia,
| d. 1085.
|
ROGER, 1st King of
Naples and Sicily,
d. 1154.
|
__________________|______________________
| | |
WILLIAM THE BAD, ROGER, d. 1149. CONSTANTIA = HENRY VI. of Hohenstaufen,
2nd K. of N. & S., ! | Emperor of Germany,
d. 1166. ! | d. 1197,
| TANCRED, bastard, | 6th K. of N. and S.
| 4th K. of N. & S., |
| d. 1194. |
WILLIAM THE GOOD, | FREDERICK II., Emp. of Germany,
3rd K. of N. & S., | 7th K. of N. & S., d. 1250.
d. 1189. WILLIAM III., | !
5th K. of N. & S., | !
deposed by CONRAD IV., MANFRED, bastard,
Emp. Henry VI. Emp. of G., usurped N. & S.,
in 1194. 8th K. of N. & S., d. 1266.
d. 1254. |
| |
CONRADIN, CONSTANTIA, = PETER III.,
K. _de jure_ of d. 1300. | K. of Aragon,
N. & S., d. 1268. | became K. of
Pope Clement IV. | Sicily after
gave his kingdom | the Sicilian
to Charles | vespers,
of Anjou. | d. 1285.
|
__________________________________________________|___
| | |
ALFONSO III., K. of JAMES, K. of Aragon, FREDERICK III.,
Aragon and Sicily, and K. of Sicily, 3rd K. of Sicily,
d. 1291. abdic. 1295. d. 1337.
| |
| |
ALFONSO IV., PETER II.,
of Aragon, 4th K. of Sicily,
d. 1336. d. 1342.
| |
| |
PETER IV., |
of Aragon, _________________|_
d. 1388. | |
| LOUIS, FREDERICK III.,
| 5th K. of S., 6th K. of Sicily,
| d. 1355. d. 1377.
| |
| |
_______________|_________ |
| | |
ELEANORA, = JOHN I., MARTIN I., |
d. 1382. | K. of Castile. of Aragon, |
| 8th K. of Sicily, |
| d. 1410. |
FERDINAND THE JUST, | |
K. of Aragon, MARTIN, = MARY,
9th K. of Sicily, Prince of Aragon, heiress of Sicily,
d. 1416. 7th K. of Sicily, d. 1402.
| d. 1409.
|
_____|______________________________________
| |
JOHN II., = JANE ENRIQUEZ. ALPHONSO V.,
K. of Aragon, | K. of Aragon
Sicily, and | and Sicily,
Navarre, | and I. as
d. 1479. | K. of Naples,
| by adoption of
| Joanna II.,
| d. 1458.
| !
| !
| FERDINAND I.,
| K. of Naples,
| d. 1494.
_______|______ |
| | |
ISABELLA, = FERDINAND JANE = FERDINAND I., ALFONSO II.,
heiress of | THE CATHOLIC, K. of Naples. K. of Naples,
Castile, | K. of Aragon, d. 1495.
d. 1504. | Castile, |
| Naples, |
| and Sicily, FERDINAND II.,
| d. 1516. K. of Naples,
| d. 1496.
|
_________________|_______________________________________________________
| | | |
ISABELLA, JANE THE INSANE, = PHILIP THE FAIR, MARY, CATHERINE,
Q. of Portugal. heiress of Aragon, | son of Emperor Q. of Portugal. Q. of England.
Castile, and | Maximilian,
Sicily, d. 1555. | d. 1506.
|
|
The Emperor CHARLES V., d. 1558.
II. LINES OF ANJOU.
LOUIS VIII.,
K. of France,
d. 1226.
________________|___________
| |
ST. LOUIS, CHARLES, Count of Anjou and Provence,
K. of France, invested by Clement IV.
d. 1270. with Naples and Sicily, 1265,
| d. 1285.
| |
| |
| CHARLES II., K. of N., d. 1309.
| |
| ________________|___________________
| | | | |
| CHARLES MARTEL, ROBERT, PHILIP, JOHN,
| K. of Hungary, K. of N., d. 1332. d. 1335.
| d. 1290. d. 1343. | ____|_____
| | | | | |
| | CHARLES, | LOUIS, CHARLES, = MARY of
| CHARLES d. 1328. | d. 1362. d. 1348. | Naples,
| ROBERT, | | | d. 1366.
| K. of H., | | |
| d. 1342. _|_____________ | __________ |____________
| | | | | |
| ___|_____ | ____|___ | |
| | | | | | 2 | 1 |
| LOUIS, ANDREW, = JOANNA = LOUIS of PHILIP, = MARY, = CHARLES = MARGARET,
| K. of d. I., Tarento, d. d. of | d. 1412.
| Hungary, 1345. Q. of N., d. 1362. 1368. 1366. Durazzo, |
| d. 1382. d. 1382. d. 1412. |
| ___________________________|
| | |
| LADISLAUS, JOANNA II., Q. of Naples,
| K. of Naples, who adopted 1st Alfonso V.,
| d. 1414. K. of Aragon and Sicily;
| 2nd René of Anjou and
| Provence, +1435.
__|___________________________
| |
PHILIP THE BOLD, CHARLES of
K. of France, Valois of Anjou.
d. 1285. |
PHILIP VI., of
Anjou, d. 1350.
|
JOHN II., of
Anjou, d. 1364.
________________|__________________
| | |
CHARLES V., LOUIS I., PHILIP,
K. of of Anjou, D. of Burgundy,
France, Titular K. d. 1404,
d. 1377. of Naples, great-grandfather of
| d. 1384. |
_________|_________ | |
| | | §
CHARLES VI., LOUIS, | |
K. of France, D. of LOUIS II., |
d. 1422, Orleans, of Anjou, |
grandfather of d. 1407. Titular K. CHARLES THE BOLD,
| | of N., D. of Burgundy,
§ | d. 1417. d. 1477.
| | |
LOUIS XI., CHARLES, |
K. of F., D. of O., |
d. 1483. d. 1465. |____________________________________
| | | | |
| | LOUIS III., RENÉ LE BON, CHARLES,
CHARLES = ANNE of = LOUIS XII., of Anjou, C. of Provence, Count of Maine,
VIII., K. Bretagne, K. of F., Titular Titular d. 1472.
of France, d. 1514. d. 1515. K. of N., K. of N., |
d. 1498. d. 1434. d. 1480. |
|
CHARLES,
Tit. D. of Calabria,
bequeathed his
claims on Naples to
Louis XI. of France,
d. 1481.
THE SFORZA DESCENT
N.B.--_Natural children are connected thus_ !
!
!
GIACOMO MUZIO ATTENDOLO SFORZA, Count of Cotignola, 1369-1424.
!
______________________________!____________________
| |
FRANCESCO = BIANCA ALESSANDRO = COSTANZA
SFORZA, | MARIA SFORZA, | VARANA of
Duke of | VISCONTI. Lord of | Camerino.
Milan, | Pesaro, |
1450, | b. 1409, |
b. 1401, | d. 1473. |
d. 1466. | |
| |
__________|_________________________________ |
| | | | |
GALEAZZO = BONA CARDINAL IPPOLITA LUDOVICO = BEATRICE |
MARIA, | of ASCANIO, MARIA, IL MORO, | D'ESTE |
D. of | Savoy. d. 1505. 1446-1484, D. of | of |
Milan, | m. Milan, | Ferrara. |
1444-1476.| ALFONSO, K. 1451-1508.| |
! | of Naples. | |
! | | |
CATERINA | | |
RIARIO | | |
SFORZA. | | |
| | |
____|________________ _______|____ |
| | | | |
GIOVANNI = ISABELLA BIANCA MAXIMILIANO, FRANCESCO, |
GALEAZZO,| of Naples. MARIA, D. of Milan, D. of |
D. of | 1472-1510, 1493-1530. Milan, |
Milan, | m. the 1495-1535. |
b. 1469, | Emperor |
d. 1494. | Maximilian. |
| |
| __________________________________|
| | | |
FRANCESCO SFORZA, COSTANZO = CAMILLA GINEVRA, BATTISTA,
b. 1490, d. 1522. SFORZA MARZANA m. m.
of of Sessa. BENTIVOGLIO Federigo,
Pesaro, of Bologna. D. of
d. 1483. Urbino.
!
!
1 ! 2
LUCREZIA BORGIA = GIOVANNI SFORZA = GINEVRA TIEPOLO.
of Pesaro, |
d. 1510. |
|
COSTANZO SFORZA.
DESCENT OF THE BORGIA, as connected with URBINO
_From Moreri, &c._[H]
[Transcriber's Note: This table is not historically accurate, but is
presented here as it appears in the original.]
_N.B.--Natural children are connected thus_ !
!
!
GIOVANNI BORGIA, or BORJA of Xativa.
|
_________________________|__________________________
| | |
ALFONSO BORGIA, CATERINA = GIOVANNI DEL MILA. GIOVANNA = GIUFFREDO
elected Pope as | or ISABELLA | or ALFONSO
Calixtus III. | | LENZUOLI.
1455, d. 1458. LUIGI GIOVANNI, |
! Cardinal, d. 1507. |
! |
FRANCESCO B. |
Cardinal in 1500, |
b. 1441, d. 1511. |
____________________________________________________|
| |
PIERLUIGI B. DOMENICO = VANOSIA by RODERIGO by GIULIA = MONOCULO
Prefect D'ARIGNANO ! BORGIA, ! FARNESE, ORSINI.
of Rome. or ARIMANO. ! elected ! called
| ! Pope as ! BELLA,
| ! Alexander ! sister
|? ! VI. 1492, ! of
| ! b. 1431, ! Pope
| ! d. 1503. ! Paul III.
_______|____________________ ! !
| | | ! !
GIOVANNI B. GIOVANNI B. PIERLUIGI B. ! GIOVANNI B.
Cardinal Cardinal Cardinal ! Duke of Nepi.
in 1492, in 1496, in 1500, !
d. 1503. d. 1500. d. 1511. !
!
________________________________________!____________________________
| | | |
FRANCESCO, = MARIA CESARE = CHARLOTTE GIUFFREDO = SANCIA, |
or | ENRIQUEZ. BORGIA, | D'ALBRET, B. Prince bastard |
GIOVANNI | Duke of | sister of of |
B. Duke | Romagna, | of Jean, Squillace. Alfonso |
of Gandia, | d. 1507. | King of II. of |
d. 1497. | | Navarre. Naples. |
| | |
| | 1. GASPARE PROCIDA = Lucrezia
| | Count of Aversa.
| |
| | 2. GIOVANNI SFORZA =
| | of Pesaro, d. 1510.
| |
| | 3. ALFONSO =
| | Duke of Bisceglia,
| | d. 1500.
| | |
| | RODERIGO B.
| | Duke of Sermoneta.
| |
| | 4. ALFONSO I. =
| | Duke of Ferrara.
| | |
| | §
| | Dukes of Ferrara.
| |
| LOUIS DE LA = LOUISA = PHILIPPE DE
| TREMOUILLE. BOURBON-BUSSET.
|_________________________________
| |
GIOVANNA, = GIOVANNI B. = FRANCESCA ISABELLA,
d. of | Duke of § DA CASTRO. a nun.
ALFONSO, | Gandia.
bastard of |
Ferdinand |
II. of |
Spain. |
___|___________________________
| |
SAINT FRANCESCO B. = ELEONORA RODERIGO,
Duke of Gandia, DA CASTRO. Cardinal,
General of the +1537.
Jesuits, b. 1510,
d. 1572.
[Footnote H: Cf. with the Table in YRIARTE, _César Borgia_, vol. I.]
DESCENT OF THE VITELLI of CITTÀ DI CASTELLO, as connected with URBINO
_From Litta_
N.B.--_Natural children are connected thus_ !
!
!
GEROZZO, a Citizen = GUGLIELMA MIGLIORATI.
of Città di Castello, |
d. 1398. |
________________|_____
| |
VITELLOZZO VITELLI, GIOVANNI VITELLI, = MADDALENA
a successful partisan d. 1415. | GHERARDO.
leader, d. 1462. |
|
NICOLÒ V., head of = PANTASILEA
his party after 1462, | ABBOCATELLI.
d. 1496. |
! |
! |
GIULIO V., d. 1530. |
|
_____________________________________________________|____
| | | |
VITELLOZZO V., = BORGIA, PAOLO V., = GIROLAMA GIOVANNI V., CAMILLO V., = LUCREZIA
strangled at d. of beheaded | ORSINI, d. 1487. Count of BAGLIONE,
Sinigaglia, Paolo at | sister | Montone, of
1503. Orsini. Florence | of the | Duke of Perugia.
in 1499. | wife of | Gravina,
! | Pietro | d. 1496.
! | de' | !
ALESSANDRO V., | Medici. GIOVANNI VI., !
d. 1556. | d. 1513. !
| VITELLO,
____________________|_________ d. 1528.
| |
NICOLÒ V. = GENTILINA CHIAPPINO V.,
d. 1529. | STAFFA. d. 1511.
|
___|____________
| |
CHIAPPINO V., PAOLO V.
d. 1575.
* * * * * *
Transcribers Errata List
Page xxi, number 18: Price is missing in original.
Page xxii, number 21: "Sazi" should be "Sanzi".
Page xxii, number 22: "Luigo Allemanno" should be "Luigi Alamanni".
Page 460, bottom: Subtotal is missing in original.
Missing legends for natural children in some of the genealogical
tables have been added. In some tables, the original uses the same
symbol to indicate both natural children and skipped generations.
In order to distinguish between them, the skipped generations are
indicated by the § symbol, as that symbol is used for that purpose
in the other original tables.
In the first table relating to the succession to the Crown of Naples,
Jane, wife of Ferdinand I., is actually his second wife, and not the
mother of his issue listed here. The original table lists this
marriage twice; both instances are combined here for clarity.
The Borgia genealogical table is not historically accurate, but is
presented here as it appears in the original. (See the author's
comment on the Borgia pedigree on p. 320.)
Footnote 226: Errors in the Boccalini quotations have been corrected
by comparison with the 1612 edition of 'De' ragguagli di Parnaso' at
the Internet Archive.
Footnote 299: Original erroneously cites p. 385; corrected to p. 401.
Footnote 301: Original erroneously cites p. 385; corrected to p. 401.