CHAPTER VIII.

SOME PECULIARITIES OF OUR VETERANS.

Every leader of our armies has had his story written--has carved it out

with his sword, and impressed himself on the time.

But who shall write the history of our soldiers?

Who shall dare attempt to tell the story or portray the characteristics

of our veterans?

The nation, in its hour of distress, found leaders worthy to lead in

any cause. No better marshals followed the great Napoleon. We shall

leave to posterity the task of comparing our greatest general, Grant,

with Napoleon; but the present generation may be bold enough to defy

any ardent admirer of the "Little Corporal" to find among his marshals

the equal of Grant, who rather resembles in his characteristics,

and, it is said, in his features too, the conqueror of Napoleon. We

developed, indeed, counterparts for all the great generals of modern

warfare. The tenacious Thomas has the colossal proportions of mind

and body of Kleber, the clearness in danger of Massena, and, though

ponderous and unwieldy in his movements, is not more so than was

Macdonald. Halleck, like Marmont, "understands the theory of war

perfectly," and we might say of him, as Soult once said of Marmont,

and in the same sarcastic sense, that "History will tell what he did

with his knowledge." His biographer's description of Mack, wherein he

says, "Although able in the war office, he was wholly deficient in

the qualities of a commander in the field," is a perfect description

of Halleck, and adding the paragraph about Mack's popularity with the

soldiers it applies equally well to McClellan. The "first strategist of

Europe," Soult, was not one whit the superior in conception of Sherman,

and not his equal in mobility and energy. Sherman has all the vigor

and acuteness which characterized Frederick the Great, and is at heart

his equal as a military despot. Hooker has all the ardor, and Howard

all the enthusiasm of Gustavus, and were capable of as great things.

Steedman has all the roughness, nonchalance, and impudence of Suwaroff.

McPherson was a Moreau, alike young, indecisive, and unfortunate.

True, we have developed many Grouchys, who can not command above a few

thousand men, and several Berthiers, who can not even calculate a day's

march correctly; but we have also given opportunity to one or two Neys

in Sheridan and Rousseau, and several Murats in Hancock, Logan, and

Gordon Granger.

But not less worthy of the cause have been the men who fought in the

ranks of our armies, and still more worthy to be compared to the best

armies of Europe than are our generals to be paralleled with the great

leaders of Europe. The superiors of our veterans never witnessed

battle. They form, as combined in armies, a study not less enticing and

interesting than that of the characters of their leaders.

One of the many fallacies which have been dissipated by our late

warlike experience is the idea which once prevailed that an uneducated

man made as good, if not a better soldier than the educated man.

When the late war began, it was an assertion made as positively as

frequently. It was believed, particularly by the regular officers, that

the persons of the former class more readily and completely adapted

themselves to the discipline of the camps--more readily became the

pliant and obedient tools that regular soldiers are too often made. It

is to the veteran volunteers of the late war for the Union that we are

indebted for the explosion of this fallacy. The proofs of its falsity

are not less interesting than conclusive.

Every reader familiar with the history of modern warfare in Europe

must have noticed, in watching the events of the late rebellion in

this country, the very great difference between the practice of war as

carried on in Europe and by ourselves. The rules have been the same;

the theory of war is too firmly and philosophically established to be

changed. It can not be said that we originated a single new rule, but

our application of those long established has been unlike any other

practice known to history. The extent of the field of operations, the

peculiar configuration of the country, and the extended line of coast

and inland frontier which each party to the contest had to guard,

conspired to this end, and caused to be originated such peculiarities

of warfare as long and arduous raids by entire armies, flank marches

of an extent and boldness never before conceived, the construction

of many leagues of fortified lines, and the execution of strategic

marches of great originality and brilliancy, while there have been

effected at the same time, owing to changes and improvements in the

arms, several innovations in minor tactics not less curious than

important. The contending parties fought dozens of battles, each of

which would have been decisive of a war between any two of the great

powers of Europe. There the limits of the field of operations are

restricted by the presence of armed neutral powers on each frontier.

Here the line of frontier extended across a whole continent. No

necessities exist there, as here, for large numbers of large armies.

The most important and extensive modern European wars witnessed the

prosecution of only one important operation at a time, while in this

country we have carried on several campaigns simultaneously, and fought

pitched battles whose tactical as well as strategic success depended

on the result of operations five hundred miles distant. Bragg won the

victory of Chickamauga only by the aid of re-enforcements sent him

from Richmond; the besieged army of Rosecrans at Chattanooga was saved

from dispersion only by the timely re-enforcements sent him, under

Hooker, from Washington; while Schofield, with twenty thousand men,

after fighting at Nashville, Tennessee, in the middle of winter, was

operating in North Carolina, opening communications with Sherman, a

fortnight subsequently. In Europe, concentration is forced on each

party by the configuration and confined area of the seat of war. In

this country the opposite effect has naturally been the result of the

opposite circumstances, and the finest display of generalship which

we have had was shown by Grant in the consummate skill with which, in

the latter year of the war, he concentrated our two greatest armies,

and employed his cavalry against the vital point of the rebellion,

while with the fractional organizations he kept the enemy employed in

the far West. Generally speaking, any two European powers at war are

represented each by a single army, which are brought together upon a

field of battle to decide at a blow the question in dispute, and thus

the European generals are afforded better chances for the display of

tactical abilities. In Europe, cavalry plays an important part on

every battle-field, while in this country its assistance has seldom

been asked in actual battle, though a no less effective application

has been made of it in destroying communications. Except in the battle

of General Sheridan, and in some instances where accident has brought

cavalry into battle, our troopers were never legitimately employed.

The art of marching as practiced in Europe was also varied here, and

the European system of supplying an army is very different from our

own. Their lines of march are decided by the necessities for providing

cantonments in the numerous villages of the country, while on this

continent marches are retarded, if not controlled, by the necessity of

carrying tents for camps. The parallel which is here merely outlined

might be pursued by one better fitted for the task to a highly

suggestive and interesting conclusion.

In the same sense, and in still better defined contrast, the armies of

America and of Europe have differed in their _personnel_. The armies of

the principal powers of Europe are composed of men forced to arms by

necessity in time of peace, and conscriptions in time of war; not, like

the people of our own country, volunteering when the crisis demanded,

with a clear sense of the danger before them, and for the stern

purpose of vindicating the flag, and forcing obedience to the laws of

the country. The European soldiers are conscripted for life, become

confirmed in the habits of the camp, and are subjected to a system

of discipline which tends to the ultimate purpose of rendering them

mere pliant tools in the hands of a leader; while those of the United

States, separated from the outer world only by the lax discipline

necessary to the government of a camp, are open to every influence that

books, that letters, and, to a certain extent, that society can lend.

The highest aim of the European system is to sink individuality, and

to teach the recruit that he is but the fraction of a great machine,

to the proper working of which his perfectness in drill and discipline

is absolutely necessary. In the United States volunteer army this same

system was only partially enforced, and individuality was lost only on

the battle-field, and then only so far as was necessary to _morale_

did the man sink into the soldier. The private who in camp disagreed

and disputed with his captain on questions of politics or science was

not necessarily disobedient and demoralized on the battle-field. No

late opportunity for a comparison between the prowess of our own and

any European army has been presented, though the reader will have very

little difficulty in convincing himself that the discipline of our

troops in the South was better than that of the English in the Crimea

or the French in Italy; while the "outrages of the Northern soldiers,"

at which England murmured in her partiality for the rebels, were not

certainly as horrible as those committed by her own troops in India.

This same difference was visible in the _personnel_ of our own and

the rebel armies, and it resulted from the same cause, and that cause

was education. The Union army was superior in prowess to that of the

South because superior in discipline, and it was superior in discipline

because superior in education. The Union army was recruited from a

people confirmed in habits of industry, and inured to hard and severe

manual and mental labor. That of the rebels was recruited from among

men reared in the comparative idleness of agricultural life, and not

habituated to severe toil, or conscripted from that hardier class of

"poor whites" whose spirits had been broken by long existence in a

state of ignorance and of slavery not less abject because indirectly

enforced and unsuspectedly endured. Neither fraction of the rebel army,

as a class, was the equal either in refinement, education, or habits of

the men of the North, nor were both combined in an army organization

equal in discipline, or the courage and effectiveness which results

from it, to that which sprang to the nation's aid in 1861. Although the

camp morality of both armies might have been better, there can be no

doubt in any unprejudiced mind that the moral sentiment of the soldiers

of the North was much more refined and correct than that of the

organized forces of the South. Not only was their discipline better,

not only were they under superior control in battle and in camp, but

when, at times, relieved of the restrictions which are thrown around

camps, their thoughts naturally turned less to dissipation and excesses

than those of the Southern soldiers. The military despotism at the

South was much more severely enforced by the rebel armies than it was

by our own, though looked upon as that of an enemy. The excesses which

at times existed in both armies were of Southern parentage. Sherman's

"bummers" were legitimate descendants of Morgan's raiders and Stuart's

cavalry, and at no time during the period in which they were "let

loose" in Georgia and South Carolina could they excel Wheeler's cavalry

in the art of plundering and destroying. The destruction of Atlanta and

Columbia by our army under Sherman occurred nearly two years after the

burning of Chambersburg by the rebels under Ewell.

The superiority of our veterans over those of the rebel armies was

evinced not only in the grand result of the war, but in all its

details. Their superior endurance was acknowledged by their enemies

on dozens of fields, and their superior discipline was generally

confessed. Northern men are by nature no braver than Southern men, and

the superiority of the Northern army was not the result of natural

gifts, but of cultivation. The Northern people are the superiors of the

Southern classes, first, in education, and, secondly, in habits and

physique. Their endurance was the result of the latter advantage; their

superiority in discipline and _morale_ was naturally the consequence

of the former. Though something of the spirit, endurance, patience,

and thorough discipline of our armies was to be attributed to the

consciousness of the justice of the cause for which they fought, the

general superiority of our veterans over the rebel soldiers was,

without dispute, the result of the superior general education received

by the Northern masses.

And, _par parenthesis_, while on this subject of education, let me

stop to say, even though I break the continuity of the argument, that

I think, if there is a single duty which the North, as the conqueror,

owes to the South as the conquered, it is the granting to her

people--ay, even enforcing upon them, the great educational advantages

with which the North is so bountifully blessed. The first plank in the

reconstruction platform of the _people_--not the mere politicians,

for so much virtue can not be expected of them--should provide for

the education of the Southern masses, white as well as black. All the

reconstruction schemes which have been advanced are calculated for

speedy operation, and political power, not the social improvement and

prosperity of the people, is aimed at. Universal suffrage, as a remedy,

is chimerical, and one which can not enter into the practical solution

of the question. Negro suffrage is an experiment as dangerous to the

country as it can possibly be advantageous to the negro. I would gladly

see the present generation of adult negroes allowed by the states to

vote in all local elections, for his vote is really all the protection

he has against the injustice of an elective judiciary, each member of

which naturally enough decides in all suits against the negro without

a vote, to curry favor and popularity with the white man with a vote.

But in the event of a general election for presidency, the giving of

the right of suffrage to the negroes would be practically equivalent to

throwing the power of the government again into the hands of the three

hundred thousand slaveholders who formerly ruled the country, and who,

still remaining the capitalists of the South, through the influence

of their capital would rule the vote of the negroes and laborers. A

generation for reconstruction is short enough, and the only true means

for the permanent reconstruction of the people is through education.

The great strength of the rebellion lay in the ignorance of the

Southern masses. The "poor whites" of the South are among the

most ignorant people on the face of God's earth. The slaveholders

purposely kept them in ignorance--kept them from books, and schools,

and newspapers more carefully, more persistently than they did their

slaves. They surrounded their section and their people with a Chinese

wall of prejudice, against which all arrays of fact, argument, appeal,

threw themselves in vain. Through this ignorance, the "poor whites"

of the South were ruled even more despotically than the slaves; and

through this ignorance the slaveholders of the South were enabled

to commit the greatest of wrongs against humanity. They engendered

prejudices between the "poor whites" and the negroes, never losing an

opportunity of fostering the hatred and enmity which they were soon

enabled to create. A perfect system prevailed all over the South, and

the "poor whites" were placed in every position, socially, politically,

and otherwise, in which they could be made offensive to the slaves.

The harsh overseer was always a "poor white," and, if possible, he was

selected from among the "Yankee" emigrants; the sheriff who tied the

slave to the whipping-post, and the constable who laid on the lash,

were always elected from the "poor whites;" and the men who, with

bloodhounds, hunted the runaway negro through marsh and wood, were

hired from among the "poor white" neighbors. In their ignorance, these

two factions of the same laboring class of the South were made to

believe that their interests were antagonistic instead of identical,

and that the slaveholders were the mutual enemies of each. Andrew

Johnson, in laboring for years in Tennessee to create a feeling of

antagonism between the "poor whites" and the rich slaveholders, was

touching at one root of the evil, but not the root. The war has thrown

open the field to the laborers of the North, and if the people of the

country seek to restore harmony, to obliterate all sectional feelings,

to make the union of the States really one and indivisible, they must

aid in the work of educating the Southern people, black and white, into

understanding their former condition and false positions toward each

other. A few good men, like General Wager Swayne (who understands this

great question thoroughly, who is a charming enthusiast on the subject,

and who ought to be at the head of an Educational Bureau instead of a

subordinate in the Freedmen's Bureau), and General Davis Tillson, and

one or two others, are doing much good by encouraging education among

the negroes. But the sympathy of the country should not be entirely

absorbed by the blacks. There are four millions of "poor whites" in

the South who need education fully as much as do the negroes, and,

deceived, betrayed, and ruined by their leaders, they deserve sympathy

and aid fully as much. One inalienable right which should not be denied

even to traitors--and if there had been education at the South there

would have been no treason--is the right to educate himself; and since

the Constitution provides that there shall be no attainder of blood for

treason, the North owes it to the rising generation of these deceived

people to educate them into a proper appreciation of the liberty

which our veterans have won for them in defeating and conquering

their fathers. Oh, how grand and sublime would appear the record in

history that the Great Republic, after putting down the most monstrous

rebellion the world ever saw, imposed upon the conquered only the tax

for their own education, and erected no prisons save those of the

school-house and the church!

In returning to the subject of the effect of education on armies, I

have even a better illustration of the idea I have advanced than those

already given. When the war first broke out, it will be remembered

that the organization of the troops, brigades, and even divisions

were formed of regiments coming from a single state, and we were thus

rapidly falling into an error which, had it not been wisely corrected,

would have left us, at the close of the war, with an army distracted

by the same contemptible jealousies, resulting from state or sectional

pride, which were among the minor causes of the rebellion. But,

though that error was corrected by the commingling of regiments from

different states in the same brigade organization, we did commit the

error of forming two grand armies, each composed of troops exclusively

from the Eastern and Western States. The Army of the Potomac was the

representative army of the Northeastern States, being composed almost

exclusively of Eastern men. The Army of the Tennessee was composed of

men from the West, and, as it existed under General Grant, was properly

the representative army of the West. The same army was _dovetailed_

with that of the Cumberland, and placed under General Sherman, and at

the time of its dissolution was not so clearly a representative army,

Sherman having impressed his own manner on his men, and made them

a peculiar and not exactly proper type of the Western soldier. The

contrast between the men of these two armies of the East and West, in

_physique_, habits, discipline, and _morale_, was so apparent that

it is difficult to conceive that they did not belong to different

nationalities. Any comparison which would assert the superiority of

either army in endurance, courage, or fighting qualities would be

invidious and untrue, for the men of both sections fought with equal

effect and won equal honor; but it is undeniable that the Potomac

Army was by far the best disciplined army we ever had in the field.

The Potomac Army rivaled the regulars in evolutions, while Sherman's

Western boys, with their careless, free, easy gait, would outmarch a

battalion of the hardiest of the old regulars. The Potomac men did

not march as well as Sherman's troops; they had less of the elastic

spring of Western men, were perhaps too exact, and disposed to be too

stiff and prim, but they marched with a precision equal to the regulars

of any army. McClellan taught the Potomac Army the pure discipline

of the old regulars, and it would have required but little more of

such teaching to make them all that is expected of such troops; but

Sherman, forcible a tutor as he is, could never hope to transform

them into "bummers." General McClellan would have failed, as General

Buell did, in making regulars of the Western volunteers; and I very

much doubt if any of the old army officers who remained constantly

in the service, and who had become confirmed in the ideas of the

Academy, could have succeeded in making effectives of the Western men

in the short time that Grant and Sherman did. The success of Grant

appears to have been much influenced by his absorption, during his

long residence in the West, of the elements of the Western character,

and the toning down of the West Point precision in his education. The

same may be said of Sherman. No army of the country was under better

control, or committed fewer excesses, than the Army of the East, as the

Potomac force should have properly been called. No army committed so

many useless excesses as did that of General Sherman, and in none was

the discipline so lax, yet no army could be more implicitly trusted

in the emergencies of battle than Sherman's Army of the West. The

Potomac Army wore kid gloves off duty, and had the air of an exquisite

on parade, but this exquisite was a proficient in the warlike arts,

was always ready to fight, and did not hesitate to accept battle

with courage and confidence equal to that of its rougher ally of the

West. The Army of the West cared nothing for appearances, wore a

slouched hat and a loose blouse, and had the air of careless ease and

indifference which we often see in the pioneer. The Western veteran

had more care for his rifle than his uniform, paid more attention to

his cartridge-box than his carriage, and heartily despised drill and

parade. The Western troops lacked culture, they had less respect for

"the proprieties" than the Eastern troops, and the relations of officer

and man were maintained by them with less of the strictness that is

due to proper discipline than among Eastern troops. The Eastern men

were very particular regarding their dress, and displayed their badges

and medals with commendable pride. They devoted many hours to the

adornment of their camps, and nothing could have been more beautiful

and picturesque than many of their old camps in the Southern pine

country. The decorations were generally made with the evergreens which

abound in the South, but often mechanical contrivances operated by

the wind produced picturesque and curious effects. They indulged in

gymnastic and ball exercises to a great extent, and were very fond of

horse-racing and the higher order of games at cards. The amusements

of the Western troops were of a ruder character. Cock-fighting and

card-playing were the chief recreations. Every man was armed with

a pack of cards, and each company boasted a fighting-cock, while

every brigade had its fast horse. The Western soldier had a clearer

appreciation of the practical than the picturesque, and their camps

were seldom or never decorated as were those of the Eastern men.

Practice with the pistol was a frequent amusement in the Western Army.

Cats and dogs seemed to be necessaries of camp life. "Company" and

"head-quarter" cows were a common article of pets, and the evidences of

care, kindness, and affection shown for them by their self-constituted

proprietors were often very amusing. In the Western Army fighting-cocks

were favorite pets, and they were almost as numerous as the men

themselves. During the campaign in the Carolinas General Sherman gave

one of his attendants permission to occupy a wagon with his spoils,

chiefly consisting of fighting chickens. He was very much astonished

to find, in a few days, that the one wagon had increased to a dozen,

other followers having also employed a wagon or two to carry their

spoils. The general immediately ordered them to be burned, and executed

the order with a remorseless hand until he came to the wagon he had

originally permitted. He was about to burn this too, as it had been

the bad example which was plead in excuse for the others, when he

was appealed to to spare that, as "it contained all the head-quarter

fighting-cocks." Sherman occasionally enjoyed the sport himself, and

the appeal saved the wagon and chickens. Card-playing was common among

the veterans from both the East and West, but the style of games played

varied according to the education of the men. Among the Eastern troops,

"Whist" and "Euchre" were the favorite games; among the Western men,

"Poker" and "Seven up," invariably for money, were popular. Gambling

was the great vice of the veterans, as jealousy was the great crime of

their generals. Immediately after the appearance of the pay-master, the

troops of both armies invariably indulged in cards as persistently and

as regularly as the generals did in bickering after a battle.

Here the contrast ends and the comparison begins. The Eastern and

Western men had many peculiarities in common, and the cause of the

existing differences, education, produced the similarities. The

fighting qualities of each were the same. Both armies went into battle

with the same resolute air of men of business, and, under the same

leaders, each displayed equal endurance. Grant was instrumental in

showing the equality existing in this respect, and at the same time

he smothered a painful feeling which at one time existed in the West,

based on the ill success of the Potomac Army under former leaders, and

finding expression in the idea that the Eastern troops did not fight as

well as the Western men. This feeling at one time threatened to become

a serious sectional difficulty, when General Grant took immediate

control over the Potomac Army, and infused his spirit of persistence

into it. The discipline of the Potomac Army men amid the continually

recurring disasters of the first three years of the war, their firmness

under defeat or questionable success, was always admirable, and it only

required the tutorship of Grant to prove their endurance, and make them

the admiration of the whole country. That army always confronted the

best of the rebel armies at the key-point of the field. It fought more

battles than any other two armies in the field. Grant added the only

lesson it needed to make its education perfect, and taught it, as he

had taught the Army of the Tennessee, how to display its endurance by

showing it how to fight its battles through.

The same cause, education, which produces this marked distinction,

may also be observed as tracing a difference between either of

these classes in our army and a third class--a mere fraction,

however--representing the Southern element. In the Union army there

have been from the first a number of Southern Unionists, generally

mountaineers and refugees from the East Tennessee regions, who,

according to all statistics and observation, were uneducated and

ignorant, and whose lax discipline has more than once caused slurs to

be cast upon the army. In camp they were unclean, on the march they

were great stragglers, and in battle untrustworthy and ineffective.

Only the very strict discipline of one or two regular officers assigned

to their command redeemed the character of a few of these regiments

from this general reputation. The men of this class were not superior

to the rebel soldiers in any respect.

It is not to be inferred, from any argument used to show that an

educated man makes a better soldier than an uneducated one, that

discipline was neither demanded nor enforced in our army of educated

soldiers. The thorough discipline of the Union army made it invincible.

Its superiority to that of the rebels was the result only of the higher

discipline which they were capable, through education, of receiving,

and which was thoroughly enforced. From the very moment that the Bull

Run defeat violently dissipated the fallacies which we entertained of

a brief and bloodless struggle, and taught the country that a long and

terrible war was before it, the army, with a dogged perseverance of

which our mercurial people did not believe themselves capable, went

directly to work to discipline itself. The ineffectives were rooted

out by the surgeons, and sent home or to the hospital. Regiments were

reduced in numbers, but increased in efficiency. What was lost in

numerical strength was more than gained in the effectiveness which

resulted from the stricter discipline which was instituted. Incompetent

officers of the line were forced to give place to their betters.

This soon extended to higher ranks, and bad generals were supplanted

by better. There was little system in our first choice of generals.

We blundered on until the right man was found at last, and through

him the proper subordinates were chosen. At first the blunders were

serious, and men with false ideas of the crisis were thrust forward by

circumstances, to be discovered at fearful cost and after long delay.

With portions of the army discipline was allowed to degenerate into

mere drill, and devotion to the cause became divided with devotion to a

popular leader; while in other parts of the country the forces, though

thoroughly drilled, felt no admiration or love for their leader, or

were never taught that confidence in their commanders which is at the

root of all discipline. It was the fault of the Western armies that too

little attention was paid to the moral sentiments of the men, and that

in the Eastern Army the thoroughly-taught sentiment of devotion to the

cause was permitted to partially degenerate into love of the leader.

Circumstances, however, soon corrected these great evils, and through

much tribulation, numerous disheartenings, and many defeats, the men

slowly became veterans.

A thorough system of discipline was necessary not only to the

organization and _morale_, but to the courage of our army, as it is of

any large body of men. Men in battle are not individually courageous.

Courage amid the horrors and under the conflicting emotions of the

battle-field is as much derived from discipline as from nature. The

fact that this war affords more numerous instances of personal heroism

displayed in battle than any other which can be recalled, does not

disprove the rule. On the contrary, it corroborates the assertion;

for if we closely inquire into the characters of those who have

distinguished themselves by heroic deeds and individual prowess, we

shall find that they have invariably been men confirmed in steady

habits, and veterans of thorough discipline. Courage is derived from

the electric touch of shoulder to shoulder of men in the line. As long

as the current is perfect, extending through the line and concentrating

in the person of the commander, whose mind directs all, and in whom

all have perfect confidence, the line can not be defeated. It may be

driven, may be broken, but the men are invincible. Break the current,

and at once the _morale_, the discipline, and the courage break with

it, and men that were a moment before invincible fly to the rear,

not overcome by fright and terror, but with the dogged, stubborn,

and gruff manner of disheartened men. A broken column in disordered

flight is one of the most wonderful studies which can be conceived.

The actuality is the very reverse of what the imagination would

conceive. "Panic-stricken men," who will "fly" fifteen and twenty miles

from a battle-field, proceed to execute that manœuvre in a manner as

systematic as if they had been taught it. They "fly"--they run from

the field--only until beyond the immediate reach of stray bullets.

The flight is disordered. The men scatter for safety apparently with

the same instinct that actuates quails to separate in rising from a

field before the hunter. When beyond the reach of the enemy's guns,

they are so scattered that it is almost impossible to rally them as

they were formerly organized, and it is next to impossible to induce

a demoralized man to fight with any other than his own regiment. When

they are beyond the reach of the enemy's guns they generally halt, look

back, and examine into matters. They will look about them, inquire

for their regiments, talk of the danger from which they have escaped,

and in a perfectly intelligible manner, until a stray bullet falling

about them gives assurance that the enemy is advancing, when, without

a word, they resume their retreat for a few hundred yards farther,

deaf alike to the threats and entreaties of any officer who does not

happen to be their immediate commander. Yet these men who are thus

broken in one battle will fight with desperate courage in the next,

and, retaining their organization, go through the engagement with

great credit. Often circumstances, such as the former location of a

camp near the battle-field, previous positions in the reserve line,

the existence of rifle-pits, and various other localities which serve

as a rallying-point, enable broken troops to re-form and again go into

action. Men often rally on the part of an intrenched line which they

formerly held; and one of the best uses to which rifle-pits have ever

been put by offensive armies is that of forming a rallying-line when

attacking troops fail or are broken. It is a use known only to the

practice, and is not recognized by the theory of war.

Men under thorough discipline lose in a great measure their

individuality. A regiment becomes as a single man, moved by a single

impulse. The men individually are but fractions, each being able to

perform their part of the task only by the aid of the others. These

fractions are curious beings under fire. They perform deeds which

it would be morally impossible for an individual without similar

surroundings to accomplish. Thousands of our veterans will tell you

that in going into battle they have never imagined nor felt that they

were going to be shot; they have never felt as if in danger themselves,

but that their fears are for the comrades with whom they march shoulder

to shoulder. They become painfully indifferent in regard to themselves,

and appear to have none of those apprehensions with which they were

so terrified when they were raw recruits. They swear as usual, with

perhaps a little more emphasis, laugh at the comic features which

prevail under all circumstances of battle, talk freely and sensibly,

and do not betray any more, nor as much excitement as every one has

witnessed in crowds at political and other gatherings. I have seen

men in the "second line"--the reserves--playing cards while the first

were receiving a charge, and the spent shots were dropping in their

midst. While the hardest fighting was going on at Chattanooga, November

25th, 1863, I saw three soldiers sitting near the guns of Callender's

battery engaged, while under fire, in making entries in their diaries.

This is a sight seen only in the ranks of the United States armies.

During the battle of Murfreesborough, Tennessee, the rebels, in making

a charge upon General Negley's division, frightened from the fields

and woods a large number of rabbits, quails, and wild turkeys, driving

them toward the Union lines. The birds appeared too frightened to fly,

and, following the example of the rabbits, hopped and jumped over the

field, escaping from the advancing rebels. They fled, of course, toward

the rear, passing through and over our front line, and approached

the reserve troops, who, without any reference to the fact that the

rebel balls were now falling like great drops of rain among them, laid

down their guns and went to capturing wild fowls. While still engaged

in this employment, laughable even under the serious circumstances,

the first line of our troops was broken, and the rebel soldiers

charged upon the second. The veteran soldiers abandoned the chase of

the wild-fowl, and, falling hastily into line, thrice repulsed the

advancing enemy. One of the men who had captured a wild turkey carried

it to Lieutenant Kennedy, of General Negley's staff, and sold it to

him. Kennedy tied the bird to his saddle, intending to have it for

supper that night, but was surprised to find that a stray bullet had

cut the strings by which the turkey had been suspended, and robbed him

of a meal.

No greater contrast can be conceived than the difference in the effect

produced on soldiers when delivering and receiving an assault. In

receiving an attack they are never quiet, although cool, composed, and

self-possessed. Put them behind breast-works to receive an assault,

and the preparations of the enemy for the attack creates among those

awaiting it an anxiety which develops into mental excitement, which

finds vent in words, noisy disputes, etc. Going to the assault, the

same men are different beings. The silence which prevails becomes

painful. A command given at one end of the line can be distinctly

heard at the other. The men become serious, and are disposed to be

gruff. They converse but little, and then in under-tones. They begin

to understand what is to be done, that they are to do it, and, without

for a moment fearing to test the questions of defeat or victory, they

carefully weigh in their own minds the chances, not of life, but of

success.

The most remarkable illustration of this peculiarity of veteran troops

which I can recall occurred during Sherman's battle at Chattanooga.

Leaving a fortified line, the Union troops of Colonel Loomis and

Generals Mathias, Corse, and Raum were required to cross a small valley

and assault a rebel fort located on a steep hill, three hundred feet

high, and of very rugged ascent. When the troops selected moved out

in the line of reserves and marched down into the valley, the rebels,

having full view of the column, grew excited and noisy. The orders

of their officers were shouted, and were plainly heard in our lines,

and, though it was impossible for the assaulting column to prepare for

its work under an hour's time, the rebels evinced every indication

of excitement, rushing hither and thither, and growing noisier every

moment. The Union troops, on the contrary, prepared for the work slowly

and quietly, with an unusually serious and composed air. They glanced

up ever and anon at the steep hill before them, and many doubtless

compared the mountain to the Walnut Hills of Vicksburg, where they

met their first repulse. The assault was made in as serious a manner

as the preparations. There was no breath wasted in loud cries. The

men twice assaulted with desperate courage, were badly repulsed by a

flanking force, and driven in confusion across the valley to their line

of reserves, but, as they came back, passing through General Sherman's

field-quarters, they looked as defiantly as ever, admitting no more

than "that they had failed this time." There was no panic, no despair.

They saw they had failed from sheer inability, not a want of effort or

disposition to accomplish their task. They retreated, but not rushing

wildly far to the rear. The powerful aided the weak, the strong bore

off the wounded, and each came back as he had advanced, cool, composed,

and serious.

The veteran when in camp had no curiosity. His indifference to matters

going on around him was positively appalling to a stranger or a raw

recruit. They would often be in camp for a month without knowing or

caring what regiment was encamped next to them. A raw recruit of two

months' standing was better authority on all _on dits_ of camp, the

location of other regiments, the names of their officers, and similar

general information, than a veteran of three years' standing. The

veteran laughed at the knowledge of the raw recruit, wondered where

the utility of that information was, boasted of superior practical

knowledge, and good-naturedly taught the raw recruit the more useful

lessons of how to march easily, sleep well, provide himself with

little luxuries, and how to take care of himself generally. The

veteran had curious modes of making himself comfortable, which the

raw recruit learned only from practice. Camp the veteran in a forest

over night, and he would sleep under his shelter-tent raised high and

made commodious, and on a soft bed of dry leaves. Encamp him for a

month in the same forest, and he would live in a log house, sleep on

good clean straw, dine off a wooden table, drink from glassware made

from the empty ale or porter bottles from the sutler's tent, comb his

whiskers before a framed looking-glass on a pine-board mantle-shelf,

and look with the air of a millionaire through a foot and a half

square window-frame on the camped world around him. The rebels used

to call our men, when working on forts, rifle-pits, etc., "beavers in

blue." The veteran was a regular beaver when building his house. He

would buy, beg, or steal from the quarter-master (a species of theft

recognized by the camp code of morals as entirely justifiable) the only

tool he needed, an axe. With this he would cut, hew, dig, drive--any

thing you like, in fact. With his axe he would cut the logs for his

cabin--miniature logs, two inches in diameter--trim them to the proper

length, and drive the necessary piles. With his axe he would cut the

brushwood or the evergreen, and thatch his roof. With his axe he would

dig a mud-hole in which to make his plaster for filling the crevices

of the logs, and thus shut out the cold. Doors, chimneys, benches,

chairs, tables, all the furniture of his commodious house, he would

make with the same instrument. When all was finished, he would sit

comfortably down on his cot and laugh at the superficial knowledge of

the raw recruit who had been shivering in his shelter-tent, looking on

in amazement at the magical labors of the "beavers in blue."

If Napoleon could revisit the "glimpses of the moon," he would

doubtless laugh--perhaps his nephew really does laugh at the idea of

our calling the victors of this short-lived rebellion "veterans"--or

with that sternness with which he once reproved his marine secretary,

Truget, for propagating "the dangerous opinion that a soldier could

be trained to all his duties in six months," the first Napoleon would

ask us, with a look of imperial scorn, to show him in our boasted army

a _corps_ like the eighteen thousand troops of the French Monarchy

that under his discipline became the Old Guard, which "died, but never

surrendered." Julius Cæsar would doubtless smile at our presumption,

and point to the old veteran legions of his armies with which he

overran Europe, and into which no recruit was admitted until after

eight years' service and discipline in other ranks, and ask us for

veterans like his. Our soldiers were not, perhaps, the veterans for

Napoleon or Cæsar, nor for such purpose as those of Napoleon or Cæsar,

but they were such veterans as perished with Leonidas at Thermopylæ,

and won victory in following Arnold Yon Wilkenried in the mountain

passes of Switzerland. Nothing can be sublimer than the patient

heroism displayed by the veterans of the "War for the Union;" and

when Time shall have hallowed, as it will, the yet familiar scenes of

that struggle, tinting the story with a hue of romance, rounding the

irregularities in the characters of the leaders, and toning down the

rude points in the characters of the men, forgetting their excesses and

remembering only their devotion and daring, the heroes and veterans who

fought for the unity of the land will loom up as sacred in our eyes as

are those who, in ages past, fought for its independence and liberty.

INDEX.

Anderson, Gen. Patton, page 232.

Anderson, Gen. Robert, 31, 54.

Ashley, James D., 282, 283.

Avery, Capt. Wm. L., 154.

Baird, Gen. Absalom, 83, 291.

Ballard, A. J., 216, 217.

Ballard, Bland, 216, 217.

Banks, Gen. N. P., 253.

Beauregard, Gen. P. G. T., 144.

Benham, Gen. Henry W., 246.

Bennett, James Gordon, 117.

Blair, Gen. Frank, 27, 198.

Blunt, Gen. James G., 141, 142.

Boggs, Gen. W. R., 138.

Bowen, Gen. John S., 138.

Boyle, Gen. J. T., 217.

Bragg, Gen. Braxton, 64, 65, 69, 110, 111, 112, 145, 148, 151, 154,

248, 255, 256, 257, 266, 285, 290, 291, 293, 319, 324.

Bramlette, Gov. Thos. E., 217.

Brannin, Gen. John M., 266, 289.

Breckenridge, Gen. John C., 257, 290.

Brough, Gov. John, 262.

Brown, Capt. Jacob, 63.

Brownlow, Col. James, 73.

Brownlow, Gov. William G., 73.

Bruce, Col. Saunders D., 212, 213.

Bryant, William C., 300.

Buchanan, James, 283, 284, 318.

Buckner, Gen. Simon B., 51, 208, 209, 210, 211, 212, 219, 225, 226,

232, 291.

Buell, Gen. Don Carlos, 33, 34, 43, 62, 65, 102, 147, 229, 230, 234,

245, 246, 247, 248, 249, 250, 252, 253, 254, 255, 256, 257, 258,

294, 333.

Bull, Mayor, 28.

Burnett, Alfred, 73, 74.

Burnham, Lieut. Howard, 82.

Burnham, Cyrus H., 227.

Burnside, Gen. A. E., 96, 110, 111, 113, 155, 184, 185.

Butler, Gen. Benj. F., 49.

Cadwallader, Gen. George, 182.

Callender, Lieut. F. D., 179.

Cameron, Simon, 32, 214, 215, 216.

Canby, Gen. E. R. S., 255.

Canty, Gen., 309.

Chalmers, Gen. James H., 144, 145.

Chamberlain, Gen. B. F., 138.

Chambliss, Gen. John R., 138.

Chase, Salmon P., 213, 214, 215, 216.

Cheatham, Gen. Benj. F., 232.

Clanton, Gen. James H., 235.

Clay, Capt. Henry, Jr., 219.

Clay, Capt. Thomas, 219.

Clifford, John H., 201.

Cluseret, Gen., 178.

Cook, Isaac, 283, 284.

Corse, Gen., 343.

Corwin, Col. Richard, 223.

Crittenden, Gen. George B., 82.

Crittenden, Gen. Thomas L., 64, 67, 68, 79, 148, 248, 249, 263, 265,

266, 267, 289, 292, 295, 296.

Crufts, Gen. Charles, 173.

Curtis, Gen. Samuel B., 140.

Dana, Charles A., 178, 263, 264, 267.

Davis, Jefferson, 97, 138, 201, 219, 221, 222, 274, 289.

Davis, Gen. Jeff. C., 63, 149, 150, 153.

De Gress, Capt. Francis, 311, 312, 313.

Dittoe, Henry, 135.

Dodge, Gen. G. M., 198, 310, 317.

Donnalson, Gen. James L., 21.

Duff, Lt. Col. W. L., 117.

Elkin, Capt. Thomas A., 235.

Elliott, Gen. W. L., 201.

Ewell, Gen. Richard S., 328.

Ewing, Col. Charles, 27.

Ewing, Gen. Hugh, 27, 39.

Ewing, Gen. Thomas, 39.

Forrest, Gen. N. B., 145.

Franklin, Gen. Wm. B., 246.

Fremont, Gen. John C., 140, 177.

Furay, William S., 150.

Garfield, Gen. James A., 72, 264, 266.

Geary, Gen. John W., 173, 183, 184, 317, 318, 319, 320.

Gilbert, Gen. C. C., 248, 249, 251, 252.

Gilmore, Gen. Quincy A., 246.

Granger, Gen. Gordon, 64, 68, 101, 111, 143, 155, 268, 271, 272, 273,

274, 275, 276, 286, 287, 322.

Grant, Gen. Ulysses S., 18, 34, 36, 44, 45, 53, 80, 81, 128, 131,

132, 133, 137, 142, 143, 152, 153, 154, 155, 160, 161, 162, 172,

177, 184, 188, 191, 195, 198, 231, 232, 240, 242, 245, 246, 261,

271, 272, 304, 321, 324, 332, 333, 334, 336, 337.

Grant as a general, 98-127.

Gurowski, Count Adam, 178.

Guthrie, James, 216, 217.

Halleck, Gen. Henry W., 34, 40, 41, 42, 61, 62, 63, 80, 112, 122,

123, 140, 142, 143, 248, 249, 321, 322.

Hancock, Gen. W. S., 195, 197, 307, 322.

Hanson, Gen. Roger, 209.

Harker, Gen. Charles G., 83.

Harlan, Judge, 223.

Harney, Gen. Wm. S., 216, 217.

Harris, Col. Lew. A., 232.

Harrison, Col. Thomas, 234, 235.

Hazen, Gen. Wm. B., 27.

Hill, Gen. Ambrose P., 103, 291.

Hindman, Gen. T. C., 291.

Holt, Gen. Joseph, 225.

Hood, Gen. John B., 28, 85, 86, 87, 138, 236, 287.

Hooker, Gen. Joseph, 96, 110, 113, 154, 195, 196, 197, 242, 271, 307,

318, 319, 322, 324.

Hooker, Fighting Joe, 165-193.

Howard, Gen. Oliver O., 103, 128, 185, 186, 188, 299, 300, 302, 303,

304, 307, 319, 322.

Hunt, Col. Thomas H., 209.

Ingraham, Commodore, 38.

Ireland, Col. David, 173.

Jackson, Gen. James S., 251.

Jackson, Gen. Stonewall, 128.

Johnston, Gen. Albert S., 31.

Johnson, President Andrew, 46, 133, 253, 254, 255, 256, 331.

Johnson, Col. G. M. L., 69, 83.

Johnston, Gen. Joseph E., 39, 40, 47, 48, 83, 86, 105, 114, 123, 128,

185, 236, 309, 310, 311, 317.

Johnson, John M., 213, 214.

Johnson, Gen. Richard W., 83, 149, 219.

Jones, W., 82.

Key, Col. Francis, 213, 214.

Kennedy, Lieut., 343.

Lee, Gen. Robert E., 95, 96, 97, 105, 106, 108, 109, 113, 114, 138,

151, 152, 242.

Lincoln, President, 36, 40, 135, 178, 182, 183, 185, 186, 190, 213,

214, 215, 216, 224, 253, 262.

Logan, Gen. John A., 23, 51, 125, 126, 196, 197, 198, 304, 307, 308,

309, 310, 311, 314, 317, 322.

Longstreet, Gen. James, 110, 111, 113, 138, 266, 267, 271, 284, 285,

319, 320.

Loomis, Gen. C. O., 233.

Loomis, Col., 343.

Lovejoy, Owen, 38.

Lusk, Samuel, 217.

Lyon, Gen. Nathaniel, 140.

Lytle, Gen. William H., 82, 233.

Lytton, Sir Bulwer, 245.

Mallory, Robert, 237.

Manson, Gen. Malhon D., 66.

McClellan, Gen. G. B., 51, 81, 96, 175, 177, 178, 179, 180, 195, 196,

213, 246, 322, 333.

McClernand, Gen. John A., 104, 231.

McCook, Gen. Alex. McD., 64, 67, 68, 79, 137, 138, 148, 149, 153, 232,

233, 247, 248, 249, 250, 251, 252, 263, 265, 266, 267, 286, 289,

292.

McCook, Col. Anson G., 232.

McCook, Gen. Daniel, 39.

McDowell, Gen. Irwin, 226.

McKibbon, Col. Joseph, 62.

McPherson, Gen. James B., 26, 46, 61, 136, 137, 146, 185, 198, 246,

309, 310, 311, 317, 322.

Mathias, Gen., 343.

Meade, Gen. George B., 101, 105, 125, 197.

Meigs, Gen. M. C., 107, 112, 119, 174, 175, 178.

Mitchell, Gen. O. McK., 32.

Morgan, Gen. John H., 144, 328.

Morton, Gen. St. Clair, 266.

Negley, Gen. James S., 69, 149, 153, 256, 266, 289, 290, 291, 292,

293, 294, 342, 343.

Nelson, Gen. William, 63, 147, 248, 249.

Nesmith, James W., 274.

Oglesby, Gen. Richard J., 101, 198.

Osterhaus, Gen. Peter J., 173, 198.

Palmer, Gen. John M., 149, 256, 267, 311.

Patterson, Samuel, 218.

Pierce, Franklin, 318.

Pillow, Gen. Gideon, 167, 179, 180, 181, 187, 191, 273, 274.

Pirtle, Henry, 216, 217.

Polk, Gen. Leonidas, 291.

Pope, Gen. John, 96.

Porter, Capt. Horace, 74, 75.

Prentice, George D., 216, 217, 227.

Price, Gen. Stirling, 140.

Raine, Major, 139.

Rains, Gen. Gabriel J., 167.

Raum, Gen., 343.

Ripley, Gen. R. S., 167.

Ritchey, Thomas, 135.

Roberts, Col. Geo. W., 150.

Rosecrans, Gen. William S., 67, 71, 72, 73, 74, 78, 82, 83, 120, 135,

147, 148, 149, 151, 173, 198, 231, 252, 257, 258, 261, 262, 263,

264, 265, 266, 267, 273, 286, 288, 289, 290, 291, 292, 293, 295,

296, 324.

Ross, Capt. James R., 119.

Rousseau, Gen. Lovell H., 52, 55, 71, 137, 149, 176, 242, 251, 252,

257, 299, 307, 318, 322.

Rousseau, recollections of, 195-241.

Rousseau, Miss Mary, 257.

Russell, Capt. William C., 275.

Saunders, Miss N., 273.

Schaeffer, Col., 150.

Schoepff, Gen. Alvin, 252.

Schofield, Gen. John M., 138, 324.

Schurtz, Gen. Carl, 183, 319.

Scott, Gen. Winfield, 181, 182, 183, 236, 318.

Scribner, Col. Benj. F., 70, 71.

Seward, William H., 221.

Sheridan, Gen. Philip H., 40, 51, 77, 125, 126, 165, 166, 170, 176,

195, 196, 197, 233, 242, 251, 307, 322, 325.

Sheridan as a cavalryman, 128-193.

Sherman, Gen. Thomas W., 36.

Sherman, Gen. William T., 58, 61, 62, 63, 75, 76, 81, 84, 85, 86,

87, 91, 92, 97, 99, 100, 107, 108, 109, 110, 113, 115, 116, 117,

118, 120, 121, 122, 123, 125, 126, 127, 128, 131, 132, 133, 137,

138, 139, 147, 154, 155, 162, 177, 181, 185, 186, 188, 229, 230,

231, 236, 240, 242, 247, 249, 253, 258, 272, 273, 302, 303, 304,

309, 310, 311, 314, 322, 324, 328, 332, 333, 334, 335, 336, 344.

Sherman as a strategist, 17-57.

Sickles, Gen. Daniel, 197.

Sidell, Major William H., 254, 300, 301, 302.

Sill, Gen. Joshua W., 136, 137, 150.

Smith, Gen. Gustavus W., 179.

Smith, Gen. Preston, 292.

Smith, Gen. W. F., 98, 107, 110, 289.

Smith, Gen. W. S., 138.

Speed, James S., 201, 216, 217, 223.

Speed, Joshua, 216, 217.

Stanley, Gen. David S., 151, 295.

Stanton, Edwin M., 41, 42.

Steedman, Gen. James B., 36, 64, 69, 83, 86, 251, 268, 271, 275, 276,

279, 280, 281, 282, 283, 284, 285, 286, 287, 288, 294, 318, 322.

Stephens, Alexander H., 97.

Stevens, Isaac J., 246.

Stokes, Capt. James J., 250.

Stolbrand, Major C. J., 312, 313, 314.

Stuart, Gen. J. E. B., 144, 328.

Swayne, Gen. Wager, 331.

Talbot, John, 134, 135.

Terrill, Gen. William, 136, 137, 146.

Tilghman, Gen. Lloyd, 209.

Tillson, Gen. Davis, 331.

Thomas, Gen. George H., 18, 44, 48, 51, 91, 92, 97, 100, 101, 103,

106, 107, 109, 110, 117, 118, 122, 125, 126, 127, 128, 131, 132,

133, 149, 153, 160, 161, 176, 188, 195, 230, 232, 237, 242, 245,

246, 248, 249, 252, 256, 257, 261, 262, 265, 266, 267, 268, 271,

274, 276, 284, 285, 287, 291, 292, 293, 299, 300, 311, 314, 321.

Thomas as a tactician, 57, 97.

Thomas, Gen. Lorenzo, 32.

Trabue, James, 222.

Turchin, Gen. John B., 119.

Tyler, Gen. R. O., 138.

Vallandigham, C. L., 262.

Vance, Morgan, 217.

Van Cleve, Gen. Horatio P., 292.

Van Pelt, Capt., 82.

Walker, Gen. H. H., 138.

Ward, Gen. John H., 217.

Webster, Gen. Joseph D., 22.

Wendell, Cornelius, 284.

Wheeler, Gen. Joseph, 231, 287, 328.

Whitaker, Gen. Walter, 173, 184.

Whiting, Gen. W. H. C., 246.

Williamson, Lieut. R. S., 139.

Wilson, Gen. James H., 125.

Wolfe, Nathaniel, 223.

Wood, Gen. Thomas J., 68, 69, 83, 148, 149, 154, 174, 271, 289, 294,

295, 296.

Worth, Gen. William J., 181.

Wright, Col., 24.

Zollicoffer, Gen. Felix K., 66, 82.

THE END.

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| Transcriber's Note: |

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| Minor typographical errors have been corrected without note. |

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| Ambiguous hyphens at the ends of lines were retained. |

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| Mid-paragraph illustrations have been moved between paragraphs |

| and some illustrations have been moved closer to the text that |

| references them. The paginations in the list of Illustrations |

| were corrected accordingly. |

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| Italicized words are surrounded by underline characters, |

| _like this_. |

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Personal Recollections of Distinguished Generals · 第 8 / 8 章