Count Federigo succeeds to Urbino and acquires
Fossombrone--His connection with the Sforza family, whereby
he incurs excommunication--His campaign in the
Maremma--Loses his eye in a tournament.
It was during the siege of Pesaro that Federigo heard of the horrible
catastrophe, by which his brother Oddantonio, on the 22nd July, 1444,
atoned the excesses of his brief sovereignty. But this assassination,
the result of a sudden outbreak, indicated no general disloyalty to
the race of Montefeltro. The virtues and moderation of Guidantonio
were fresh in men's minds; Federigo was personally liked, and his
recent feats of arms, under the eyes of his countrymen, were accepted
as first fruits of a growing fame. The fief might indeed be held as
lapsed by the close of the male line, but there were abundant
precedents of reinvestitures to illegitimate successors, and the
citizens of Urbino, shocked at their own outrage, sought to remedy the
past by a prompt return to duty.[*76] Sanzi accordingly tells us that
the factious and blood-thirsty populace wonderfully united in electing
as their seigneur the heroic Federigo, who, meanwhile, informed by the
bishop of the tumult and its results, had repaired to Urbino, where,
on the following day, conditions were formally offered and accepted as
the terms on which he was chosen. The instrument containing the
demands of the people, and his replies to each, will be found in the
Appendix IV., and throws some light upon the extent of popular rights,
and the manner of enforcing them, in the despotic communities of
Italy. Divested of the rude style in which they were expressed, these
concessions were to the following purpose:--
1. A general amnesty for the recent revolution.[77]
2. Bimonthly election of the priors of Urbino, with certain
powers, and with a salary of fifteen ducats.
3. A new house for the priors.
4. A reduction of assessments from five and a half to four
_soldi_ in the _lira_.
5. Revocation of all donations made posterior to
Guidantonio.
6. Similar revocation of immunities and privileges granted
to the nobility and communes.
7. Control by the citizens of the watching and warding fees.
8. Application of a tierce of all escheats to the use of
public works.
9. Promise to impose no new taxes, except in urgent
circumstances.
10. Trimestral elections of the chamberlain.
11. The notaries acting as clerks of military orders and of
sentences to be boxed (_imbussolari_) with their salaries
and perquisites.
12. Reform of the measures for salt.
13. Semestral change of the podestà and certain other
officers, without intervention of the Count.
14. Appointment of two medical officers bound to attend to
all ratepayers, their salaries to be charged on the
community.
15. Similar appointment of a schoolmaster and assistant.
16. The camp-captains of Urbino to be citizens.
17. Abolition of recent oppressive tolls, which impede the
passage of merchants.
18. Payment to creditors of the two last sovereigns.
19. Biennial election of two _appassati_[78] for Urbino.
20. An additional clerk for the priors.
[Footnote *76: I do not quite see what is meant here by "duty." No
such thing as loyalty in our sense, loyalty "to our liege-lord the
king," was, of course, known or even understood in fifteenth-century
Italy. And even if it had been, what "duty" did the Urbinati owe to a
bastard? And again, as we see they "elected" Federigo as the Signore.]
[Footnote 77: This, it is said, was exacted of him on oath, before he
was admitted within the city gate.]
[Footnote 78: _Passatojo_, in Italian, signifies a deduction or
drawback from the pay of soldiers. I am ignorant of the duties of
these functionaries, unless they were commissioners charged with the
adjustment of such claims.]
[Illustration: _Alinari_
FEDERIGO OF URBINO
_From the XV. Century relief in the Bargello, Florence_]
On the 1st of August proclamation was made of a reduction of imposts,
the regulation of salt measures at thirty-three pounds to the quarter,
and the remission of condemnations. Besides these conditions, Federigo
granted or confirmed to his capital a constitution, which, however,
was rather of a municipal than political character, and which
consisted in two general councils, one composed of thirty-two, the
other of twenty-four, citizens. These preliminaries arranged,
deputations flocked from Gubbio and the other communities to offer
their obedience, and were soon followed by congratulations from
neighbouring powers.
* * * * *
The political aspect of Central Italy, and the condition of her
princes, during this century, are thus sketched by a recent
writer:--"Their feeble and unquiet domination was obtained sometimes
by usurpations from rivals, from the people, or from the Church,
sometimes by authority wrested originally from pope or emperor, and
subsequently sanctioned, which was wielded now with more, now with
less, rigour; but all of them were encompassed by a numerous
following, were devoted to the profession of mercenary war, and were
at once the abettors and dreaders of rebellions, ambushes, poisonings.
Various were the vicissitudes of these chiefs. In order to oust a
competitor, they would offer large concessions to the Church or the
populace, and having attained to sovereignty would gradually curtail
these until the community called in another master, to be in like
manner supplanted by a third. In other cases they compromised their
disputes by partitioning cities or principalities. Frequently the
Pontiff would favour one faction in order to put down another, and to
profit by their mutual strife; again, he would elevate a third over
them both, under cloak of freedom. It was, in short, constant wavering
between abuses and concessions, tyranny and licence; the seigneur
intent upon extending his influence, although by dishonest means, the
people prompt to diminish it even to anarchy."[79]
[Footnote 79: CIBRARIO, _Economia Politica del Medio Evo_.]
This description might be justly applied to the Montefeltrian holdings
under most of their early counts, but a brighter day dawned upon the
duchy with Federigo's accession, and Urbino had the singular fortune
during the next hundred and ninety years, and under the sway of two
dynasties numbering five sovereigns, to be equally exempt from
oppression and disorder, from domestic broils and disputed
successions; to be governed by princes not less beloved at home than
respected abroad, whose brows might be graced by olive or laurel,
according to the spirit or the exigencies of the time, but who ever
entwined with it the myrtle wreath.
The policy and manners of Federigo, equally prudent and conciliatory,
confirmed the favourable anticipations previously formed, and are thus
depicted by his contemporary Sanzi:--
"His flower of youth was bursting into bloom;
Mild beyond measure, merciful and just,
Fervent in piety, in counsel sage;
Heedless of thirst or hunger, cold or heat;
Unworn by watching, vigorous his frame,
Gladsome his gentle mien; prompt to obey,
Or play the master as the case may be,
Or to persuade: rare gifts in warrior bold!
Wary and watchful in his generalship,
The hearts of e'en his foes he knew to win
By kind forbearance in the battle field.
From anger, pride, and avarice exempt,
But courteous, liberal, eloquent, and true,
In him each lofty grace spontaneous grew."
If the accusation be well founded, which we have formerly stated
against Sigismondo Pandolfo Malatesta, of corrupting Oddantonio's
morals, in the hope of supplanting him in his seigneury, the easy
succession of Federigo must have brought him bitter disappointment.
His total failure before Pesaro aggravated this annoyance, and he
vented his spite by simultaneous inroads on two opposite quarters of
Urbino. A conspiracy against Federigo, discovered about this time, was
also perhaps the fruit of his intrigues; but, being discovered, its
authors were led to the block, whilst the adherents of Malatesta were
repulsed from the frontier. In this state of matters, the Count of
Urbino (for the dukedom had died with Oddantonio) was surprised by an
offer from Galeazzo Malatesta to sell him the seigneuries of Pesaro
and Fossombrone, nominally his, which he found himself incompetent to
defend from his rapacious neighbour of Rimini. The proposal was
tempting, for both these possessions lay admirably to Urbino, and
would extend its frontier to the Adriatic. But Federigo's position was
one of delicacy between Sigismondo Malatesta on one hand, and
Francesco Sforza on the other, both anxious to acquire those fiefs,
and both his personal enemies. The death at this very juncture of his
old friend and commander Nicolò Piccinino, which appeared to
complicate his embarrassment, proved the means of relieving it.
Sforza, having watched his rising reputation, calculated more
advantage from his friendship than his opposition, and availed himself
of the opportunity presented by Piccinino's demise, to make
conciliatory overtures. Before committing himself, Federigo offered
his services to the Pope, which being declined, with full licence to
dispose of them as he pleased, he at once closed with Sforza,
accepting a command, with four hundred lances and as many infantry,
for the common defence of their respective states. This arrangement
transferred his banner from the Braccian to the Sforzan party,
battalions originally embodied under the rival captains from whom
they were respectively designated, but distinguished in name, and
regarded as the type of opposite systems, long after their founders
had passed away. The tactics of Braccio di Montone were rapid and
decisive, the policy of Attendolo Sforza cautious to a proverb;
extremes which the Count of Urbino's practice was considered happily
to have combined. In order to complete the necessary stipulations, he
repaired to Fermo on a visit to Francesco, and passed some weeks
there, returning on the 10th of December.
It remained to adjust the affair of Pesaro and Fossombrone. The
despicable lord of these fiefs had a granddaughter, Costanza Varana,
whose pedigree in relation to the Montefeltrian princes we have
explained, and who had gained the affections of Alessandro, brother of
Francesco Sforza. Federigo, unable to pay for both seigneuries, or
unwilling to hazard the odium which so sudden an aggrandisement might
incur, proceeded on the 9th of January to Jesi, and proposed to the
two Sforza that Francesco should purchase Pesaro for Alessandro, who
should marry Costanza, whilst Fossombrone should be united to
Urbino.[*80] The suggestion being no less agreeable than beneficial to
all parties, it was heartily acceded to, and, ere many weeks passed,
an arrangement was completed, whereby Galeazzo, exchanging the alarms
of insecure sovereignty for a contemptible retirement, made over
Pesaro to Alessandro and Fossombrone to Federigo, for the respective
sums of 20,000 and 13,000 ducats or florins of gold, reserving the
mills and his other allodial property; and thereafter withdrew to
Florence, where, on the death of his talented and neglected wife
Battista di Montefeltro in a convent, he married a lady of the Medici,
and is said to have ended his ignoble life in misery. On the 16th of
March, the nuptials of Alessandro Sforza with Costanza Varana were
happily accomplished; she inherited much of her grandmother's
capacity, and transmitted it to her youngest daughter, Battista, who
in due time became second wife of Count Federigo.[81]
[Footnote *80: For all that concerns Sforza in the Marche, see A.
GIANANDREA, _Della Signoria di Francesco Sforza nella Marca secondo le
Memorie e i documenti dell'Archivio Fabrianese_, in _Archivio St.
Ital._, series V., tom. I., disp. 4.]
[Footnote 81: Sismondi's account of these facts is strangely
inaccurate. One page of his seventy-first chapter contains these four
misstatements: 1. That Federigo was son of Bernardino della Carda by
the Countess of Urbino; 2. That he married, about 1444, a daughter of
Francesco Sforza; 3. That 20,000 florins was the price of both fiefs;
4. That Fossombrone was gifted to Federigo by Sforza. I have not found
an authority for any one of these assertions.]
This partition, apparently so advantageous to Francesco Sforza, was
but the beginning of mischief. His son-in-law Sigismondo, ever
"On brawls and battle-fields intent,"
could ill brook the disappointment of his designs upon two fiefs long
in his family, and admirably suited to consolidate his territory by
incorporating Fano with Rimini; still less could he submit to be cut
out of them by his especial enemy Federigo. Another circumstance had
lately occurred to exasperate against Francesco his ever jealous
father-in-law the Duke of Milan. Ciarpelion, one of his favourite
captains, had been induced to accept from Visconti the command vacated
by Piccinino's death, but his application for a furlough was answered
by the provost-marshal, who hanged him after inflicting horrible
tortures. Thus were his wife's father and his daughter's husband
united against the Lord of La Marca, nor did they find it difficult to
rekindle in the Pope and the King of Naples their dormant jealousies
of a soldier of fortune, whose possessions were desirable spoil to
them both. He was consequently assailed at once by three of the chief
powers of Italy, and by several of the petty feudatories and
independent captains, whilst, as Florence and Venice were but lukewarm
allies, he had no efficient aid to look for, beyond that of his recent
but faithful friend Federigo. With him accordingly he drew more
closely the bonds of amity, and in the end of June paid him a visit of
five days at Urbino, accompanied by his family, when Sanzi tells us
they exchanged reciprocal pledges of a romantic brotherhood in arms,
preparatory to the empty dignity of general-in-chief, conferred upon
the Count by Sforza on the 15th of July.
The province which accidental circumstances had subjected to Francesco
gave him but a feeble tenure of sovereignty. It extended along the
Adriatic sea-board from Sinigaglia to the Tronto, including the
Marshes of Ancona and Fermo, lately the richest portion of the Papal
States. But time was wanting to consolidate his dominion, and to give
him that hold upon the affections and interests of his people which is
ever wanting to upstart potentates. The very extent of his territory
thus became an element of peril, and the danger was aggravated by the
ill-timed accession to it of Upper Abruzzo as far as Pescara, which,
throwing off the yoke of Alfonso, placed itself under his protection,
giving another pretext to the confederates for accelerating their
attack. This, however, the Marquis[82] anticipated by hurrying to the
north, and attacking his son-in-law's possessions about Fano. Leaving
there an army, under his brother Alessandro and the Count of Urbino,
to intercept the Milanese forces, he proceeded to Florence, and by the
aid of Cosimo de' Medici obtained a considerable sum of money. On his
return he carried La Pergola after a gallant defence. But these
exertions were all in vain. His subjects, proverbially fickle, bound
to him by no hereditary attachment, and alarmed by the extensive
preparations maturing for his destruction, prepared to abandon his
cause, and seek for protection under their former ecclesiastical
masters. Ascoli first raised the standard of insurrection, and slew
Rinaldo, uterine brother of the Marquis; but the contagion quickly
spread, and although, by forced marches and the most strenuous
efforts, he for a time kept the country in obedience, and even
recovered several revolted castles, the loss of Rocca Contrada,
seduced by the intrigues of Sigismondo, closed the most available pass
that remained to him. From that moment his cause seemed desperate, and
it became his object to provide for the safety of his troops and few
remaining strongholds during the approaching winter, in the hope that
spring might bring him better fortune. The garrisons of Fermo and Jesi
were succoured, and his cavalry were quartered in the valleys of
Urbino, whilst he took up his quarters in Pesaro. But ere the year
ended, Fermo his capital rose, and the garrison were starved into a
capitulation.
[Footnote 82: Sforza had this territorial title from Eugenius IV.,
when invested by him with La Marca in 1433, and we prefer it to using
his more common designation of Count, in order to distinguish him from
the Count of Urbino.]
Federigo had shared in all the fatigues of this campaign, and had
gained what distinction could be gathered from its skirmishes and
petty sieges. He thus earned the special indignation of Eugenius,
whose legate vainly represented to him the folly of adhering to a
cause irretrievably lost. Even after Alessandro Sforza had been
induced by these arguments to give his adhesion to the Pontiff, the
Count of Urbino, deeming it disgraceful to swerve from his plighted
troth, afforded shelter and protection at Gubbio to the Marquis's
family, thus compelled to retire from Pesaro. His reward was papal
excommunication, and a new inroad on his devoted state by the Perugian
troops, at the instance of Filippo Maria Visconti.
But the tide of adversity had nearly spent itself. The Venetians and
Florentines, at length roused to exertions in behalf of their ally,
brought their forces into the field. The former advanced to support
Cremona, which belonged to Sforza, but was now assailed by his
father-in-law; the latter marched three thousand cavalry and a
thousand foot into Romagna. Francesco and Federigo, on the strength of
this seasonable reinforcement, resumed the offensive, and challenged
the ecclesiastical army to a trial of strength, the Count adding a
special defiance to personal combat with Sigismondo. Both invitations
were evaded or declined, and as the Sforza battalions marched round
the camp of an enemy superior in numbers,--a clang of triumph echoing
from their trumpets,--and assailed them with hisses and insulting
cries, the moral effect was perhaps equal to a victory.[83] This was
in October, and during the autumn many petty successes were gained
over Malatesta about Pesaro, Alessandro Sforza having reunited his
interests with those of his brother. The Venetians were meanwhile so
pressing upon Visconti in Lombardy that he hastened to make overtures
of reconciliation with his son-in-law, who, gladly profiting by the
opportunity to retrieve his damaged position, found some paltry excuse
to shake himself loose from the Republic, and, by one of those rapid
tergiversations which free lances were privileged to perform, turned
his arms against his defenders. Policy, if not honour, justified this
course, for the declining health of Filippo Maria held out to Sforza
new hopes of the Milanese succession, and gave him a strong inducement
to defend that territory from neighbours so powerful and ambitious.
The confederacy being thus broken up, peace was restored to Romagna by
a treaty of the 11th March, 1447; but Sigismondo, deeply disgusted at
the entire failure of his calculations, which, presuming on the utter
ruin of Federigo, had made sure of acquiring Urbino, Montefeltro,
Durante, Gubbio, Fossombrone, and Pesaro, impatiently awaited an
opportunity for revenge. In the autumn of that year he was enabled by
the cabal of a few discontented citizens to seize Fossombrone, but
within three days it was recovered by Federigo, to the great joy of
its inhabitants, who celebrated by thanksgivings and festivals their
release from a tyrant's odious yoke. The misery of these intestine
wars is illustrated by an anecdote mentioned of this assault, that the
Count conceived it necessary to stimulate the ardour of his soldiery
by promising them the pillage of this his own city; and he is stated
to have earned the praise of a most just and lenient prince, by
restraining their fury until he had placed the women in safety.
[Footnote 83: Sanzi exults over the cowardly confederates in a
triplet, whose sound ingeniously echoes the sense:--
"Cum pompa excelsa, al suon di molte trombe,
Empiendo l'aria d'alte voci humane
Par che ogni valle del remor ribombe."
The ruin occasioned by this campaign is supposed to have overtaken the
poet's family, and to have induced them to exchange their roof-tree at
Colbordolo for the more secure shelter of Urbino, where Raffaele was
born.]
During the year 1447, there occurred two deaths of great moment to
Italy, those of Pope Eugenius IV. and Filippo Maria Duke of Milan.
Gabriele Condolmiere of Venice owed his promotion to his countryman
Gregory XII., whose nephew he is said to have been, and received the
triple tiara in March, 1431, when but forty-eight years of age. His
reign was one of turbulence, for the convulsions consequent upon his
policy disorganised Italy, and threatened Christendom with a new
schism. Putting himself at once in hostility with the Colonna, whose
power had grown formidable under their kinsman Martin V., he exposed
Rome to be pillaged by their lawless bands. Soon after, he was glad to
fly in disguise to Florence, leaving his capital in the hands of a
republican faction, and oppressed by the partisans of Braccio. As the
last hope of recovering a portion of his territory from the various
condottieri who ravaged it, and "dreading a perilous contest more than
an ignominious peace,"[84] he recognised Francesco Sforza, the most
influential of them, as Lord or Marquis of La Marca, and created him
Gonfaloniere of the Church. But with the bad faith which marked the
age, he sought to rid himself of the instrument as soon as his purpose
was served. Restless in his policy, headstrong in his counsels, to
him in a great measure was owing that perturbed state of Italy, which,
when once become normal, continued, until the descent of the French in
1492, to realise the graphic description of Machiavelli: "Peace it
cannot be called, whilst the princes were frequently fighting; neither
can such struggles well be regarded as warfare, where men were not
slain, nor cities sacked, nor sovereignties sacrificed; for so feeble
became these strifes, that they were commenced without alarm, were
conducted without risk, and closed without damage."[85] Nor was his
management of spiritual interests more commendable. His quarrel with
the Council of Basle gave him a rival antipope, and might have cost
him his tiara, but for an unexpected overture of the last Emperor of
Constantinople to unite the Greek and Latin Churches. Such, however,
was his good fortune, that the completion of that union, the cruel
persecutions he directed against the Hussites, and his ascetic
rejection of personal indulgences to which he was indifferent, have
gained for him the reputation of a zealot in faith, a saint in morals,
and withal a pillar of the papacy.
[Footnote 84: MACHIAVELLI, _Istorie_, lib. V.]
[Footnote 85: MACHIAVELLI, _Istorie_, lib. V.]
The Pontiff's death was followed within six months by that of Filippo
Maria, last of the Visconti, a race whose sway in Milan is alleged to
date from the eleventh century, and whose twelve princes of that city
have been commemorated by the flattering pen of Giovio. They owe their
place in history rather to the importance of their duchy, and to the
European marriages of their later generations, than to personal
illustration. The immediate succession to Filippo Maria convulsed
Upper Italy during nearly three years, and the dispute, when revived
half a century later, brought upon the Peninsula those barbarian
aggressions from which she has till now been a chronic sufferer. His
only child, the illegitimate Bianca Maria, had been reluctantly
bestowed by him on Francesco Sforza, whom his jealous temper regarded
as a rival and enemy, instead of conciliating as a son and useful
ally. The house of Orleans were heirs of line of his family, but their
title derived little strength by their mother's legitimacy, where
female descent could give no valid claim to inheritance. The late
Duke's testamentary bequest of his sovereignty to Alfonso of Naples,
was clearly beyond his legal powers, so that the best right seemed
that of the Emperor, in virtue of the lapsed fief. But ere any one of
these four competitors was aware that the succession had opened, the
citizens of Milan possessed themselves of the vacant authority, and
their example was partially followed in neighbouring towns, several of
which attempted to establish a Lombard republican confederacy with
Milan at its head. In the struggles which ensued, and to which Venice
and Florence became parties, the Count of Urbino took no share. The
fate of Milan was decided rather by famine than the sword, and in
February, 1450, the populace escaped from their sufferings by
accepting Sforza as successor of his father-in-law.
The Milanese succession was not, however, without its influence on
Central Italy, and upon the fortunes of Count Federigo of Urbino. In
the late contest on the Lombard plains, Florence and Venice had, in
observance of a long-established and obvious policy, opposed the
ambitious projects of Filippo Maria, but had acceded to the new
Pontiff's proposal for a congress at Ferrara, in order to arrange a
general peace. To this Visconti lent himself in no good faith, having
concerted with the King of Naples that they should each attack one of
these republics, as soon as Francesco Sforza should be secured to
their side. Even whilst the congress was sitting, Alfonso obtained a
footing in the Upper Val d'Arno, and although the death of his
confederate abrogated their secret understanding, the opportunity of
pursuing his selfish designs upon Tuscany continued favourable; for
Venice was occupied in a fresh struggle with Sforza, and his own
pretensions upon Milan, under the late Duke's will, would be much
enhanced could he bear the trophies of Florence to the banks of the
Po. He, however, offered to abstain from hostilities, on condition
that free passage and provisions were allowed to his army, and that
the city, now ruled by Cosimo de' Medici, should renounce its Venetian
alliance. It required but little consideration to reject terms which
would have opened to him the Milanese, where his success must have
destroyed the balance of power in the Peninsula.
Disappointed of Siena, which refused his fair offers, Alfonso turned
into the valley of the Cecina, and having possessed himself of
Pomerance, Campigli, Castiglione,[*86] and other townships in the
Maremma, proposed to winter there. But he was promptly checked by
Count Federigo, whom the Florentine Council had taken into their
service,[87] and the spring arrived without any considerable movement
or advantage on either side. There now occurred an incident highly
characteristic of his bitter foe Sigismondo, in which he showed to
advantage by the contrast. The Lord of Rimini, having been engaged by
Alfonso, received from him 30,000 ducats in advance of pay, but, more
intent upon selfish ends than on his promised service, he misapplied
the money, and availed himself of the Count's absence from Urbino to
repeat his attack upon Fossombrone and some neighbouring castles. In
order to palliate this breach of faith, he wrote to the King that it
was in truth a well-laid scheme for his benefit, Federigo being sure
to hasten from Tuscany for the defence of his own subjects. The
calculation was however defeated, as the Count, with the fidelity
seldom found or expected among free lances, refused to quit his
post, resting the safety of his people upon their own gallantry and
devotion. When Alfonso perceived this, he summoned Malatesta to join
him, but, whether from innate treachery or apprehension, he preferred
offering himself and his contingent of above two thousand men to the
Florentines, against whom he was actually engaged to serve. Apart from
the unpleasant position in which it placed himself, this
tergiversation seemed to Federigo so outrageous a treason as to
require from him a special protest; but his usual conscientious
adherence to a temporary banner prevailing over honourable scruples
and personal disgust, he kept the field, and even consented to adjourn
all private quarrels with Sigismondo to the end of the campaign. It
was marked by no circumstance of interest beyond the King's
ineffectual attempt upon Piombino, the peninsular capital of a petty
fief belonging to the Appiani, then confederates of the Republic. The
marsh-fever of the Maremma,
"Where the path
Is lost in rank luxuriance, and to breathe
Is to inhale distemper, if not death,"
seconded its brave resistance, and Alfonso was glad to return home in
the autumn after sacrificing a portion of his army, while the Count of
Urbino retired to his state. But during their joint service under the
Florentine banner, Sigismondo had found opportunity for the exercise
of his intriguing spirit. Demanding audience of Federigo, he
remonstrated against his having aided in the establishment at Pesaro
of a stranger, to the vast detriment of its hereditary seigneurs the
Malatesta, so long neighbours and kindred of the Montefeltri; and in
token of the thanklessness of that service he showed a bond, whereby
Alessandro Sforza had allied himself with Sigismondo for the partition
of Urbino and its dependencies. With such evidence before him,
Federigo lent himself to an offer made by the false Lord of Rimini to
turn the tables against Sforza, and to surrender all of the
Montefeltrian territory that he had gained two years before, provided
the Count would aid him in ousting the intruder from Pesaro. But with
characteristic treachery he availed himself of a favourable moment to
attack that town single-handed, and Federigo, satisfied of his utter
faithlessness, rushed to the rescue, reclaiming by this new and
noble-minded service the gratitude of Alessandro and of his brother.
As soon as the latter was acknowledged Duke of Milan, he offered the
Count of Urbino an engagement, in highly complimentary terms, stating
that, after full consideration to whom he could worthily commit the
conduct of his army, whereon depended the whole welfare of his state,
he had fixed upon Federigo, having long known and clearly ascertained
his extraordinary and unfailing fidelity, authority, gravity,
prudence, promptitude, justice, wisdom, and diligence in the conduct
of every great enterprise.[*88] The Tuscan war being over, this
appointment was readily accepted by the Count, although suffering from
a painful and dangerous accident.
[Footnote *86: Pomarance (già Ripomarance) is in the Val di Cecina.
Campiglia is in Val di Cornia. Castiglione is Castiglione della
Pescaia. Cf. MALAVOLTI, _Historia, ad ann._, and REPETTI, _Dizionario
della Toscana_.]
[Footnote 87: I found this _condotta_ or engagement in the archives of
the Albani Palace at Urbino. It is for six months from March, 1448,
and stipulates for 3000 florins of monthly pay, for which the Count
was to maintain 500 lances and 300 foot. Poggio says that his actual
force was 1000 horse and 800 infantry.--MURATORI, _R.I.S._, XX., 420.]
[Footnote *88: For Federigo's service under Sforza see ROSSI, _F. da
Montefeltro condotto da F. Sforza_, in _Le Marche_ (Fano, 1905), an.
V., p. 142. Rossi prints the Mandata.]
[Illustration: _Alinari_
FRANCESCO SFORZA
_From the XV. Century relief in the Bargello, Florence_]
In honour of the Duke's exaltation, he had proclaimed a tournament at
Urbino, which Sanzi assures us was preceded by omens of evil. In
particular, his mother, influenced by a horrible dream, besought him
on her knees to abandon the intention. Though a firm believer in
astrology, his mind repudiated this superstition, which however
diffused among all ranks a feeling of vague anxiety as the jousting
day approached. Just then there arrived Guidangelo de' Ranieri, a
gentleman of Urbino, who had gained the prize in a recent passage of
arms at Florence; he was met at the city gates by the Count, who
embraced him, placing on his neck the knightly guerdon of a golden
chain. Being asked to run a course with him, Guidangelo would have
excused himself, and is even said to have earned a sharp reproof for
forbearing to touch him, in deference to the prevailing apprehension
of some impending mishap. On repeating the course, the knight being
mounted on a small charger, his lance, after striking Federigo's
armour, glanced upwards, and was shivered against his vizor. He
received the stunning blow between the eyebrows, where it shattered
the bone of his nose and knocked out his right eye. Recovering
himself, however, he kept his seat, and consoled those who flocked
around in consternation, by assuring them of a speedy cure, and that
one of his two good eyes remaining, he would still be able to see
better than with a hundred ordinary ones. This courageous bearing was
perhaps the best recipe, and his cure appears to have been rapid and
easy; but the damage to his features may be presumed from subsequent
portraits representing him in profile, which, whilst concealing the
loss of his eye, exaggerated the prominence of his broken nose.[*89]
[Footnote *89: For the war in Tuscany see ROSSI, _La Guerra in Toscana
dell'anno 1447-8_ (Firenze, 1903).]