treated his leprosy with baths of babes’ blood, the babes being of the
Banú Isráil. The word “Pharaoh” is not without its etymological
difficulties. In Josephus פרעה = ⲡⲓ ⲟⲩⲣⲟ = the King. Others suggest
ⲡⲓ ⲣⲁ = the sun, which has little weight. Rá, the sun (without
article) generally follows the name of the king who is also termed ⲥⲓ
ⲣⲁ = son of Ra, ergo not Ra. Harding follows Brugsch Pasha, who
proposes “Per’ao” = great house, sublime Porte.
Footnote 232:
Graetz (Geschichte i. note 7) proves that “Aram,” in the Hebrew text
(Judges iii. 8) should be “Edom.”
Footnote 233:
I give a quadruple increase, at least 25 per centum more than the
genealogies warrant.
Footnote 234:
MS. pp. 505–537. This story is found in the “Turkish Tales” by Petis
de la Croix who translated one fourth of the “Forty Wazirs” by an
author self-termed “Shaykh Zádeh.” It is called the “History of Chec
Chahabeddin” (Shaykh Shiháb al-Dín), and it has a religious
significance proving that the Apostle did really and personally make
the “Mi’raj” (ascent to Heaven) and returned whilst his couch was
still warm and his upset gugglet had not run dry. The tale is probably
borrowed from Saint Paul who (2 Cor. xii. 4), was “caught up into
Paradise,” which in those days was a kind of region that roofed the
earth. The Shaykh in question began by showing the Voltairean Sultan
of Egypt certain specious miracles, such as a phantom army (in our
tale two lions), Cairo reduced to ashes, the Nile in flood and a
Garden of Irem, where before lay a desert. He then called for a tub,
stripped the King to a zone girding his loins and made him dip his
head into the water. Then came the adventures as in the following
tale. When after a moment’s space these ended, the infuriated Sultan
gave orders to behead the Shaykh, who also plunged his head into the
tub; but the Wizard divined the ill-intent by “Mukáshafah”
(thought-reading); and by “Al-Ghayb ’an al-Absár” (invisibility)
levanted to Damascus. The reader will do well to compare the older
account with the “First Vizir’s Story” (p. 17) in Mr. Gibb’s “History
of the Forty Vizirs,” etc. As this scholar remarks, the Mi’ráj, with
all its wealth of wild fable, is simply alluded to in a detached
verset of the Koran (xvii. 1) which runs: [I declare] “The glory of
Him who transported His servant by night from the Sacred Temple (of
Meccah) to the Remote Temple (of Jerusalem), whose precincts we have
blessed, that we might show him of our signs.” After this comes an
allusion to Moses (v. 2); Mr. Gibb observes (p. 22) that this
lengthening out of the seconds was a favourite with “Dervishes,” as he
has shown in “The Story of Jewád;” and suggests that the effect might
have been produced by some drug like Hashish. I object to Mr. Gibb’s
use of the word “Houri” (ibid. p. 24) without warning the reader that
it is an irregular formation, masculine withal, for “Huríyah” and that
the Pers. “Húrí,” from which the Turks borrowed their blunder,
properly means “One Húr.”
Footnote 235:
For the Dajlah (Tigris) and Furát (Euphrates) see vols. viii. 150; ix.
17. The topothesia is worse than Shakspearean. In Weber’s Edit. of the
“New Arabian Nights” (Adventures of Simoustapha, etc.), the rivers are
called “Ilfara” and “Aggiala.”
Footnote 236:
In text “Alwán,” for which see vol. vii. 135.
Footnote 237:
[The word which is here translated with: “and one had said that he had
laboured hard thereat” (walawá’yh?) seems scarcely to bear out this
meaning. I would read it “wa’l-Aw’iyah” (plur. of wi’á), rendering
accordingly: “and the vessels (in which the aforesaid meats were set
out) shimmered like unto silver for their cleanliness.”—ST.]
Footnote 238:
In text “Al-Wahwah.”
Footnote 239:
In text, “Mutasa’lik” for “Mutasa’lik” = like a “sa’lúk.”
Footnote 240:
For this “high-spirited Prince and noble-minded lord” see vol. ix.
229.
Footnote 241:
In text “Bisáta-hum” = their carpets.
Footnote 242:
In text “Hawánít,” plur. of “Hanút” = the shop or vault of a vintner,
pop. derived from the Persian Kháneh; but it appears to be another
form of حانوت Heb. חנות Syr. ܗܰܢܘܽܬܐܰ. In Jer. xxvii. 16, where
the A. V. has “When Jeremiah was entered into the dungeon and into the
_cabins_,” read “underground vaults,” cells or cellars where wine was
sold. “Hanút” also means either the vintner or the vintner’s shop. The
derivation from حين because it _ruins_ man’s property and wounds his
honour is the _jeu d’esprit_ of a moralising grammarian. Chenery’s
Al-Hariri, p. 377.
Footnote 243:
In the Arab. “Jawákín,” plur. of Arab. Jaukán for Pers. Chaugán, a
crooked stick, a club, a bat used for the Persian form of golf played
on horseback—Polo.
Footnote 244:
[The text reads “Liyah,” and lower down twice with the article
“Al-Liyah” (double Lám). I therefore suspect that “Liyyah,” equivalent
with “Luwwah,” is intended, which both mean Aloes-wood as used for
fumigation (yutabakhkharu bi-hi). For the next ingredient I would read
“Kit’ah humrah,” a small quantity of red brickdust, a commodity, to
which, I do not know with what foundation, wonderful medicinal powers
are or were ascribed. This interpretation seems to me the more
preferable, as it presently appears that the last-named articles had
to go into the phial, the mention of which would otherwise be to no
purpose and which I take to have been finally sealed up with the
sealing clay. The whole description is exceedingly loose, and
evidently sorely corrupted, so I think every attempt at elucidation
may be acceptable.—ST.]
Footnote 245:
“Wa Kíta’h hamrah,” which M. Houdas renders _un morceau de viande
cuite_.
Footnote 246:
This is a specimen of the Islamised Mantra called in Sanskrit
Stambhaná and intended to procure illicit intercourse. Herklots has
printed a variety of formulæ which are popular throughout southern
India: even in the Maldive Islands we find such “Fandita” (_i.e._
Panditya, the learned Science) and Mr. Bell (Journ., Ceylon Br. R. A.
S. vii. 109) gives the following specimen, “Write the name of the
beloved; pluck a bud of the screwpine (here a _palette de mouton_);
sharpen a new knife; on one side of the bud write the Surat al-Badr
(chapter of Power, No. xxi., thus using the word of Allah for Satan’s
purpose); on the other side write Vajahata; make an image out of the
bud; indite particulars of the horoscope; copy from beginning to end
the Surat al-Rahmán (the Compassionating, No. xlviii.); tie the image
in five places with coir left-hand-twisted (_i.e._ widdershins or
‘against the sun’); cut the throat of a blood-sucker (lizard); smear
its blood on the image; place it in a loft; dry it for three days;
then take it and enter the sea. If you go in knee-deep the woman will
send you a message; if you go in to the waist she will visit you. (The
Voyage of François Pyrard, etc., p. 179.) I hold all these charms to
be mere instruments for concentrating and intensifying the brain
action called Will, which is and which presently will be recognised as
the chief motor-power.” See Suppl. vol. iii.
Footnote 247:
Probably the name of some Prince of the Jinns.
Footnote 248:
In text “Kamá zukira fí Dayli-h” = _arrange-toi de façon à
l’atteindre_ (Houdas).
Footnote 249:
Proverbial for its depth: Káshán is the name of sundry cities; here
one in the Jibál or Irák ’Ajami—Persian Mesopotamia.
Footnote 250:
Doubtless meaning Christians.
Footnote 251:
The Sage had summoned her by the preceding spell which the Princess
obeyed involuntarily.
Footnote 252:
_i.e._ last night; see vol. iii. 249.
Footnote 253:
In text “Wuldán” = “Ghilmán”: the boys of Paradise; for whom and their
feminine counterparts the Húr (Al-Ayn) see vols. i. 90, 211; iii. 233.
Footnote 254:
Arab. “Dukhn” = _Holcus dochna_, a well-known grain, a congener of the
Zurrah or Durrah = _Holcus Sativus_, Forsk. cxxiii. The incident is
not new. In “Das blaue Licht,” a Mecklenburg tale given by Grimm, the
King’s daughter who is borne through the air to the soldier’s room is
told by her father to fill her pocket with peas and make a hole
therein; but the sole result was that the pigeons had a rare feast.
See Suppl. vol. iii. 570.
Footnote 255:
_i.e._ a martyr of love. See vols. iii. 211; iv. 205.
Footnote 256:
In the text “Ka’ka’”; hence the higher parts of Meccah, inhabited by
the Jurham tribe, was called “Jabal Ka’ka’án,” from their clashing
arms (Pilgrimage iii. 191).
Footnote 257:
This was the work of the form of magic popularly known as Símiyá =
fascination, for which see vol. i. 305, 332. It is supposed to pass
away after a period of three days, and mesmerists will find no
difficulty in recognising a common effect upon “Odylic sensitives.”
Footnote 258:
Here supply the MS. with “illá.”
Footnote 259:
In text “tatadakhkhal ’alay-h:” see “Dakhíl-ak,” vol. i. 61.
Footnote 260:
Or “he”: the verb may also refer to the Sage.
Footnote 261:
Arab. “Kazafa” = threw up, etc.
Footnote 262:
This, in the case of the Wazir, was a transformation for the worse:
see vol. vii. 294, for the different kinds of metamorphosis.
Footnote 263:
_i.e._ my high fortune ending in the lowest.
Footnote 264:
In text “Bakar” = black cattle, whether bull, ox or cow. For ploughing
with bulls see vol. i. 16.
Footnote 265:
In text “Mukrif” = lit. born of a slave father and free mother.
Footnote 266:
In text “Antum fí kháshin wa básh,” an error for “khásh-másh” = a
miserable condition.
Footnote 267:
In text “yatbashsh” for “yanbashsha.” [Or it may stand for yabtashsh,
with transposition of the “t” of the eighth form, as usual in Egypt.
See Spitta-Bey’s Grammar, p. 198.—ST.]
Footnote 268:
“Janánan,” which, says M. Houdas is the vulgar form of “Jannatan” =
the garden (of Paradise). The Wazir thus played a trick upon his
hearers. [The word in the text may read “Jinánan,” accusative of
“Jinán,” which is the broken plural of “Jannah,” along with the
regular plural “Jannát,” and, like the latter, used for the gardens of
Paradise.—ST.]
Footnote 269:
For this name of the capital of Eastern Arabia see vols. i. 33; vii.
24.
Footnote 270:
“Tobe” is the Anglo-Oriental form of “Thaub” = in Arabia a loose robe
like a night-gown. See ii. 206.
Footnote 271:
The good old Mosaic theory of retribution confined to this life, and
the belief that Fate is the fruit of man’s actions.
Footnote 272:
Arab. “Sandarúsah” = red juniper gum (_Thuja articulata_ of Barbary),
red arsenic, realgar, from the Pers. Sandar = amber.
Footnote 273:
MSS. pp. 718–724. This fable, whose moral is that the biter is often
bit, seems unknown to Æsop and the compilation which bore his name
during the so-called Dark Ages. It first occurs in the old French
metrical _Roman de Renart_ entitled, _Si comme Renart prist Chanticler
le Coq_ (ed. Meon, tom. i. 49). It is then found in the collection of
fables by Marie, a French poetess whose _Lais_ are still extent; and
she declares to have rendered it _de l’Anglois en Roman_; the original
being an Anglo-Saxon version of Æsop by a King whose name is variously
written _Li reis Alured_ (Alfred?), or _Aunert_ (Albert?), or
_Henris_, or _Mires_. Although Alfred left no version of Æsop there is
in MS. a Latin Æsop containing the same story of an English version by
_Rex Angliæ Affrus_. Marie’s fable is printed in extenso in the
Chaucer of Dr. Morris (i. 247); London, Bell and Sons, 1880; and
sundry lines remind us of the Arabic, _e.g._:—
Li gupil volt parler en haut,
Et li cocs de sa buche saut,
Sur un haut fust s’est muntez.
And it ends with the excellent moral:—
Ceo funt li fol tut le plusur,
Parolent quant deivent taiser,
Teisent quant il deivent parler.
Lastly the Gentil Cok hight Chanticlere and the Fox, Dan Russel, a
more accidented tale, appear in “The Nonne Preestes Tale,” by the
Grand Traducteur.
Footnote 274:
“Durà” in MS. (p. 718) for “Zurà,” the classical term, or for
“Zurrah,” pop. pronounced “Durrah” = the _Holcus Sativus_ before
noticed, an African as well as Asiatic growth, now being supplanted by
maize and rice.
Footnote 275:
“Sa’alab” or “Tha’lab”; vol. iii. 132.
Footnote 276:
In text “Kikán,” plur. of “Kík” = _des corneilles_ (Houdas).
Footnote 277:
“Samman” or “Summán,” classically “Salwà.”
Footnote 278:
In text “Al-Kawání” = the spears, plur. of “Kanát.” [“Al-Kawání” as
plural of a singular “Kanát” = spear would be, I think, without
analogy amongst the plural formations, and its translation by
“punishment” appears somewhat strained. I propose to read “al-Ghawání”
and to translate “and whoever lags behind of the singing birds will
not be safe” (“lá yaslimu,” it will not go well with him). In the
mouth of the fox this implies a delicate compliment for the cock, who
might feel flattered to be numbered amongst the same tribe with the
nightingale and the thrush.—ST.]
Footnote 279:
In text “yá zayn” = Oh, the beautiful beast!
Footnote 280:
In text “Abú Sahíh” = (flight to) a sure and safe place.
Footnote 281:
MS. pp. 725–739.
Footnote 282:
Arab. “Zábit,” from the ✓ “Zabt” = keeping in subjection, holding
tight, tying. Hence “Zabtiyah” = a constable and “Zábit” = a Prefect
of Police. See vol. i. 259. The rhyming words are “Rábit” and “Hábit.”
Footnote 283:
In text “Ráhib” = monk or lion.
Footnote 284:
The lines are wholly corrupt.
Footnote 285:
The “Bahalul” of D’Herbelot. This worthy was a half-witted Sage (like
the Iourodivi of Russia and the Irish Omadhaun) who occupies his own
place in contemporary histories, flourished under Harun al-Rashid and
still is famous in Persian Story. When the Caliph married him perforce
and all the ceremonies were duly performed and he was bedded with the
bride, he applied his ear to her privities and forthwith ran away with
the utmost speed and alarm. They brought him back and questioned him
concerning his conduct when he made answer, “If you had only heard
what it said to me you would have done likewise.” In the text his
conduct is selfish and ignoble as that of Honorius
“Who strove to merit heaven by making earth a hell.”
And he shows himself heartless and unhuman as the wretched St. Alexius
of the Gesta Romanorum (Tale xv.), a warning of the intense
selfishness solemnly and logically inculcated by Christianity. See
vol. v. 150.
Footnote 286:
Koran, ch. li. v. 17.
Footnote 287:
Koran xx. 57: it is the famous “Tá-Há” whose first 14–16 verses are
said to have converted the hard-headed Omar. In the text the citation
is garbled and imperfect.
Footnote 288:
In text “Mas’h.”
Footnote 289:
“Hisában tawíl” = a long punishment.
Footnote 290:
The rod of Moses (see pp. 98–99) is the great prototype in Al-Islam of
the staff or walking-stick, hence it became a common symbol of dignity
and it also served to administer ready chastisement, _e.g._ in the
hands of austere Caliph Omar.
Footnote 291:
An onomatopy like “Couïc, Couïc.” For “Maksah,” read “Fa-sáha” = and
cried out.
Footnote 292:
“Zindík” = Atheist, Agnostic: see vols. v. 230; viii. 27.
Footnote 293:
“Harísah” = meat-pudding. In Al-Hariri (Ass. xix.) where he enumerates
the several kinds of dishes with their metonomies it is called the
“Mother of Strengthening” (or Restoration) because it contains
wheat—“the Strengthener” (as opposed to barley and holcus). So the
“Mother of Hospitality” is the Sikbáj, the Persian Sikbá, so entitled
because it is the principal dish set before guests and was held to be
royal food. (Chenery, pp. 218, 457). For the latter see infra.
Footnote 294:
This passage in the MS. (p. 733) is apparently corrupt. I have done my
best to make sense of it.
Footnote 295:
In text “Kamburisiyah.”
Footnote 296:
In the Dicts. a plant with acid flavour, dried, pounded and peppered
over meat.
Footnote 297:
In text “Najas” = a pear.
Footnote 298:
“Tutmajíyah,” for “Tutmáj.”
Footnote 299:
“Sikbáj,” a marinated stew like “Zirbájah” (vol. iii. 278): Khusrau
Parwez, according to the historians, was the first for whom it was
cooked and none ate of it without his permission. See retro.
Footnote 300:
Kishk = ground wheat, oatmeal or barley-flour eaten with soured
sheep’s milk and often with meat.
Footnote 301:
So in text: I suspect for “’Ajínniyah” = a dish of dough.
Footnote 302:
The Golden Calf is alluded to in many Koranic passages, _e.g._ Súrah
ii. (the Cow) 48; vii. (Al-Aaráf) 146; S. liv. (Women) 152; but
especially in S. xx. (Tá Há) 90, where Sámiri is expressly mentioned.
Most Christian commentators translate this by “Samaritan” and unjustly
note it as “a grievous ignorance of history on the part of Mohammed.”
But the word is mysterious and not explained. R. Jehuda (followed by
Geiger) says upon the text (Exod. xxxii. 24), “The calf came forth
lowing and the Israelites beheld it;” also that “Samael entered into
it and lowed in order to mislead Israel” (Pirke R. Eliezer, § 45).
Many Moslems identify Samiri with Micha (Judges xvii.), who is said to
have assisted in making the calf (Raschi, Sanhedr. cii. 2; Hottinger,
Hist. Orient. p. 84). Selden (de Diis Syr. Syn. 1 cap. 4) supposes
that Samiri is Aaron himself, the _Shomeer_ or keeper of Israel during
the absence of Moses. Mr. Rodwell (Koran, 2nd Edit. p. 90) who cleaves
to the “Samaritan” theory, writes, “It is probable (?) that the name
and its application, in the present instance, is to be traced to the
old national feud between the Jews and the Samaritans”—of which
Mohammed, living amongst the Jews, would be at least as well informed
as any modern European. He quotes De Sacy (Chrest. i. 189) who states
that Abú Rayhán Mohammed Birúni represents the Samaritans as being
nicknamed (not Al-limsahsit as Mr. Rodwell has it, but) “Lá Mesas” or
“Lá Mesásiyah” = the people who say “no touch” (_i.e._ touch me not,
from Súrah xx. 97); and Juynboll, Chron. Sam. p. 113 (Leid. 1848).
Josephus (Ant. xii. cap. 1) also mentions a colony of Samaritans
settled in Egypt by Ptolemy Lagus, some of whose descendants inhabited
Cairo as late as temp. Scaliger (De Emend. Temp. vii. 622). Sale
notices a similar survival on one of the islands of the Red Sea. In
these days the Samaritans or, as their enemies call them, the Cuthim
(“men from Cutha,” Cushites), in physical semblance typical Jews, are
found only at Náblús where the colony has been reduced by
intermarriage of cousins and the consequent greater number of male
births to about 120 souls. They are, like the Shi’ah Moslems, careful
to guard against ceremonial pollution: hence the epithet “Noli me
tangere.”
Footnote 303:
Alluding to the “Sayyád,” lit. = a fisherman.
Footnote 304:
In text “Al-Zahr.”
Footnote 305:
“Ajdár.”
Footnote 306:
In text “Al-Matáyá.”
Footnote 307:
In text “Sinaubar,” which may also mean pistachio-tree.
Footnote 308:
_i.e._ 475 to 478 Eng. grains avoir., less than the Ukiyyah or
Wukiyyah = ounce = 571·5 to 576 grains. Vol. ix. 216.
Footnote 309:
Not more absurd than an operatic hero singing while he dies.
Footnote 310:
MS. pp. 588–627. In Gauttier’s edit. vii. (234–256), it appears as
_Histoire de l’Habitant de Damas_. His advertisement in the beginning
of vol. vii. tells us that it has been printed in previous edits., but
greatly improved in his: however that may be, the performance is below
contempt. In Heron it becomes _The POWER OF DESTINY, or Story of the
Journey of Giafar to Damascus, comprehending the adventures of Chebib
and his Family_ (vol. i. pp. 69–175).
Footnote 311:
Damascus-city (for which see the tale of Núr al-Din Ali and his Son,
The Nights vol. i. 239–240) derives its name from Dimishk who was son
of Bátir, i. Málik, i. Arphaxed, i. Shám, i. Nuh (Noah); or son of
Nimrod, son of Canaan. Shám = Syria (and its capital) the land on the
left, as opposed to Al-Yaman the land on the right of one looking
East, is noticed in vol i. 55. In Mr. Cotheal’s MS. Damascus is
entitled “Shám” because it is the “Shámat” cheek-mole (beauty-spot) of
Allah upon earth. “Jalak” the older name of the “Smile of the
Prophet,” is also noted: see vol. ii. 100.
Footnote 312:
Hátim of the Tayy-tribe, proverbial for liberality. See vols. iv. 95,
and vii. 350.
Footnote 313:
in Mr. Cotheal’s MS. the Caliph first laughs until he falls backwards,
and then after reading further, weeps until his beard is bathed.
Footnote 314:
Heron inserts into his text, “It proved to be the Giaffer, famous
throughout all Arabia,” and informs us (?) in a foot-note that it is
“ascribed to a prince of the Barmecide race, an ancestor of the Grand
Vizier Giafar.” The word “Jafr” is supposed to mean a skin (camel’s or
dog’s), prepared as parchment for writing; and Al-Jafr, the book here
in question, is described as a cabalistic prognostication of all that
will ever happen to the Moslems. The authorship is attributed to Ali,
son-in-law of the Prophet. There are many legendary tales concerning
its contents; however, all are mere inventions as the book is supposed
to be kept in the Prophet’s family, nor will it be fully explained
until the Mahdi or Forerunner of Doomsday shall interpret its
difficulties. The vulgar Moslems of India are apt to confuse Al-Jafr
with Ja’afar bin Tayyár, the Jinni who is often quoted in talismans
(see Herklots, pp. 109–257). D’Herbelot gives the sum of what is
generally known about the “Jafr” (wa Jámi’a) under the articles “Ali”
and “Gefr u Giame.”
Footnote 315:
The father (whom Heron calls “Hichia Barmaki”) spoke not at random,
but guessed that the Caliph had been reading the book Al-Jafr.
Footnote 316:
Heron calls Ja’afar’s wife “Fatmé” from the French.
Footnote 317:
This is the open grassy space on the left bank of the Baradah River,
first sighted by travellers coming from Bayrút. See vol. i. 234, where
it is called Al-Hasá = the Plain of Pebbles.
Footnote 318:
Heron names him Chebib (Habíb) also “Xakem Tai-Chebib” = Hátim Tayy
Habíb.
Footnote 319:
The scene is described at full length in the Cotheal MS. with much
poetry sung by a fair slave-girl and others.
Footnote 320:
Again showing the date of the tale to be modern. See my Terminal
Essay, p. 90.
Footnote 321:
This might serve even in these days to ask a worshipful guest why he
came, and what was his business—it is the address of a well-bred man
to a stranger of whose rank and station he is ignorant. The vulgar
would simply say, “Who art thou, and what is thy native country?”
Footnote 322:
In Heron the host learns everything by the book Al-Jafr.
Footnote 323:
In text “Muzawwa” which the Egyptian pronounces “Mugawwaz.”
Footnote 324:
Which would be necessary after car. cop. with his women.
Footnote 325:
In text “Kabr al-Sitt,” wherein the Sitt Zaynab, aunt to Mohammed, is
supposed to lie buried. Here the cultivation begins about half a
mile’s ride from the Báb-al-Shághúr or S. Western gate of the city. It
is mentioned by Baedeker (p. 439), and ignored by Murray, whose
editor, Mr. Missionary Porter, prefers to administer the usual dainty
dish of “hashed Bible.”
Footnote 326:
Arab. “Jámi’ al-Amawí”: for this Mosque, one of the Wonders of the
Moslem World, consult any Guide Book to Damascus. See Suppl. vol. iv.
Night cccxlii. In Heron it becomes the “Giamah Illamoue,” one of the
three most famous mosques in the world.
Footnote 327:
M. Houdas translates “Tarz,” “Márkaz” or “Mirkáz” by _Une pierre en
forme de dame, instrument qui sert à enfoncer les pavés_ (=our
“beetle”); _c’est-à-dire en forme de borne_.
Footnote 328:
For this “window-gardening,” an ancient practice in the East, see vol.
i. 301.
Footnote 329:
Heron calls her “Negemet-il-Souper” = Najmat al-Sabáh = Constellation
of Morn. In the Cotheal MS. she uses very harsh language to the
stranger, “O Bull (_i.e._ O stupid), this be not thy house nor yet the
house of thy sire;” etc. “go forth to the curse of God and get thee to
Hell,” c.
Footnote 330:
In text ضايح which I read ضايع.
Footnote 331:
For “Kayf” = joy, the pleasure of living, see my Pilgrimage i. 12–13.
Footnote 332:
In text “’Ayyik,” or “’Ayyuk” = a hinderer (of disease) from the ✓
’Ayk or ’Auk, whence also ’Ayyúk = Capella, a bright star proverbial
for its altitude, as in the Turk. saw “to give praise to the ’Ayyúk” =
skies.
Footnote 333:
Auspicious formulæ. The Cotheal MS. calls the physician “Dabdihkán.”
Footnote 334:
In text “Kullu Shayyin li mu’as’as”; the latter from ✓ “’As’as” = to
complicate a matter.
Footnote 335:
A sign that he diagnosed a moral not a bodily disorder. We often find
in The Nights, the doctor or the old woman distinguishing a love-fit
by the pulse or similar obscure symptoms, as in the case of Seleucus,
Stratonice and her step-son Antiochus—which seems to be the arch-type
of these anecdotes.
Footnote 336:
Arab. “Kirsh,” before explained; in Harun’s day, = 3 francs.
Footnote 337: