CHAPTER XVIII

Duke Guidobaldo's retired life--Cesare Borgia surprises and

seizes Urbino--The Duke's flight--The diet of La

Magione--Rising in the Duchy, and his return--He again

retires.

Our attention has been long distracted from our mountain duchy, whose

lord sought, in the peaceful retreat of his elegant court and happy

home, to isolate himself from intrigues alien to his tastes and

perilous to his welfare. The notices we shall gather of his social

circle towards the close of his life would doubtless apply, in part,

to this period, so barren of incidents as to have baffled our

research. All we know of him after his return from Venice is, that at

Easter, in 1500, he visited Rome, with a suite of six horsemen and

sixty attendants on foot, to observe with due honour the jubilee

functions, and that, in the following February, one Camillo Caraccioli

was hanged at Urbino, as an emissary of Valentino, suspected of a

design to assassinate the Duke. In November, 1501, he met with a

severe political as well as domestic loss in the death of his

brother-in-law Giovanni della Rovere, Lord of Sinigaglia, and Prefect

of Rome. In pursuance of the arrangement already referred to, of

adopting his son Francesco Maria as heir of Urbino, the boy, then in

his twelfth year, was removed to that court; and with a view to throw

these parties more completely off their guard, Alexander continued to

the youth his father's dignity of prefect, with which he was solemnly

invested, on the 24th of April, in the cathedral of Urbino, a hint

being still held out of betrothing him to Angela Borgia, niece of his

Holiness. The installation was not attended by the Duchess, who, when

the ceremonies and fetes of Lucrezia Borgia's marriage were concluded

at Ferrara, had proceeded to Venice, accompanying her sister-in-law

the Marchioness of Mantua, and attended by her faithful Emilia Pia.

They remained there during several weeks, preserving a nominal

incognito, and attending public sights muffled in their hoods, but

received from the Signory a compliment of confectionary and wax to the

amount of twenty-five ducats. On Easter Thursday they went to Verona

and so to Mantua, where the Duchess remained until joined by her lord

on his flight from Urbino.

* * * * *

The ambition of the Borgia must again claim our attention. For the

nominal purpose of avenging upon the Colonna and Savelli their

adherence to the King of Naples, Alexander had anew instituted an

active persecution against these powerful barons of the Campagna and

their inviting fiefs. But a larger field was wanting for Cesare's

ever-expanding designs. Tuscany and Bologna were now under the

protection of Louis XII.; the heir of Ferrara had become his

brother-in-law; so was he compelled to turn towards La Marca in

pursuit of his plans of usurpation. The Pope, having on some idle

ground declared the fief of Camerino forfeited by Giulio Cesare

Varana, its hereditary seigneur, sent Valentino to expel him by arms.

At the same time, Vitellozzo Vitelli, lieutenant-general in Cesare's

service, laid siege to Arezzo, on pretext of avenging his brother

Paolo's judicial murder by the Florentines, but having, no doubt, a

secret understanding with his master. The events, now crowding upon

each other, which reduced Guidobaldo within a few hours from his

flourishing sovereignty to proscription and exile, are clearly

narrated in a letter written by himself a few days after his romantic

escape, and addressed to Cardinal Giuliano della Rovere, the uncle of

his adopted heir, whom we shall, ere long, have to notice as Pope

Julius II. It has been printed by Leone in his life of Duke Francesco

Maria I.; but our translation was made from a contemporary copy in the

Vatican library.[290] That the costly visit of Lucrezia to

Urbino,[*291] the journey of Duchess Elisabetta to Ferrara, the

withdrawal of troops and money to Arezzo, and the demand for

artillery, were all parts of a deep-laid design to embarrass

Guidobaldo, and facilitate the treacherous seizure of his capital by

Cesare Borgia, is established beyond question by that letter. The

attachment of his subjects, the respectability of his character, the

support of France and of Venice secured to him by solemn pactions, the

personal influence with Louis of his relation the Cardinal della

Rovere, and the strength of his country, all presented most serious

political and military obstacles to the employment against the Duke of

the same means by which Valentino had gained a footing in Romagna. A

surprise might anticipate remonstrance and paralyse resistance.

Recourse was therefore had to treachery, and its success was equal to

the cunning which prepared and the dexterity which effected it.

[Footnote 290: Urb. MSS. No. 1023, f. 188. In No. 904, f. 43, is the

diary of a citizen of Urbino during the usurpation of Borgia, which

has supplied us with many of the succeeding details.]

[Footnote *291: In this year begins _Diario delle Cose di Urbino_,

which FEDERICO MADIAI has published in _Arch. St. per le Marche e per

l'Umbria_, vol. III., p. 423 _et seq._ It begins on January 18, the

day on which Lucrezia came to Urbino, "_con 150 cavalli e circa 2000

bocche_." "_Andò moglie di D. Ferrante figlio del Duca di Ferrara. Fu

stimato che tra Gubbio, Cagli e Urbino il nostro Duca spendesse circa

ottomila ducati._" For Gubbio, see A. PELLEGRINI, _Gubbio sotto i

Conti e Duchi d'Urbino_, in _Boll. per l'Umbria_, vol. XI., p. 211 _et

seq._]

"Most reverend Lord,

"Your Lordship has doubtless ere now learned the excessive

treachery used towards me by the Pope and Duke Valentino,

and must feel surprise at not having received from me any

confirmation of the fact. I pray your pardon for this delay;

but the great difficulties I encountered in saving myself

have occupied all my thoughts, although that I have reached

this, may be ascribed rather to a miraculous interposition

of Providence than to anything else. But to put you in

possession of the whole case, you must know that the affair

of Arezzo against the Florentines being disclosed to me

after the return of Nicoloso Doria, I could not credit such

a piece of villainy, for I never did or conceived anything

in regard to the Pope or Duke Valentino except for their

pleasure and profit. I therefore remained in secure

reliance, considering the expeditions against Tuscany and

Camerino to be great and justifiable enterprises: and I did

so the more that my agent in Rome daily received pressing

assurances of affection and safety from the Pope, the

Cardinal of Modena, Trotti, Signor Adriano, Signor Paolo

Orsini, and Duke Valentino. The Cardinal, in particular,

volunteered to me, through an Observantine friar of

influence who was much in my interest, the most solemn

assurances on his own responsibility that I had nothing to

fear, and that, having seen every despatch sent to France,

Germany, and Venice, he was certain my name was never

alluded to but in friendly terms. Whilst I thus remained

inactive, and ready to follow your Lordship's advice, which

I had already most anxiously sought through the Lord

Prefect, I heard of the Duke leaving Rome with his troops,

and at the same moment was applied to for a thousand

infantry by Vitellozzo, who having taken Arezzo was doubtful

of carrying the citadel. To whom I replied, that I had every

wish to oblige his Holiness, the Duke, and himself, but

that, as the Florentines were under French protection, and,

as I had no personal quarrel with them to plead, I wished he

would get the Pope to send a written application to me as

his vicar, which I would at once obey. This answer he took

much amiss, and refused me, saying that he would have the

place without me.

"There arrived soon after at Perugia the Bishop of Elna, as

commissary-general of the Pope for the enterprise against

Camerino, who sent me two Spanish gentlemen, with a letter

from his Holiness, couched in the most affectionate terms,

and stating that having ever found me in all respects

devoted to the Church and to himself, he prayed me to concur

in all the Duke's projects, and to execute the directions

which I should receive from the Bishop. My reply placed

myself at his Holiness's disposal. The Spaniards then

informed me that my artillery must advance by Gubbio, Cagli,

La Serra, and Sassoferrato, for which purpose I should have

the roads repaired, and draught oxen provided; they likewise

required me to give free passage and provisions for [an

escort of] fifteen hundred foot. I immediately sent back

with them Messer Dolce, to inform the Bishop that these

instructions should all be willingly fulfilled, and I gave

the necessary orders to the commissioner of Cagli and the

lieutenant of Gubbio. I subsequently wrote to Messer Dolce

at Perugia, desiring him to proceed as far as Spoleto to

meet the Duke, and to wait upon his Excellency with every

offer of service. He was received with all possible

demonstrations of gratitude by the Duke, who assured him,

with many thanks, that on no one in Italy could he look with

the same fraternal attachment as myself; and who further

earnestly entreated that I should send the thousand men to

Vitellozzo. Messer Dolce having reported these matters to

me, I instantly sent him back to represent my readiness to

comply, on receiving from the Pope and his Excellency such

letters as should discharge me of every responsibility with

the King of France, and to propose that, since the exigence

did not afford time to obtain these, Vitellozzo might raise

five hundred men in my state, for which purpose I should

contribute 1000 ducats, a force which would probably

suffice, as I had just heard of his having reduced the

citadel of Arezzo. I also prepared a beautiful charger with

a surcoat of brocade, and sent them with Messer Dolce next

day as a present, to the Duke.

"But the latter, having suddenly taken horse at Spoleto

hurried towards Costaccioro, sending forward two thousand

men, whom he called the foot artillery; and these, having

been admitted by my people, according to my instructions,

advanced without further leave upon Cagli. The Duke,

hurrying after them, was met between Cagli and Cantiano by

Messer Dolce, who at the same moment received advices from

Fossombrone, that of the two thousand infantry whom the

former had in Romagna for the enterprise against Camerino,

one half had moved upon Isola di Fano, Sorbolongo, and

Reforzato, which places commanded the passes between my

territory and that of the Lord Prefect, and that, besides

these, a soldier was quartered in every house at Fano. It

further appeared that the Counts of Montevecchio and S.

Lorenzo, who were hovering on that frontier, had within the

last few days been taken into the Duke's pay.

"These several pieces of intelligence, so very different

from my anticipations, reached me within the interval of an

hour, about eight o'clock at night, whilst I was enjoying

myself at supper in the country, supposing myself in perfect

security. I hurried back to Urbino, and there found a

message from the authorities of S. Marino, to inform me that

the remaining thousand infantry of Romagna had advanced upon

Verucchio and S. Arcangelo, well officered, occasioning them

great alarm. Presently there reached me a letter from the

commissioner of Cagli, intimating that the Duke had avowed

hostile intentions, and would reach Urbino next morning.

That place being in all respects unprovided for resistance,

and its defences of no strength, I thought it well to make

the best of my way on horseback, along with the Lord

Prefect, three of my people, and a few archers, to S. Leo,

my strongest fortress in Montefeltro, which is accessible by

only two passes. I left instructions that matters should be

so arranged that Urbino might suffer as little as possible,

and at midnight I set out. By dawn I reached a castle [Monte

Coppiolo] four miles distant from S. Leo, and there learned

that the troops from Verucchio and S. Arcangelo, instead of

marching upon S. Marino, had seized the passes of S. Leo,

which was surrounded on all sides by the men of Rimini and

Cesena, well organised. On hearing this, I despatched a

person to ascertain how things were, and took the road to S.

Agata, another of my Montefeltrian castles, on the confines

of Tuscany and Romagna, which, though not of great strength,

was a good quarter, and there I halted for a short rest to

the horses, then nearly dead.

"Dismissing there the archers, I, with three mounted

followers, thought it best to separate from the Lord

Prefect, who, with two of his people, took the most secure

route towards the Val di Bagno, whilst I, disguised as a

peasant, followed the mountain paths towards the Tuscan

frontier, and the strongholds in the bishopric of Sarsina,

then held for the Duke. About fourteen miles from S. Agata,

and eight beyond the frontier, at a stream called the

Borello in the territory of Cesena, I was attacked by some

country people, who pursued us with cries of 'blood, blood,

murder them!' Within a bow-shot of me they seized one of my

people who carried my money, and a guide, but the rest of us

with great difficulty reached Castelnuovo, a small place

belonging to the illustrious Signory [of Venice], but

surrounded by the Duke of Romagna's territories. I arrived

about eight o'clock at night, half dead with fatigue, and

after writing to the authorities of Ravenna to represent

what had occurred, I betook myself to rest. Next mid-day

there came an answer from the magistrates of that city,

twenty-six miles distant, enjoining me on no account to

remain there, which I believe was given with a good

intention, as the place seemed weak and open to the

enemy.[292] I therefore begged permission to stay still

until evening, and, changing my disguise, prepared to face

what then seemed inevitable death. Meanwhile another

messenger, who had been despatched by the authorities of

Ravenna to hurry my departure, was arrested at Meldola, a

mile from Castelnuovo, and being examined as to his

business, avowed the whole affair; whereupon Valentino's

officers instantly ordered the passes to be guarded,

especially that toward Galeato in Tuscany, and the high road

to Ravenna. Having heard of this about six o'clock p.m.,

from a woman of Meldola, I decided not to wait for night,

and took horse, accompanied by two of my people, the

messenger from Ravenna, his three attendants, and two

guides. To deceive the enemy, we avoided the direct roads to

Ravenna and Galeato, and resolved to push right through the

heart of the Duke's territory, at the risk of an encounter

with his force. Passing between Bertinoro and Cesena, we

crossed the highway from Cesena to Forlimpopoli, a mile from

the former town, and thence by cross roads reached Ravenna

without interruption; a most surprising escape, as at

nightfall, whilst still in the enemy's country, we heard

from Cesena, Forlimpopoli, and Bertinoro discharges of

artillery and alarm bells, and saw signal fires, and a rush

towards the very places which we had just passed. After

riding the whole night, we got at sunrise to Ravenna, where

we were well received by the magistracy; and thence, through

the state of Ferrara, we arrived here [at Mantua], where we

were welcomed in the most affectionate manner I could wish

by the Lord Marquis.

[Footnote 292: This rudeness was, however, visited by the

Signory with a sharp rebuke.--SANUTO'S _Diaries_.]

"Your Reverence has now heard all, and will excuse my

lengthy details. I beg you will inform his most Christian

Majesty of the treachery employed towards me, relying on the

scrupulous truth of this, which may stand the test of all

the world. And as to the assertion of my having been

expelled by my people, which I hear the Duke begins to put

abroad, be assured that all those who were aware of my

departure did nothing but bewail it. I recommend myself to

your Reverence, assuring you that my only earthly desire is

to submit myself to the opinion of his Majesty in this

affair, whose good servant, as your Lordship knows, I have

ever been and will continue.

"I hope in God that the Lord Prefect will escape, as the

road he took was safer, and as I have heard no bad news of

him. You should also know that as soon as the Duke reached

Urbino, he wrote to Messer Giovanni Bentivoglio to seize and

deliver me up to him, and that along all the coast of

Sinigaglia, Fano, Pesaro, and Rimini measures were taken to

intercept me. Further, that I have saved nothing but my

life, a doublet and a shirt. Mantua, 28th June, 1502.

"Your servant,

"THE DUKE OF URBINO, _manu propria_."

It was on the 20th of June that Valentino, after a forced march of

thirty miles under a midsummer sun, halted his little army at Cagli,

and the same evening the first alarm reached Guidobaldo, on the return

of Dolce. The Duke had been supping in a shady grove by the

Zoccolantine convent, about a mile out of Urbino, and sat enjoying the

charm lavished by prodigal nature on that fair land at the hour of

sunset, which

"Fronde sub arborea ferventia temperat astra."

It was long ere his breast again knew the tranquillity of that

evening. On hearing the fatal news, he remained for a few moments

absorbed in thought; then striking the table with his hand, he

exclaimed, "I fear I shall find myself betrayed." Within four hours he

had bid a touching but manly farewell to his court and people,

cheering their despondency with the hope of better days, and had

passed a secret postern of his palace, carrying with him a few papers,

some money and jewels.[*293] Those who have experienced the

difficulty, delay, and fatigue of penetrating the rugged country

between his capital and S. Leo, may form some idea of the risks and

sufferings of his midnight flight among these sierras,

"As one

That makes no pause, but presses on his road

Whate'er betide him."

[Footnote *293: The Duke left between the fourth and fifth hour of the

night (i.e. between 11 p.m. and midnight) on June 20. Cf. _Diario

delle Cose di Urbino_ in _Arch. St. per le Marche e per l'Umbria_,

vol. III., p. 423.]

But when the aggravations to a constitution broken by gout are

considered, his surviving the exertion must seem almost miraculous.

Two of his attendants were his favourite Giovanni Andrea, and

Cathelan, his first chamberlain, the latter of whom, when hard pressed

at the Borello, fell behind, and allowed himself to be taken and

plundered, pretending to be the Duke, a device which slackened the

pursuit, and enabled his master to escape.

At the court of his brother-in-law, Francesco Marquis of Mantua, he

found the hospitable shelter which his wearied frame so much needed

after this tumult of exhausting incidents; and, in the society of his

beloved wife,

"Whose worthy words him seemed due recompense

For all his passed pains,"

he cheerfully practised those lessons of contentment and philosophy

with which, in brighter days, he had disciplined his mind. When a

brief delay had given time for the Cardinal della Rovere to interpose

with Louis in his behalf, Guidobaldo sought that monarch at Milan, and

reminding him of his pledged protection, stated his grievances and

besought redress. But state policy is ever selfish. Mutual interests

rendered the close alliance of his Christian Majesty with the Borgia

of primary importance to the unscrupulous ambition of both, and the

outraged Duke of Urbino's appeals were responded to by cold

generalities. Turning to his old allies, the Venetians, he repaired to

their capital; and although they dared not resort to active measures

in his behalf, situated as they were between two such formidable

powers as Louis and Valentino, he received with them a cordial

welcome, and enjoyed from their hospitality an honourable retirement,

and an allowance of thirty pounds of gold a month, until time had

given a favourable turn to the wheel of his fortune.

An impression has arisen among the historians of these transactions,

founded perhaps on a passage in Bembo's gossiping discourse,[294]

that, either seriously, or as a temporary security from Borgia's

murderous agents, the Duke, while at Milan, declared his impotency,

and held out the hope that, should the Pope on this ground dissolve

his marriage, and confer on him a cardinal's hat, his duchess might

marry Cesare, now a widower. The whole story is apocryphal, and the

character of the Duke and Duchess prevent our crediting that such an

expedient could be seriously proposed or sanctioned by either of them.

It is, however, casually mentioned by Machiavelli as a rumour, at the

time of Guidobaldo's second withdrawal from his state in the following

year.

[Footnote 294: BEMBO, _Opera_, II., p. 637.]

The night of the Duke's flight was one of lamentation and panic in

Urbino. To the grief with which the inhabitants saw their beloved

sovereign driven into unmerited exile quickly succeeded anxiety for

themselves. The dismay attendant upon a dreaded invasion was

augmented by the well-known blood-thirsty rapacity of Borgia and of

his ferocious soldiery. Abandoned to their resources, each acted upon

his own plan. Some hurried their women and valuables out of the city,

in hopes of reaching, among the neighbouring villages, or even at

Pesaro, a safe retreat from the horrors of conquest; others sought to

conceal their treasures. Many fiercely ran to arms; more resigned

themselves to wretched forebodings. At length, with returning light,

order and confidence were in some degree restored by the energy of the

magistrates, who forbade all tumult or attempts at defence on pain of

instant punishment.

Valentino, after a brief halt at Cagli, hurried his troops towards

Urbino, and by sunrise was before its gates. Devoted to "the pomp and

circumstance of glorious war," he entered the city in gorgeous armour

on a beautiful charger, followed by his lances and men-at-arms,

caparisoned as for a tournament, their parti-coloured plumes and

glittering mail bearing no signs of a hurried march. He was met by the

magistracy and principal inhabitants, who surrendered to him the town

and citadel without any show of resistance; and his first act was to

behead Pier-Antonio, a confidant of the Duke, who, at his instigation,

had persuaded his master to grant the successive demands of the

usurper, and so virtually to disable himself from defence, but who, by

omitting to secure Guidobaldo's person, earned the vengeance of his

seducer. After seizing several who were notoriously attached to the

legitimate dynasty, he sought repose in the palace, where he found,

and at once removed to Forlì, a vast amount of plate, tapestry, books,

and other valuables, estimated by Sanuto at above 150,000 ducats, a

sum now equal to perhaps a quarter of a million sterling. His orders

against plundering were ill observed; and it was not till after much

damage had been done by his troops, to property both of the Duke and

of the citizens, that he marched them to Fermignano, a village at some

distance, where their rapine was indulged without check.[*295] The

various communities of the state, finding themselves in the enemy's

hands, sent in their adherence; the only exceptions were S. Leo and

Maiuolo: the latter speedily surrendered; the former was gained by

treachery, as we shall hereafter see. Camerino was likewise reduced

within a month, and Giulio Cesare Varana, its brave lord, was soon

after strangled by Borgia's order, in daring breach of the terms and

assurances he had received, his eldest son Venanzio, with two natural

brothers, sharing his fate. Adding sacrilege to murder, the usurper

carried off from the monastery of Sta. Chiara, at Urbino, Elisabetta

Malatesta, the widowed sister of Guidobaldo, a lady whose mature years

might have protected her from outrage, and who was released by an

exchange of prisoners only on her brother's first return.[296]

[Footnote *295: The _Diario delle Cose di Urbino_ makes no mention of

any terror or looting on the 21st or after. There was an earthquake on

the 23rd at mid-day, "_che non s'udì mai il maggiore_." On the 25th

Cesare departed towards Casteldurante. He returned on August 3rd and

left on the 6th.]

[Footnote 296: See of her, p. 289.]

We here once more draw upon Capello's Venetian relation for some

notice of the monster, whose misdoings have thus gradually become

bound up in our narrative. To that ambassador of the Republic, Duke

Valentino appeared quite as much feared as he was loved by his father,

who grumbled at his regal prodigality, more than at his own favourite

Perotto being stabbed by him under his very mantle, while the

life-blood spurted into his face. Tall and well made, surpassing in

personal advantages even the handsome Ferdinand of Naples, he prided

himself on having slain six wild boars with the lance while on

horseback, striking the head off one at a blow, to the wonder of all

Rome, "so that the whole town trembled lest it should be their turn

next to test the temper of his steel."

The strong representations made to Louis at Milan, by most of his

Italian confederates, of Duke Valentino's tyranny, faithlessness, and

cruelty, were neutralised by his sudden appearance in person. Meeting

his Majesty in the street, the minion averted his rising indignation

by proffering humble submission, and imploring protection from

numberless foes. The impression thus made he followed up by abject and

elaborate flattery, and so successfully did he justify himself, or

rather, perhaps, so fully did he demonstrate how necessary to their

several schemes was an unshrinking mutual support, that, instead of

being disavowed by the French monarch, he obtained his sanction, and a

squadron of three hundred lances, in aid of his scarcely disguised

designs against Bologna, Perugia, and Città di Castello. The

respective lords of these places were allies of France, and two of

them were, or had been, actually in Borgia's pay; but such

considerations availed not to save them from his avowed resolution of

extirpating their races, and adding their territories to the kingdom

at which his boundless ambition seems now to have aimed.

Thus aroused to their common danger, these and other chiefs sought to

organise a common defence, and, about the end of September, assembled

at La Magione, near Perugia, to concert their measures. In this

confederacy were included Giovanni Bentivoglio, of Bologna; Gian-Paolo

Paglioni, of Perugia; Vitellozzo Vitelli, of Città di Castello;

Pandolfo Petrucci, of Siena; along with the Orsini, including Cardinal

Gian-Battista, Francesco Duke of Gravina, Paolo, a bastard of the

Bracciano line, and his son the Chevalier Fabio. With these was

likewise associated Oliverotto Eufreducci, generally called Liverotto

da Fermo, whose atrocities deserve brief notice. Having treacherously

murdered his guardian and maternal uncle, Giovanni Fogliano, seigneur

of Fermo, whilst his guest at a banquet, in January, 1502, he seized

that city. In the same cold-blooded slaughter were included the son

and son-in-law of Giovanni, the latter by name Raffaele della Rovere

(natural son of the Cardinal Giuliano), whose two infants were also

murdered by orders of the monster, as he rode through the city to

proclaim himself sovereign, one being thrown from the window at which

it gazed on the spectacle, the other having its throat cut while in

its mother's arms.[297] Such was the miscreant selected by Machiavelli

as the paragon of a prince exalted by criminal means, and such

Sismondi would seem to consider the type of Italian seigneurs in this

age!

[Footnote 297: Vat. Urb. MSS. No. 1023, art. 17.]

The diet of La Magione had ample cause for alarm. They had seen half

of the independent feudatories of the Church, the Riarii, Malatesta,

Sforza, Manfredi, Colonna, Montefeltri, and Varana dispossessed,

slaughtered, or exiled, and now their turn was at hand. At this

juncture an event occurred which quickly matured their wavering

counsels. Of the many fortresses of his highland state, S. Leo alone

held out for Guidobaldo, till, after some weeks, it was treasonably

surrendered by the commander, Ludovico Scarmiglione, of Foligno. This

traitor, having the assurance to present himself to his master at

Venice, and, attempting to make excuses for the "misfortune," added

that he would, without doubt, take steps for its reconquest, the Duke

causticly replied, "Give yourself no further trouble as to that; your

having lost it was already one step towards its recovery." Among its

citizens was Gian-Battista Brizio, who, as page and equerry of Duke

Federigo, had learned the duties at once of a gallant soldier and a

loyal subject. Having gained the engineer employed to repair its

fortifications, he introduced singly into the town a number of the old

militia on whom he could depend, disguised as peasants; and, at the

preconcerted moment, on the 5th of October, the drawbridge was jammed,

as if accidentally, by some large logs of timber. On a given signal

the pretended peasants rushed upon the garrison, and supported by an

ambuscade planted outside, who seized the embarrassed gate, they

slaughtered Borgia's officers, and carried the place by a

_coup-de-main_. Their cry of "Feltro, Feltro! the Duke, the Duke!"

alternating with "Marco, Marco!" the watchword of Venice, rang through

the mountain passes, and was echoed from the surrounding castles,

spreading the insurrection as far as Gubbio and Cagli.[298] News of

the fall of S. Leo reached Urbino on the 8th, being market day, and

the country people, catching up the same war-cries, rushed upon part

of their garrison, who were endeavouring to secure some pieces of

artillery that had been carelessly left outside the walls since the

Camerino affair.[*299] The soldiers being beaten back, the citizens

and militia rushed to arms; but ere the counter-revolution was

completed in the town, fifteen mules, laden with valuables from the

palace, had been sent out towards Forlì. Next day, by a sudden and

well-supported assault, the citadel was taken, and as its assailants

congratulated themselves on their easy victory, an express brought

tidings that Fossombrone too had declared for the Duke. A detachment

of four hundred men, hastily despatched to aid in reducing the

castle, arrived there too late to save that devoted town from a savage

retribution.

[Footnote 298: Sanuto has preserved the following letter of the 8th

October, addressed by Cesare to the inhabitants of Bertinoro, near

Cesena, in reference to this feat of Brizio:--

"The Duke of Romagna, Prince of Urbino and Adria, Lord of Piombino, to

our well-beloved, greeting: The peasants of S. Leo, carrying wood into

that place, induced by cupidity of new booty, captured the warder and

took the castle; and it being the capital of Montefeltro, the

neighbouring castles have rebelled; and as perhaps Guidobaldo,

feigning to have assistance from some potentate, may attempt to go

thither, we command you, as you value our favour, to exert yourselves,

and guard the passes with armed men, arresting all who may come that

way, giving them into the hands of our commissary, or slaying those

who may make resistance. Guidobaldo is not aware of the good

understanding which exists between the Pope's Holiness and the most

Christian King of France, as also between other potentates and us."]

[Footnote *299: On 8 October, according to the _Diario_ above cited

(p. 401, note *1) [Transcriber's Note: Original erroneously cites p.

385], news came of the return of San Leo, San Marino, and Tavoleto,

and all the Montefeltro. Gubbio and Cagli had returned to their

allegiance to Guidobaldo, and all Urbino armed itself and cried,

"_Feltro! Feltro! Feltro!_" There was, however, at first a large party

who did not wish to see Guidobaldo again. The _rocca_, still

presumably in the hands of Cesare, was taken next day, four

_contadini_ being killed.]

Notice of the rising having reached Michele Coreglia, Cesare's

favourite minister in his worst atrocities, who, from his small

figure, was surnamed Don Michelotto, he marched upon La Pergola, which

was also in arms. At Fossombrone he obtained admission with his

troops, by raising a cry of "Feltro" at the gates, and sacked both

these towns with revolting excesses, the women seeking to save

themselves and their infants in the river Metauro. He then turned his

track of fire and sword towards Urbino, menacing the citizens with a

similar fate. Their drooping courage was revived by news of the league

of La Magione, and by Vitellozzo's arrival on the 11th, with a

reinforcement of forty lances and four hundred infantry. Paolo Orsini

advanced upon Cagli the same day, in order to keep the cut-throat

Michelotto in check. The other leaders were equally active. They had

sent urgent representations to Venice and Florence, praying support

against the common enemy; but with these republics a cautious policy

prevailed, and by their backwardness the opportunity of crushing him

was lost. Indeed, the latter stood already committed to Valentino by

sending Nicolò Machiavelli, on the 5th of October, to offer him, as an

ally of France, their support against the confederation; whilst the

Venetian Signory, on hearing the affair of S. Leo, assured the Pope's

legate, in presence of Guidobaldo himself, that the movement had

neither their sanction nor sympathy.

Borgia, deserted by his best captains, was well aware of his danger,

and is described as full of alarm by Machiavelli, who arrived at this

juncture; but putting the best face upon matters, he ascribed the

rising in the duchy to the unpopularity of his troops, to his

ill-judged clemency in not having formerly made a sufficient example

of the inhabitants, and to his remissness in leaving the principal

offices in disaffected hands. But affecting indifference as to Urbino,

which from the moment S. Leo was surprised he regarded as lost, and

remarking that he had carried it in three days, and had not forgotten

how to do so again, he concentrated his cares upon Romagna. Emboldened

by the timely support of Florence, he sent to Louis, who had now

returned home, the strongest representations of the peril impending

over their mutual designs, and pressed him for prompt and efficient

succours. Meanwhile, distrusting his strength, he had recourse to

cunning, in order to avert the danger, or, at least, to gain time.

Disguising his indignation, he opened communications with the

individual confederates, and endeavoured to amuse them with hollow

professions and seeming apologies, artfully appealing to their

respective prejudices, sowing jealousies, explaining away former

offences, and avowing for each a sincere friendship, based upon a

community of interests. Whilst these intrigues were fomenting he

remained at Imola, apparently at his ease, but, in reality, recruiting

the means of vengeance, to be used as soon as his enemies had been

divided. Meanwhile he rallied many mountain chieftains and straggling

adventurers, each with his handful of broken lances, and thus, when

the moment for action arrived, had secured a not despicable following

of troops prepared for any enormity. On the 29th of October,

Machiavelli's despatch contained returns of above five thousand foot,

and nearly a thousand men-at-arms, light cavalry, and archers, even

before the arrival of his French or Swiss auxiliaries.

The first successes of his friends at S. Leo and Urbino had been

communicated to Guidobaldo on the 7th, by letters urging his immediate

presence, and he hastened to respond to the call.[300]

[Footnote 300: Among the Oliveriana MSS. I found a statement that his

return was reluctant, and against hope of success, and that it had

been somewhat forced upon him, in consequence of the injudicious zeal

of a priest, who, finding his seal in S. Leo, gave out that he was

arrived, ordered rejoicings, and issued forged letters in his name.

The apocryphal story is not supported by any authority that I have met

with. From the instructions to Machiavelli, dated 5th of October, it

appears that his return was anticipated before the surprise of S. Leo

had taken place,--an event probably brought about in part by such

rumours, tending

"Spargere voces

In vulgum ambiguas, et quærere conscius arma."

Indeed, he had secretly applied to the Signory for pecuniary aid some

days anterior to the rising in his duchy.]

Having experienced the risks of the Romagna passes when in the hands

of a watchful foe, he took sea from Venice to Sinigaglia, which his

courageous sister still held in name of her son, the young Lord

Prefect. After a brief fraternal greeting,--for night had fallen when

he landed, and the hours of darkness were precious,--the Duke once

more undertook a harassing ride through intricate mountain paths, and

reached S. Leo, on the 17th of October, just twelve days after the

banner of Montefeltro, streaming from its towers, had roused the

country to arms. Thanking the gallant Brizio, and cheering his little

garrison, he next morning set out for his capital, through villages

and townships that vied with each other in zeal to welcome his

appearance by tables placed for refreshment. When he approached

Urbino, whose devotedness on this and similar occasions gained for

that city the distinguishing epithet of _fidele_, or leal, the entire

population turned out to receive him; and it was with much delay and

difficulty his horse could penetrate their crowded ranks, and carry

him to the cathedral.[*301] There he found the bishop at the head of

his clergy, and after attending a solemn function to return thanks to

the King of kings for his restoration, he sought repose in his palace.

Worn out by severe exertion, and suffering from gout, he was confined

to bed during the next three days, but none were refused access of

the promiscuous multitudes who flocked to satisfy themselves as to his

actual return.[*302] Of the affection entertained towards him, a

touching instance occurs in the naive diary to which we have recently

referred:--"I was plundered at Montecalvo by the soldiery of stuff to

the value of twenty-five ducats, which prevented me from sowing this

year; but my losses seemed as nothing when I saw my Prince, and

especially when I touched his hand; such were the caresses bestowed

upon me by my Lord, whom God preserve!"

[Footnote 301: On 18 October, 1502, the Duke returned to Urbino; he

had with him but ten horse. "Non saprei estimare la moltitudine degli

uomini d'ogni parte grandi e piccoli che si trovarono per la strada.

Da poi che si partì da San Leo per sino a Urbino, in ogni poggio erano

le tavole apparecchiate dagli Urbinati. Ogni uomo se gli fe incontro

dalla terra a un miglio, a due, a tre, a quattro" (_Diario_, cf.

_supra_, p. 401, note *1)] [Transcriber's Note: Original erroneously

cites p. 385.]

[Footnote *302: "Our Signore," says the _Diario_, "did not leave his

bed on the 19th because he had the gout ... but every man went to

speak with him in bed, the _contadino_ as well as the citizen; and day

and night he gave them audience, and spoke with every one willingly."]

On the 15th, Ugo di Moncada and Michelotto, after being worsted near

Fossombrone by Paolo Orsini and Vitellozzo, fell back upon Fano, and

the whole country rushed to arms. Four months after his first

surprise, Guidobaldo was again master of his states, almost without a

blow, Sant'Agata being the only fortress still held for Borgia. Had

one united effort been then made by the chiefs against their common

enemy, his cause might have been rendered desperate. But precious

moments were lost in undecided movements and petty skirmishes, till

Louis had responded to his appeal by ordering him a reinforcement of

five hundred lances, and promising what further aid he might require.

The harmony which actuated the confederates against Valentino became

distracted when they found themselves in hostile contact with that

victorious monarch. On their mutual heart-breakings and wavering

resolutions Cesare's wily representations told with tenfold effect.

Within a week of the fall of S. Leo, he had opened secret

communications with Paolo Orsini, a man of shallow capacity, and he

complained bitterly to Machiavelli of having been deceived by that

chief in the affair of Fossombrone. On the 25th of October Paolo

arrived at Imola to treat with him, and in two days acceded to his

terms. A treaty was signed on the 28th, by Cesare for himself, and by

Paolo on the part of the Diet, whereby its combined chiefs, forgetting

past jealousies, were to re-enter Valentino's service, and assist him

to recover Urbino and Camerino. To this accommodation there was,

however, some difficulty in obtaining the sanction of their

associates. Vitellozzo is said to have torn it up when presented to

him, and it was not until his brother, the Bishop of Città di

Castello, had met some cardinals sent by the Pope to La Magione, and

had visited Petrucci at Siena, that a reluctant unanimity was

obtained. The conditions of this hollow reconciliation resembled, in

some respects, the bonds of maintenance and manrent then usual among

Scottish chieftains. The associated condottieri were taken bound to

aid and support all the race of Borgia in their quarrels and causes,

and to give their sons as hostages when required by Cesare, on whom

one of them was to be in constant attendance.

The contest had, from Borgia's dilatory policy, quickly declined to a

guerilla war, most harassing to the Urbinites, whose alarm was

aggravated by the rumours of an arrangement between him and the

confederates, which prevailed in the beginning of November. When the

treaty transpired, the Duke, upon the 17th, laid his case before the

principal inhabitants of his state, offering to place himself in their

hands, and either to retire or to live and die with them, as they

might decide. Resistance to the death was their option, and so great

was the enthusiasm, that a deputation of ladies waited upon him to

applaud the resolution, and to lay at his feet their jewels and

ornaments for the common cause. All was now busy preparation over the

duchy. Men were hastily levied and drilled, free captains were

enrolled, fortresses were repaired.

But a new access of gout proved how little fit their sovereign was for

the field, and in so desperate a crisis the maintenance of their

independence seems scarcely to have been contemplated by the most

sanguine. Still, by showing a good front, they calculated upon making

better terms for themselves and the Duke; nor were their opponents'

views such as to render hopeless such an issue. The chiefs having

bound themselves to make common cause with Guidobaldo for the

re-establishment of his rights, they were anxious that he should fall

easily after their desertion, and willingly lent their mediation to

obtain for him such conditions as might save them from being the

instruments of his utter destruction. Cesare, too, had his own reasons

for seeking a more prompt solution of the dilemma than was promised by

a winter campaign in the most inaccessible country of Italy and

against its bravest people, fighting for their hearths and in support

of a beloved dynasty. The horrors of such a war possessed no charm for

him, for he had already planned a sanguinary vengeance which risked

nothing, and to his crooked mind treachery was more attractive than

fair fighting. Besides, he was awaiting the arrival of three thousand

Swiss mercenaries, and in the interval lent himself to negotiations,

conducted on his part by Gian-Paolo Vitelli, and on that of the Duke

of Urbino by Ottaviano Fregosa.

At length, on the 4th of December, an arrangement was published, by

which S. Leo and three other fortresses were to remain in the hands of

Guidobaldo, with permission to transport thither whatever property he

chose, the remainder of the Duchy passing again to Borgia. During the

next two days much of the Duke's valuables were removed, and on the

7th the palace was thrown open to general plunder; indeed, all law and

order being suspended, there was a scramble by the citizens for the

safety of their families and effects. Paolo Orsini, to calm the

excitement, offered to guarantee the full amnesty stipulated in the

surrender; but, enraged at a reverse which they attributed mainly to

his perfidy and cowardice, they spurned his assurances, and, being

unable to tear him to pieces, wreaked their indignation by hooting

him as "the Lady Paul." To the Duke there remained no alternative but

once more to withdraw; yet, before setting out, he advised his people

to dismantle the other castles, as these could only serve to

strengthen the usurper's hold upon his country, in the event of any

new effort for his restoration,--a suggestion which they carried

enthusiastically into effect ere Cesare could take means to prevent

them. But to have punished their precipitancy would have been all the

more impolitic, when there were no longer fortresses from which to

overawe their obedience; so he had no alternative but conciliation,

and on taking possession of the duchy he proclaimed a general amnesty,

as provided in the capitulation.

The fatigues which Guidobaldo had undergone in reaching his capital

had brought on a severe attack of his constitutional enemy, which

disqualified him from active exertion during most of the anxious

period of his stay there, and, indeed, generally confined him to his

couch. A new exertion was, however, requisite, and he met it with his

wonted firmness. On the 7th of December he made a parting address to

his people, and explained to them that, after applying in vain for aid

to all the powers of Italy, and unable singly to resist the Pope and

his son, the interests of his state left him no choice but to retire.

He recommended them resignation to an inevitable destiny, and advised

them to remain quietly under their new sovereign until it should

please God to send them better times. Next morning, at eight o'clock,

he once more bade adieu to his dominions amid the lamentations of

thousands, and retired to Città di Castello. There the Bishop

entertained him hospitably until the 5th of January, when news of the

tragedy at Sinigaglia suggested to them both the necessity of flight.

The Duke soon found a kind welcome in the castle of Pittigliano, near

Bolsena, from his old friend Count Nicolò Orsini, and obtained from

the Venetians an injunction prohibiting Cesare from molesting him in

that stronghold of their general. But he too well knew his daring

enemy to trust much to such nominal protection, and on his approach

took the road to Mantua. From Rovigo he addressed these hurried lines

to

"The most serene Prince and most illustrious Lord my special

Lord, Leonardo Loredano, by God's grace Doge of the

Venetians:

"Most serene Prince and most illustrious Lord, my special

Lord,

"This is only to make known to your Serenity how, after

enduring many and infinite pains and perils, I am by God's

grace safely brought back into your Serenity's territory and

dominions, and have been most affectionately received and

welcomed by the magnificent Messer Gianpaolo [Gradenigo,

governor of Rovigo]; and, please God, I mean to be presently

in Venice, where I consider myself at home. All this I have

deemed it right to notify to your Serenity, to whom I ever

commend myself. From Rovigo, 27th of January, 1503.

"Your servant,

"GUIDO DUKE OF URBINO, _manu propria_."

Sanuto, who has preserved this letter, continues the following detail

of the wanderer's reception at Venice. "On this day [31st of January]

there came into college the Duke Guido of Urbino, for whom the Signory

sent the chiefs of the forty, and us sages for the orders, to be his

escort. He was seen with favour by an immense concourse of persons,

and there on the landing I addressed him, saying he was welcome, and

that the Signory was anxious to embrace him, and rejoiced at his

escape from so great perils. His Highness returned thanks, and then

went up by the grand stone staircase. All were gladdened on seeing

him; and, being seated near the Doge, he spoke some bland words,

purporting how miraculously he had reached what he might term his own

house, and added, that having neither state nor property, he could

offer none such, but that his person was the Signory's until death.

The Doge replied in congratulatory terms at his escape from so great

dangers, the account of which he said gave him more satisfaction than

if his own son had been rescued from shipwreck. He then inquired of

the Duke how he got away, which his Lordship thus recounted.

"Being at Pittigliano, and his surrender demanded by the Pope, who

proposed going thither with the camp, he resolved on departing. His

wish was to go by sea, but he could not get a brigantine, so he left

by land with a single companion [Vitelli], Bishop of Città di

Castello, who was also setting forth, he knew not whither. On reaching

Montefiore, above Siena, the Count sent his secretary there to

accompany him; and riding all night, he skirted the walls of Siena to

Bonconvento, another dependency of that community, where he took

post-horses, and entered the Florentine territory, the secretary

leaving him, as he had not heart to act as guide. At Fucecchio he

found the passes guarded, but the commissary, after examination of

him, allowed him to proceed; and he also passed inspection at a second

barrier guarded by a certain count. Having thus crossed the Arno, he

came towards Monte-carlo, where he was brought before the commissary

for examination. In reply he stated himself to be Gian-Battista of

Ravenna, a messenger of the Cardinal of Lisbon's household; but the

commissary said his orders were to arrest all comers and write to

Florence, thirty-two miles distant. His baggage having then been

seized, the Duke was searched, and locked up in a chamber without fire

or bed. The answer from Florence was that counsel should be taken; and

one Francesco Becchi of that city having been sent, with fifteen

mounted bowmen, to examine him, he recognised the Duke, whose state he

had frequented, but said 'I know him not.' He then returned to

Florence, where the Duke supposes that further consultation was held,

as the Ten wrote ordering him to be set at liberty, on his swearing to

be the person he represented himself, and his baggage to be given up.

After being thus detained for seven days he came on to a friend in

Lucca, and thence passing by Grafegnana he embarked in a little barge,

and with great risks reached Polesella, and so came to Rovigo, where

he found himself at length in safety. Such was his marvellous voyage,

during which he had suffered greatly from journeying on foot, as he

walks with difficulty by reason of gout, and this very morning I was

obliged to give him my arm. After taking leave of the Doge we again

accompanied him to his gondola. His consort is here on the Canaregio,

in the house of Malombra." This continued his residence during his

exile, except for a short visit which he paid to the hot mud-baths at

Abano, in the vain attempt of stewing out his gout; and he enjoyed

from the Signory a monthly pension of a hundred golden scudi.

APPENDICES

APPENDIX I

(Pages 37, 40)

POETRY OF THE FAMILY OF MONTEFELTRO

We shall here collect a few literary remains of personages connected

with the family of Montefeltro, to whom we have alluded in early

chapters of this work. They can scarcely now be considered of general

interest, but they indicate and test that cultivation of letters among

princely houses to which we have often pointed, and, coming from

sources not generally accessible, will be welcome to literary

antiquarians.

The authors of whom we are to give specimens, may be thus arranged:--

I. Antonio Count of Urbino, mentioned above at pp. 36-8. To him is

ascribed a sonnet on Christ crucified, in a MS. of the _Divina

Commedia_, at the royal library of Naples, and published in vol. II.,

p. 361, of the _Giornale Arcadico_ of Rome, 1819. It is No. I. of our

specimens, and but for its imputed authorship, might probably have

remained unnoticed.

II. Malatesta de' Malatesti, or, as he was more frequently designated,

_de' Sonnetti_, was Seigneur of Pesaro, and second cousin of

Sigismondo Pandolfo, Lord of Rimini. He was born in 1370, and died in

1429, leaving the reputation of an elegant poet. Several of his

fugitive effusions are referred to by Crescimbeni, III., 225, who has

printed one of his sonnets. Our selections are two others, Nos. II.,

III., moralising on the vanity and disappointments of life, from the

Oliveriana MSS. No. 454, ff. 30, 31, and part of a canzone, No. IV.,

describing the charms of his love, from Vat. Urb. MSS. No. 3212, f.

128. His son married,

III. Battista di Montefeltro, daughter of Count Antonio, and aunt of

Duke Federigo of Urbino. We have spoken of her above at p. 39, and

insert two sonnets from her pen, addressed to Malatesta, Nos. V., VI.,

the former an invocation of the Holy Ghost, the latter deprecating her

own presumptuous spirit; also, No. VII., her letter to Pope Martin V.,

referred to at p. 40. A canzone, addressed by her to the princes of

Italy in a fine tone of expostulation, will be found in Crescimbeni,

III., 266. Her granddaughter, Costanza Varana, married, in 1445,

IV. Alessandro Sforza, Lord of Pesaro, who has been often mentioned in

our Second Book, and to whom is ascribed the sonnet No. VIII. below.

He was father of Battista, second wife of Duke Federigo of Urbino, and

of

V. Costanzo, his successor in Pesaro, author of the last sonnet in

this collection. Both of these lyrics have been given by Crescimbeni,

V., 223-4.

I.

I sacri piedi, e l'una e l'altra palma

Ti furo in croce, o Re del Ciel, confitti.

Gl'invisibil nimici ivi sconfitti,

E franto il giogo, e sposta la gran salma.

D'esiglio librasti la prim' alma,

E gli altri che con lei eran proscritti:

Oggi purgasti i suoi primi delitti,

Che me intendesser l'aula eterna ed alma.

Quella pietà che in tal giorno ti mosse

A salvar tutto 'l mondo, anco ti mova

Verso un'altr' alma combattuta e vinta.

Fragili e debil son le umane posse:

A grandi assalti prostata si trova

Se non è l'alma di tua grazia cinta.

II.

El tempo, el quale è nostro, i' ho smarrito

In vanitade, ho speso ogni mia sorte;

Seguito ho il mondo, traditor si forte,

Che giusta cosa è, ch'i' ne sia punito.

Di fumo e vento i' fui già ben formito,

Et ora per ristor chieggio la morte,

E la prosperità chiuso ha le porte;

Ingrato trovo ogn'uom' ch'i' ho servito.

Or sia che vuole, i' sono al fin pur giunto,

Intricato, et perplexo in tanto errore,

Ch'i' vorrei ogni giorno esser defunto.

O tu che leggi, pensa qual dolore

Esser de' il mio, veggendomi in un punto

Povero, infermo, vecchio e peccatore.

III.

I son pur giunto carco, alla vecchiezza,

Di peccati, dolor, pene, et affanni;

Ch'il mondo traditor, con falsi inganni,

M'ha privato di lume et d'allegrezza.

O sciagurato me, ch'in tal lunghezza

Ho consumato i giorni, i mesi, e gli anni:

Ne mai ho posto a miei gravosi danni

Fren di virtù, che dà somma richezza.

Ohime, che tardi omai penso ritrarmi,

La mal usanza m'ha si tratto al fondo

Che gran fatica fia poter levarmi.

Tu ben vedi, O Signor, che dal profondo

Del core i' traggo i lagrimosi carmi,

E sai il bisogno e 'l modo di salvarmi.

IV.

Coralli, rose, perle, ebano e stelle

Adornan la tua faccia, in ciel creata

Nel cerchio triumphal, dove se eterna

La mane eburnee, e l'altre membra snelle,

In ciascun loco sua parte affirmata,

Debitamente la parte superna.

Io benedico la virtù paterna

La qual produsse un si bel fructo al mondo,

Che simil ne secondo

Vivè d'entro ne fuor da sette clima.

Qual tesor, di che stima!

Vale solo la terra o fermi il piede.

La natura non diede

Mai si grata influenza a creatura;

Vergine bella, dolce, humile et pura.

V.

Clementissimo Spirto, ardente amore

Dal Padre Eterno, e dal Verbo emanante;

Somma Benignità, cooperante

Quel mistero, ch'esalta il nostro cuore;

Nella mia mente infondi il tuo timore,

Pietà, consiglio: e poi, somma Creante,

Dammi fortezza, e scienza fugante

Dall'alma nazional ciascuno errore.

Solleva l'intelletto al Ben superno,

Illuminando l' tanto che difforme

Non sia da quella fe ch'al ciel ne scorge.

Donami sapienza, con eterno

Gusto di tua dolcezza, O Settiforme

Si, ch'io dispregi ciò ch'il mondo porge.

VI.

La tua superbia m'è di gran stupore,

Alma presuntuosa et arrogante,

Con tanto ardir la tua voce elevante,

A quel sublime et immenso splendore.

L'angelico consorzio, con fervore

Il glorioso objetto contemplante,

Benchè beato, pur vi sta tremante,

E tu ardisci parlar senza rossore?

Vuoi gustar qui l'aura del Ben eterno

E non correggi la tua vita enorme?

Ma del tuo vaneggiar Dio ben s'accorge.

Il viver basso dunque prendi a scherno,

Piangi, sospira amando, e segui l'orme

Degli umil', a cui Dio la man sua porge.

VII.

ILLUSTRISSIMÆ PRÆCLARISSIMÆQUE DOMINÆ BAPTISTÆ DE MALATESTIS [LITERA],

AD SANCTISSIMUM DOMINUM PAPAM MARTINUM V., PRO SERENISSIMA EJUS SORORE

DOMINA CLEOPHE, BASILISSA, NUPTA FILIO IMPERATORIS CONSTANTINOPOLITANI,

QUÆ A VIRO SUO COGEBATUR SEQUI OPINIONEM GRÆCORUM.

Paveo equidem, Beatissime Pater, nec mediocriter vereor, cum inscia

muliercula sim, tuæ Celsitudinis aures inquietare incomptis eloquiis

meis. Sed diuturnæ ac incredibiles angustiæ, illius videlicet fidelis

ancillæ tuæ serenissimæ sororis mei, necnon admirandæ tuæ clementiæ

fama quam in parte sum experta, oris claustra propulsant, maxime cum

non pro sæcularibus commodis tuam Sanctitatem decreverim exorare, immo

pro animæ salute quæ pro integritate fidei Catholicæ tot et tanta

perpessa est, quanta neminem his temporibus sustinuisse cognovi.

Quamquam igitur tui mi terreat magnitudo, visio tamen causæ, quæ me

medullitus angit et afficit, tuaque benignitas et humanitas ausum

præbent. Quapropter muliebri timiditate deposita, coram venerandis tuæ

Sanctitatis prostrata vestigiis, tandem humiliter et gemebunde

deposco, ne animam, pro qua Dominus Jesus non recusavit crucis subire

supplicium, suo derelinquat patrocinio destitutam. Nosti enim,

beatissime Pater, quod ovicula illa tua non absque consensu tuo

corporaliter a Græcis sejuncta est. Ne igitur sequestretur et mente,

enquirere eam, optime Pastor, et illius imitare velis exemplum, cujus

vicem geris in terris, qui errantem propriis humeris reduxit ad

caulas. Timendum namque est, ne mens illa, quæ invisibili subsidio

roborata, hucusque incredibili fortitudine immota permansit, deinceps

pusillanimitate deficiat, præsertim si in mediis fluctibus se

derelictam sanserit, nec saltem sibi manum porrigi sublevantem. Cum

ergo fidei ortodoxæ defensor et gubernator existas, illa quæ pro fide

servanda tot pericula patitur, et ærumnas, a quo nisi a Beatitudine

tua potest aut debet auxilium postulare, cui et potissimum incumbit

cura, et adest potentia? Eja ergo, sanctissime Pater, consurge in

defensionem constantissimæ filiæ, quæ tibi sanguine et spiritu

conjuncta est, eoque vigilantius, quo nunc acrius impugnatam agnoveris

a bello utique domestico, et intestina pugna.

Venerabilis namque Pater, præsentium lator, Sanctitati tuæ omnia serio

ore expositurus adveniet, quem cum audiveris, nisi sis ex silice

natus, aut hircanarum tigrium lacte nutritus, absque dubio movebuntur

omnia viscera tua, solitaque pietate devictus, celerrime et benigne

subvenies indigenti, minimeque hujuscemodi supplicatione opus erit in

posterum, sed potius gratiarum actione apud Beatitudinem tuam, cujus

pedibus me humiliter et instantissime recommitto.

VIII.

Io son si lasso, debilito, e stanco

Sotto il gran fascio del terrestre peso,

E tutto il ciel si mortalmente ho offeso,

Che tra i sospiri lacrimoso or manco.

Di dolor tremo, e di paura imbianco

Come uom trafitto; il cor legato e preso

In se raccoglie il tempo male speso,

Ond esce il zel che gli percuote il fianco.

Non mia pianeta o corso di mia stella,

Non fato o mio destin, non mia fortuna,

Ma solo incolpo la sfrenata voglia.

Pero convien che, in solitaria cella,

Le mie piaghe mortali ad una ad una

Piangan mercede, con pentita doglia.

IX.

Oh tu, che con tuoi versi si mi sproni,

E con soavi rime e dolci canti,

Dolendoti pur meco de' miei pianti,

Et a mie' affanni mi conforti e moni.

Se ti rincrescon, si come tu poni

Le infinite mie angosce e i martir tanti,

Non mi ricordar più le doglie e pianti,

E li sospir già vani e i miei gran toni.

Aime che ricordando si rinfresca

I colpi, e le gran piaghe che nel core

Io porto, per colei qual sempre invoco.

E pure il gran desio mi tira all'esca,

E quanto più sgrupar mi sforza, allore

M'intrico più: e sempre ardo nel foco.

APPENDIX II

(Page 48, note 1)

INVENTORY OF ARTICLES TAKEN BY BRIGIDA SUEVA DI MONTEFELTRO, _ALIAS_

SISTER SERAFINA, INTO THE CONVENT OF CORPUS DOMINI

7 pair of sheets of spun silk striped with gold;

7 pair of napkins [_paniselli_], also of silk striped with gold;

1 fillet with stripes of silk and gold;

1 _trapisello_ of silk with a stripe of gold;

4 hoods of silk wrought with gold, one made up, the others not;

2 other caps, one of crimson velvet, the other green, both embroidered;

1 other napkin of silk striped with gold;

1 other _trapisello_ of silk wrought with satin;

1 other _trapisello_ of cambric damasked at the head;

4 crimson buttons mounted in gold for pillows;

1 reticule woven of gold and silk;

3 other bags wrought in silk and gold, and one with pearls;

1 cord of silver and silk with _mape_;

2 combs wrought in ivory;

2 pieces of brocade tissue, one white the other crimson, unmade up;

2 dog-collars, silver mounted;

2 silver salt-sellers;

4 trimmings of tissue;

1 pair of small crystal-handled knives;

3 pillow-slips of crimson silk;

1 pair white ditto, with silk buttons;

1 half pillow-slip, wrought in gold and untrimmed;

1 silk coverlet, with a stripe of gold in the middle;

1 half pillow-slip of silk untrimmed;

1 netted cap with several fringes of silk and gold;

1 _agnus Dei_ mounted in silver, with a little silver chain;

3 strings of coral beads, one plain, another alternating with gold;

1 pair of large linen table-cloths with stripes of silk and gold;

1 pair of thin sheets wrought with gold and silk;

1 bundle of napkins of German cambric [_renda le man_];

2 comfit-boxes of silk striped with gold;

2 napkins with stripes of gold and silk;

1 other bundle [_golupo_] of small towels of cambric [_reno_];

1 other bundle of _trapiselli de reno_;

1 black striped towel, used;

41 head-kerchiefs with black stripes, in a trunk;

1 table-cover in a trunk, and _oselati_ of black cotton;

8 head-kerchiefs in another trunk with black stripes;

8 hand-towels in _oselati_ with black stripes in one piece;

12 ditto in another piece;

2 towel-cases wrought with black stripes;

2 worked napkins;

6 trimmed tissues, one purple, one alessandrine, one green, one pied

[_bertina_] besides two old ones, to be given to Antonella and

Victoria;

1 purple brocaded dress;

1 small brocaded cloak, alessandrine coloured;

1 other crimson brocaded, which was unpicked and used as a lining for

the black brocaded dress;

1 dress of white embroidered cloth;

1 dress of green embroidered velvet, which, if she likes it, is to be

sent to my Lady;

1 dress of engrained black;

1 ditto of brown;

1 pied mantle, which, if it pleases my Lady, may be made an altar-cloth;

1 dress of purple damask, which, if she likes it, I shall give to

Antonia, daughter of Signor Orlandin;

1 lining of martin fur for a pair of large sleeves;

1 _conetoro da cima_ of crimson brocade lined in the back, and

another of crimson also lined in the back, and another old

alessandrine of ermine.

I give to Victoria de Monaldin a pair of used crimson brocade sleeves;

to Francesco of Cagli, an old crimson damask petticoat; to Fra di

Messer Benedicto, a little cloak of white damask, which I promised a

good while since.

Another brown mantle [_camura_] I have given to my nurse.

Also two small towels striped with gold and silk, which our mother has

asked of me for the altar.

APPENDIX III

(Page 50, note)

POETRY OF OTTAVIANO DEGLI UBALDINI

The two following sonnets, though rude, testify to Ottaviano

Ubaldini's taste for the arts of design, and to the excellence of

Pisano, who, though here and in his usual epigraph designed a painter,

is best known to us by his medals, one of which accompanied this

second sonnet as a gift to Filippo Maria Visconti, Duke of Milan. I

found them in a MS. volume at the Vatican, and both are dated in 1442.

Gretto is Allegretto Nuzio.

I.

Se Cimabo, cum Gretto et cum Gentile,

Ch'a' pinger puser l'honorata mano,

Et chi de l'arte fu mai più soprano,

Tornassero hoggi, et crescesser lo stile;

Farebbe el nome lor più basso et vile,

El glorioso et dolce mio Pisano,

Tanto è più grato el suo stil deretano

Quanto è più de l'inverno un dolce Aprile.

Arte, mesura, äere et desegno,

Manera, prospectiva et naturale,

Gli ha dato el celo per mirabil dono.

Le sue figure son si proprie, et tale

Che parer vive, sol li manca el sole:

Pero de eterna fama e lui sol degno.

II.

Chi vol' del mondo mai non esser privo

Venga, a farse retrar del naturale

Al mio Pisano, qual' retra l'hom' tale

Che tu dirai, "Non è anzi, è pur vivo!"

Perchè la par' vivace e sensitivo.

O mirabil pictor, che tanto vale

Ch'a' la natura tu sei quasi eguale,

Cum l'arte et cum l'ingegno si excessivo.

Credo te manca solo, ad esser' lei.

Ch'ella a suo' nati da la voce e 'l sono.

Tu a depinti fai parlar tacendo.

Ben potristi agli amanti tor gli omei,

Far a ciascun de la sua amata un dono,

Et starien' sempre, seco, hon dormendo.

APPENDIX IV

(Pages 85-6)

INSTRUMENT CONTAINING THE CONCESSIONS DEMANDED BY THE CITIZENS AND

ACCEDED TO BY COUNT FEDERIGO ON BEING CHOSEN AS THEIR SEIGNEUR;

TRANSLATED FROM THE LATIN ORIGINAL IN THE COMMUNAL ARCHIVES OF URBINO

In the name of God, amen; to the honour and worship of the indivisible

Trinity, of our Lord Jesus Christ and his mother the glorious Virgin,

of the blessed Crescentius, and of the whole triumphant heavenly host.

These underwritten are certain articles, conditions, and concessions

made, published, concluded, and consented to between the illustrious

and potent lord our Lord Federigo di Montefeltro, Count of Urbino,

Durante, and various other places, and the inhabitants and community

of the city of Urbino, on the 23rd of July, in the year of our Lord

1444; the seventh indiction, and the reign of Pope Eugene IV.

_First._ That your Lordship is not to bear in remembrance, against

such as have committed them, the injuries and offences inflicted

during this revolution on the person of Oddantonio late Duke of

Urbino, and others, nor in any way, or on any pretext, to punish or

avenge them publicly or secretly; further, that you are understood to

forgive and take under your protection all who may be compromised in

these crimes.

_Answer._ We consent, and shall observe all that we promised at our

entry.

_Second._ Further, that the Lords Priors of the city of Urbino shall,

in time to come, be appointed every two months, as heretofore, and

shall enjoy the privileges, exemptions, and dignities conceded to them

by law, except the custody of the registers; and shall be empowered to

remit sentences and punishments for injuries done, and to administer

the duties of the Lord Podestà of this city on extraordinary occasions

as he may direct; each prior to have a salary of fifteen ducats (at

forty bolognini to the ducat), payable monthly.

_Answer._ We again consent and approve; but their authority and

privileges shall be those possessed during the time of our father of

happy memory; and their salary of fifteen ducats to each in monthly

payments shall include the whole period of their service.

_Third._ Further, as the house of the priors was in old times that now

used as the great hall for the supreme court, your Lordship shall

deign to concede to them, in compensation for it, that new building

near the episcopal cemetery, or some other residence convenient for

the despatch of public business; and this the more, as their present

dwelling is going to ruin.

_Answer._ So be it, until their old house be repaired.

_Fourth._ Further, seeing that the ordinary assessment, which was of

old three shillings in the pound, has been raised to five and a half,

without the sanction and consent of the people,--a very grievous and

insupportable exaction, reducing the soil to sterility, whereby many

communities have been dispersed, and threatening further evils,--that

your Lordship shall condescend to lower it to four shillings a pound,

in order to relieve the poor and needy, as well in this city as

throughout the state.

_Answer._ Be it so.

_Fifth._ Further, that your Lordship would deign to revoke all

donations made since the death of the Lord Guidantonio, in order the

better to provide for your outgoings and expenses.

_Answer._ Be it so.

_Sixth._ Further, that your Lordship would deign to revoke all

immunities and exemptions granted to any individuals or communes, on

the plea of nobility, or on any other pretext, so that no one now or

henceforth may be exempt from assessments, warding, or other public

burdens, real or personal.

_Answer._ So be it; but reserving all exemptions granted by our father

of happy memory.

_Seventh._ Further, that your Lordship would condescend to approve the

citizens deputed to watch and ward, with the customary pay; and that

your Lordship may not intromit (as has been the case heretofore) with

the warding moneys, nor receive any sums or contributions for that

purpose.

_Answer._ Be it so.

_Eighth._ Further, that one-third of all fines for convictions and

damages shall be paid over to the master of works, for repair of the

city walls and other public edifices, according to law and usage; and

that your Lordship will deign to renounce the power of bestowing

gratuities out of that tierce, seeing that a decree of the Lord

Guidantonio, of felicitous memory, is still in force, prohibiting such

gratuities or misapplications.

_Answer._ Be it according to that decree, and this although the

payments be made before sentence, or by way of composition.

_Ninth._ Further, that your Lordship would condescend, for the

maintenance of this city and state and its inhabitants, to ask from

them no further contribution, nor to impose on them any loan,

restraint, or other burden, beyond the ordinary assessment as above.

_Answer._ So be it, except in a case of necessity.

_Tenth._ Further, that every three months a chamberlain should be

elected, and his notary be boxed [_inbussolari_] for this community,

as provided by the statutes, and with the usual salaries.

_Answer._ We shall delegate a chamberlain for a competent period; as

to the notary, let it be as asked.

_Eleventh._ Further, that the notary of the military and the chancery

notary of sentences be boxed, with the same salaries and emoluments as

heretofore.

_Answer._ Be it so.

_Twelfth._ Further, that the quarter of salt be revised, and restored

to its proper weight of thirty-five pounds, in order to remove

numerous complaints as to this, and that it be sold for the customary

price.

_Answer._ Be it so.

_Thirteenth._ Further, that the podestà reside constantly in the city,

and that his office last six months, with the usual honours; also that

your Lordship should agree never to re-appoint any podestà, and that,

at the termination of their official services, he and the other

officials should render account to the priors of this city, the

statutory allowance being paid to the persons employed to pass their

accounts, and to the notary.

_Answer._ Such is our intention, reserving our freedom therein; but

the accounts and notary shall have the usual salaries: as to the

podestà's jurisdiction, we consent that it shall not be renewed beyond

a year.

_Fourteenth._ Further, that your Lordship deign to select two good,

competent, and skilful physicians, to be paid a salary from the

community, and to be bound to visit and prescribe for all persons

within the city and countship paying imposts, and for all others, at

some fee or emolument, including your Lordship's family.

_Answer._ So be it; but let them be held to visit indiscriminately all

citizens, our household included.

_Fifteenth._ Further, that there always be in this city a

schoolmaster, with an excellent and well-qualified rehearser, at the

customary salary.

_Answer._ Be it so; be it so.

_Sixteenth._ Further, that the camp-captains of this community be

citizens or inhabitants of the countship.

_Answer._ Be it so.

_Seventeenth._ Further, seeing that many merchants and others, passing

with their effects, have and do refuse to take the road by Urbino, or

through this state, in consequence of the great and enormous tolls,

that your Lordship would agree to these tolls being paid as under the

old laws in the time of Count Antonio of happy memory.

_Answer._ Let the same regulations be observed as in the time of our

sire of good memory; be it so.

_Eighteenth._ Further, seeing that many citizens of Urbino are

creditors of the Lord Guidantonio of most happy memory, and of his son

and successor Oddantonio, some for merchandise and other goods

supplied to them, or by their order; some for obligations and

engagements incurred by their command; that your Lordship would

condescend and will that these be paid out of their effects.

_Answer._ It will be our endeavour to arrange that they be satisfied

in so far as possible, but we do not hereby intend to commit ourselves

further than we are legally bound.

_Nineteenth._ Further, that two suitable and qualified citizens of

Urbino be chosen to the office of _appassatus_ for this community,

their appointment to last two years, and to be regulated thereafter as

found convenient.

_Answer._ We agree as regards ourselves, but, as other interests are

involved, let justice be observed.

_Twentieth._ Further, that your Lordship would condescend to depute

for the priors a clerk for their business, not from those employed in

chancery.

_Answer._ The communal clerk may suffice[303] for this.

FEDERICUS FELTRIUS, _manu propria_.

[Footnote 303: The extract sent me has "supplicat," probably for

"suppetat."]

APPENDIX V

(Page 161)

DEVICES AND MOTTOES OF THE DUKES OF URBINO

A great deal of ingenuity, and no small amount of learning, were

expended in Italy on the invention of _impresi_, or allegorical

emblems used by personages of high station or celebrity, somewhat as

crests and mottoes are in modern heraldry. The same quaint fashion of

_devises_ or badges prevailed to a less degree in France, and found

some favour even in England during the days of euphuism, but, being

better suited to the pedantic conceits and lively fancy which

circulated freely in southern lands, than to the practical tendency of

Anglo-Saxon temperaments, it took no enduring hold among us. Giovio,

Ruscelli, and other Italian writers of note, thought their talents

worthily employed in publishing collections of impresi,--a jargon of

tropes, illustrated by a jingle of spurious jests,--as well as in

imagining them for patrons or friends; and Bernardo Tasso was

considered an adept in such perverted ingenuity. Yet, as these badges

are constantly met with in architectural decorations, medals, and

illuminated MSS., it is useful to possess an index to their ownership,

though not always to their occult meaning. In this view we shall give

a list of the devices of Urbino sovereigns, which we have chanced to

meet with in books or works of art, arranging them to the best of our

information.

1. The _ventosa_, or cupping-glass, which, when painted half full of

blood, more resembles a bomb-shell exploding.

2. A unicorn.

3. A white ostrich, bearing in its mouth a horse-shoe, or sometimes

an arrow-head; motto, _Ich an vordait ein grossers_, "I'd like a

larger." This is sometimes varied as a crane or stork on one leg,

holding a stone in his raised claw, to be dropped as a signal of alarm

to his companions.

4. A lion.

5. A bear.

6. A panther.

7. A muzzled dog, the emblem of fidelity.

8. The black eagle of Montefeltro; sometimes it is mounted on a

tortoise, alluding to Duke Federigo's cautious policy.

9. The Garter of England, with its motto.

10. The Ermine of Naples, with the motto _Non mai_, or _Nunquam_,

"Never." (See above, p. 223, note.)

11. St. Michael of France, or it may be St. George of England.

12. A clothes-brush of the Italian form, being a bundle of twigs

closely tied and cut across. It was a device borrowed from the Dukes

of Milan, of unknown signification.

13. An olive-tree.

14. A noose amid defiles.

15. A pen or box for shoeing oxen.

16. The cypher F E D X in Gothic characters.

17. A shield quartered; first and fourth, on a field vert, blazing

flames; second and third, on a field azure.

18. Three golden suns, }

19. A rainbow dividing four stars, } All on an azure ground.

20. Three winged thunderbolts, }

21. Two palm-branches passed through a gold finger-ring, on a red

ground.

22. A burning lantern.

23. On a field gules, a lion rampant proper, holding a rapier; motto,

_Non deest in generoso pectore virtus_. It was invented by Castiglione

as an assertion of Francesco Maria's worth in the affair of the

Cardinal of Pavia.

24. A palm-tree bent to one side, and half crushed by a block of

marble; motto, _Inclinata resurgit_, "Though bent it springs again."

This was adopted by Duke Francesco Maria I. in token of his successful

struggle against evil fortune.

25. Three _metæ_, or antique goal pillars, or obelisks; motto, [Greek:

Philairetotatô], "To the most devoted lover of virtue." A design for

these goals was sent to Duke Guidobaldo II. by Bernardo Tasso, from

the Circus Maximus at Rome.

26. Two circular temples, united by a balustrade; motto, _Hic terminus

hæret_, "This goal adheres."

27. A face inflated with wind; motto, [Greek: Olbios sianolbios],

"Happy and prosperous."

28. A budding oak-tree, the armorial bearing of the della Rovere,

inscribed _Feretria_.

29. An oak-tree whence are suspended the arms of Montefeltro or

Feretria; motto, _Tuta tueor_, "I watch over their safety."

30. The initials of his own two Christian names linked by a gordian

knot to those of his two wives, G.G. and V.V. _i.e._ Guido with

Giulia; Ubaldo with Vittoria; motto, _Gordio fortior_, "Stronger than

the gordian tie."

31. An altar, on which are the sybil's leaves.

Of these, Nos. 1 and 2, with perhaps others, were used by the early

Counts; Nos. 3 to 21 by Montefeltrian Dukes; Nos. 22 and 23 by Duke

Francesco Maria I.; the remainder by his son.

APPENDIX VI

(Pages 166, 212)

THE ILLUMINATED MSS. IN THE URBINO LIBRARY

It would far exceed our limits to describe these in detail, but we

shall mention four MSS. of especial interest now at the Vatican.

1. The HEBREW BIBLE, alleged to have been taken at Volterra (see p.

212), is the most ponderous volume I have met with. The boards are 23

inches by 16, and the 979 leaves of stout parchment form a thickness

of nearly a foot. It has been lately bound in crimson morocco--a

wonderful triumph of mechanical art,--and two men are required to

carry it. The prose books are in double columns, the poetical ones in

triple, each having a sort of title and tail-piece of tracery, into

which are introduced arabesques and grotesques entirely composed of

small Hebrew characters. These, and other passages in similar

caligraphy, contain the commentary called Mazorra,[304] in which

parallel passages are cited. The text is written with points, the

commentary without them; the character is of the description used by

German Jews, but was probably executed in Italy; it appears to be all

by the same hand, and bears date 5055 of the Jewish era, corresponding

to A.D. 1295. In the opinion, however, of Monsignor Molza, librarian

at the Vatican, and a most learned orientalist, the MS. may be

somewhat later. It is said that a proposal was once made by some Jews

to purchase this book for its weight in gold, or, as Giunta

asserts,[305] for 30,000 scudi; Philip II. having, he adds, offered

20,000 for it. The reason assigned by him for such excessive

estimation is, that this transcript was the chief authority for that

reading of Isaiah vii. 14, "Behold a virgin shall conceive, and bear a

son, and shall call his name Immanuel," on which is based the doctrine

of the immaculate conception.

[Footnote 304: This commentary, I believe, bears also the name of

Raschid.]

[Footnote 305: MS. works in the Albani library at Rome.]

2. The LATIN BIBLE, mentioned at p. 166, is now among the richest

specimens of ornamented caligraphy in the Vatican library, and

consists of two folio volumes, 22 by 18 inches, in modern Russia

binding. It is St. Jerome's translation, with his preface. Each book

is preceded by a picture of some remarkable fact in the history,

crowded with figures, and surprisingly animated. The arabesque

ornaments are also most perfect, and the whole may be considered, as

regards beauty and preservation, one of the most important works of

the golden days of manuscript illumination. It has been attributed to

Perugino or Pinturicchio, and there are indications that the artists

employed upon it were well acquainted with productions of the Umbrian

school, but the execution, however brilliant, in no way warrants such

pretensions.[306] Neither can the conjecture be well founded, lately

put forward with much confidence by some Roman connoisseurs, that

these splendid volumes were ornamented by the pencil of Piero della

Francesca, as that artist, whose great talents will elsewhere occupy

our attention, was old, and probably blind, before the date affixed to

volume first, in a colophon identifying it with Florence, and

preserving this curious record of the mixed motives of piety, war, and

painting which influenced Duke Federigo in ordering such works.

[Footnote 306: That many of the greatest Italian painters, up to about

1500, were in the habit of illuminating religious and historical MSS.

is a fact which need not here be illustrated by examples. But as the

name of Perugino occurs, I may mention that one of the most perfect

miniatures known to exist is the martyrdom of St. Sebastian, signed by

him, in a Book of Offices of the Romish Church, purchased by me at

Rome, in 1838, from Prince Albani, which now ornaments the Earl of

Ashburnham's rich collection. This volume, containing several other

paintings of equal merit, was executed for Giovanni di Pierantonio

Bandini Baroncelli, long ambassador from the Medici at the court of

Charles V., the great antiquity of whose family is sarcastically

maintained by Boccaccio, on the ground that their ugliness proves them

to have issued from the hands of Nature ere she had become perfect at

her business!]

"Finit prima pars Bibliæ, a divo Hieronimo translata, quam

illustrissimus princeps Federicus, Urbini Dux et Montisfeltri Comes,

Generalisque Capitaneus et Ferdinandi Regis et sanctæ Romanæ ecclesiæ

vexillifer, atque omnium suæ ætatis præstantissimus imperator,

faciendum curavit, non minus Christianæ religioni tuendæ atque

exornandæ intentus, quam disciplinæ militari amplificandæ. Absolutum

autem Florentiæ opus est anno ab humanatione Christi Millesimo

quadringentesimo septuagesimo sexto, Februarii mensis die quinto et

vigesimo."--The two volumes contain 550 leaves: with all its beauty

the first is of unequal merit, its miniatures being often poor in

conception; those in the second are inferior to it in movement and

expression.

3. The folio DANTE (No. 365) is remarkable on several accounts. On the

frontispiece are the Montefeltrian arms, with the Garter of England

embroidered in pearls; but though decorated throughout with the

devices and initials of Duke Federigo--"belli fulgur, et pacis et

patriæ pius pater,"--the after-portion of the volume must have been

painted at least half a century later. The seventy-three earlier

miniatures are characterised by more accurate perspective in

architecture and landscape than Florence could then boast; while the

elaborate action and varied movement of the nude groups, their

muscular development, and correct foreshortening, are in advance of

the age; yet the short figures and mean faces altogether want ideality

and elevation of character. The Inferno is treated with a severity in

colouring and accessories, alien to human associations, and befitting

a grand mysterious theme, which offers nothing pleasing, gaudy, or

mundane. The Purgatorio, though of less startling themes and harsh

details, is still all supernatural. Towards its close commence the

more modern paintings, forty-one in number, and the sudden transition

of feeling and execution occurs exactly in harmony with the subject.

All becomes at once bright and beautiful, sunny and smiling; flowery

meadows are peopled by fair damsels. The Paradiso is treated in a like

style of elegance, but with diminished intensity and variety of

sentiment, qualities necessarily less called for by the subject.

Agincourt erroneously ascribes the older decorations to the school of

Perugino: they are, however, apparently Umbrian, and may have been

done by followers of Piero della Francesca. The latter ones are

generally attributed to Giulio Clovio, and seem to have been executed

under his influence, although Blatner allots them to followers of the

Zuccari or Baroccio, and traces a resemblance to the miniatures next

to be described.

4. THE LIVES OF THE DUKES OF URBINO, in two volumes folio, richly

bound in crimson velvet, and written in the cursive Italian hand,

which is said to have been invented by Aldus Manutius. These are Duke

Federigo, by Muzio, and Duke Francesco Maria I., by Leoni, and each

contains, besides a portrait and highly decorative title, three

miniatures of remarkable scenes. The likeness of Federigo is the same

which has been engraved for the printed work of Muzio; that of his

grandson is a copy of Titian's portrait at Florence. The incidents

selected for the pencil are:--(1) The Count's welcome by the citizens

as their seigneur in 1443; (2) The battle of San Fabbiano by

moonlight; (3) The siege of Volterra.--(1) Duke Francesco Maria's

investiture by Julius II., as captain-general of the Holy See; (2) An

incident in the Urbino campaign of 1517; (3) His reception at Venice

by the Doge in 1524. Notwithstanding some recent doubts as to their

long imputed authorship, these volumes are probably by Giulio Clovio,

and afford a favourable example of his exquisite though somewhat

meretricious style.

APPENDIX VII

(Page 224)

DUKE FEDERIGO OF URBINO A KNIGHT OF THE GARTER

Paolo Cortesio tells us that, when some sycophants, after the Volterra

expedition, assured the Duke that no name was more glorious or more

widely famous, he exclaimed, "How so, since no one in Spain or France

ever heard of me? Think you that it has ever crossed the Alps?"

Notwithstanding this modest reproof, it is certain that fame was then

carrying his renown even to the

"Penitus toto divisos orbe Britannos,"

and that within about two years he was by them received into the

noblest and most chivalrous company whom the world has ever seen. In

supplement to the meagre notice of his election as a Knight of the

Garter supplied by its records and historians, we shall here translate

some unpublished letters addressed to Edward IV. and his courtiers,

noticing others in the same collection,[307] and adding passages from

Sanzi and Porcellio, contemporary poets, who severally mention this

mead of honour in Italian and Latin verse.

[Footnote 307: Vat. Urb. MSS. No. 1198, f. 12, &c., Literæ Ducis

Federici, in Latin.]

1. "To the most Serene Monarch and lofty Prince, my singular

Lord, the Lord Edward, King of England, France, and Ireland;

"By the most Reverend Father and Lord, John, and the

distinguished knight, Sir Bartholomew, your Majesty's

all-gifted ambassadors, I have received the insignia of the

Order of the Garter, wherewith you have, with singular

politeness, deigned to honour me. My most Serene Prince,

King Ferdinand [of Naples] having shortly before arrived at

Rome to wait upon the Pope, I likewise repaired hither, and

thus was already here on the arrival of Sir Bartholomew. He,

wishing me to be invested with that eminent decoration at

Grotta Ferrata, not far from this city, it took place in

presence of that monarch in his robes of the Order, and of

two reverend lords cardinals, one of them nephew of his

Holiness and my connection by marriage, the other the

vice-chancellor, several princes and the envoys of many

states being also in attendance. Thus was this eminent

dignity honoured before many distinguished personages, to my

great and signal satisfaction; for, the more marked the

compliments and distinctions paid to your Majesty, the

fuller are my joy and gratitude. In this way have I received

the distinguished gift of your Serene Highness, to whom I

would ever hold myself bound in all respect and service. I

have often looked into, and most willingly perused, the

statutes sent me by your Highness, which I shall be careful

with all diligence to obey; and I shall, to the utmost of my

power, endeavour to acquit myself of my duty to your

Majesty, and all others to whom I am indebted; so I trust

you will never regret having conferred upon me this

decoration. The matter has given pleasure to my serene

Prince, King Ferdinand, and especially to his Holiness, who

both are affectionately inclined towards your Majesty; and I

thus impart to you their respective intentions of expressing

thanks for this favour conferred upon me. The

acknowledgments which I feel and owe for that distinction to

your Majesty, and to the illustrious knights of the Order, I

indeed never can adequately express; but your singular

consideration, which has chosen to lay me under such an

obligation, will not be insensible to my devotion and good

will. As soon as it is in my power I shall send one of my

subjects to lay all my duty before your Majesty, at whose

feet I humbly commend myself." [From Rome.]

Another brief to the same monarch reiterates these

acknowledgments:--

2. "Most serene Sovereign and distinguished Lord, my special

Lord,

"After humble commendation. I have received, as I already

wrote, by the hands of a famed knight, the Lord Bartholomew,

your Majesty's ambassador, that distinguished favour the

Garter, which he brought to me some months ago in name of

your Majesty. For such a gift I ought to feel many thanks,

and I do so, although unable worthily to offer them to your

Majesty. My joy, and my estimate of the honour, may best be

understood from the excellence of that dignity, worthy as it

truly is of royalty; and the remarkable munificence and

inherent liberality of your Majesty may teach me how

willingly I ought to receive it: but all this I shall cut

short in writing to your Majesty, having already fully

stated it to the Lord Bartholomew. Whom, indeed, I received

with the utmost satisfaction, and most cordially welcomed,

not only as the envoy and ambassador of your Serene

Highness, whose every least behest is to be by me observed

as an honour and a pleasure, but also on account of his own

worth and excellent manners. From the King of Sicily, to

whom he was accredited by your Majesty, he bears the most

commendatory testimonials, and was very well received by the

Pope, and altogether it would be difficult to express how

favourably I am inclined towards him. For more I refer to

him, and to that worthy soldier Sir Pietro degli Ubaldini,

who, born of a noble house, has been brought up by me, and

whom I send in my name, to lay before your Majesty my duty,

since it is not granted me to offer it in person, as I

should greatly have preferred; whom, indeed, I should have

equally sent without any obligation in the statutes of the

Garter.[308] These statutes I have often perused, and they

are impressed upon my memory, nor shall I omit whatever

seems needful to their due observance. And this I shall ever

endeavour to perform to the utmost of my poor ability, even

were it less equal to so high a favour and dignity. At all

events, as regards my faithful duty and obedience to these

statutes, your Majesty will have no cause for

dissatisfaction. For your Majesty, as for his Holiness

(whose natural servant and subject I am), and for my Lord

your brother the King of Sicily, I am ready heartily to

expose my state and person, so often as it may be desired or

required; which, indeed, I should not consider as

discharging a thousandth part of my debt to your Majesty,

before whose feet I humbly commend myself. For yourself, for

your serene consort the Queen, and for your illustrious

children, especially the Prince your eldest son, I heartily

desire all safety and happiness."

[Footnote 308: The date of this mission is indicated by a letter of

22nd August, 1475. It and another are addressed to Don Antonio and Don

Guglielmo, probably English courtiers, referring to that embassy to

England, offering duty to Edward, and the writer's services in his

behalf at Rome and Naples.]

On the return of his envoy from England, Federigo again addressed

Edward as follows:--

3. "To the most serene and invincible Monarch, and

distinguished Lord, my special Lord;