the Thousand Nights and a Night, with Notes Anthropological and
Explanatory,” have been issued privately to subscribers, whereof there
will be no more than a thousand. We have Sir Richard F. Burton’s pledge.
The tales are peculiarly interesting, and are told in English of
matchless flavour and force. Volume iii. is dedicated to Mr. Henry
Irving in these words: “My dear Irving, To a consummate artist like
yourself, I need hardly suggest that _The Nights_ still offers many a
virgin mine to the Playwright: and I ascribe this volume to you, not
only in admiration of your genius, but in the hope of that you will find
means of exploiting the hidden wealth which awaits only your ‘Open
Sesame!’—Ever yours sincerely, Richard F. Burton.” This is a pregnant
hint. As I have before observed, the vast majority of readers of the
Englished lore of the East knew worse than nothing of that marvellous
storehouse of romance, _The Arabian Nights_ until Sir Richard Burton
opened it for them. There are countless dramas embodied in the _Nights_,
and one cannot wonder that Sir Richard Burton should desire to see some
of them shaped for the stage at the instance of his friend Mr. Irving. I
may mention here that the third volume of Lady Burton’s edition of the
Nights is available. It is as dainty as its predecessors, as well done
in point of literary workmanship, and as full of matter.
WHITEHALL REVIEW, _May 24th, 1886_.
The sixth volume of Sir Richard Burton’s _Arabian Nights_ which has just
been issued to subscribers, is one of the most interesting of the series
to Anglo-Orientalists. For it contains that story—or set of
stories—which is, perhaps, of all the tales of the _Arabian Nights_ the
dearest to legend-loving mankind, whether Oriental or Occidental—the
story of the voyages of “Sindbad the Sailor,” or of “Sindbad the
Seaman,” as Sir Richard Burton prefers to call him. Perhaps the only
tale which at all competes in popularity with the wandering record of
the “Eastern Odysseus” is the story of “Ali Baba,” and that,
unfortunately, does not belong to the _Arabian Nights_ at all, and can
only, as far as we know, be traced to a modern Greek origin. Lovers of
the story of “Sindbad the Sailor” will be pleased to learn that their
old friend remains to all intents and purposes the same in Sir Richard’s
literal Translation as he was in the fanciful adaptation of Galland, and
the more accurate rendering of Lane. He does not “suffer a sea change,”
but remains, what he has always been, the most wonderful wanderer in the
whole range and region of romance. Sir Richard Burton’s sixth volume
contains, besides, that story of the “Seven Viziers” which in so many
forms is a favourite in all the languages of the East.
THE BAT, _July 7th, 1886_.
As regards his translation, however, Captain Burton is certainly
felicitous in the manner in which he has Englished the picturesque turns
of the original. One great improvement in this version over that of Mr.
Lane will be found in the fact that the verses so freely interspersed
throughout the _Nights_ are here rendered in metre, and that an attempt
also has often been made to preserve the assonants and the monorhyme of
the Arabic. Mr. Lane frankly stated that he omitted the greater part of
the poetry as tedious, and, through the loss of measure and rhyme
“generally intolerable to the reader,” as, in truth, the specimens
inserted mostly proved to be on account of the bald literalism of the
rendering. Captain Burton has naturally inserted the poetry with the
rest; and has often shown much skill in doing into English verse the
rippling couplets of the original. Take, as an instance, the verses
which Mr. Lane renders:—
“Tell him who is oppressed with anxiety that anxiety will not last.
As happiness passeth away, so passeth away anxiety.”
Almost equally literal, and certainly more poetical, is Captain Burton,
who gracefully turns this:—
“Tell whoso hath sorrow, Grief never shall last;
E’en as Joy hath no morrow, so woe shall go past.”
And since, in proverbs and epigrams, so much depends on the form, the
spirit of the original is well observed, when, for instance, we read in
a certain chronicle the lines of one Ibn al Sumam:—
“Hold fast thy secret, and to none unfold;
Lost is a secret when that secret’s told.
And fail thy breast thy secret to conceal,
How canst thou hope another’s breast shall hold?”
Doubtless, too—and in this not following Mr. Lane—Captain Burton is
right in retaining the original division into Nights: for, as he justly
observes, “Without the Nights, no Arabian Nights!” And, besides this
being a prime feature of the original, a grateful pause is thereby
introduced into these intricate and interminable stories. In the
translation Captain Burton’s English is generally picturesque and always
fluent. As it is frankly stated, too, has “never hesitated to coin a
word when wanted.” Captain Burton, who has passed the greater portion of
his life in Arab-speaking countries, mixing freely in Moslem society,
and often passing—as during his pilgrimage—himself for a True Believer,
is naturally well qualified to translate this “Great Eastern Saga-Book.”
Also, since the scene of the stories is laid successively in every
country of Islam, from Tangier to India, and beyond, the translator’s
intimate acquaintance, made during his wanderings, with all these people
and places, stands him in good stead in elucidating peculiar manners and
customs, and in this gives him the advantage over Mr. Lane, who had only
seen Islam as domiciled in Egypt.
THE SPORTING LIFE, _July 17th, 1886_.
There has been such a delay between the issue of the sixth and that of
the seventh volume of “Alf Laylah wa Laylah,” or “The Book of the
Thousand Nights and a Night,” “the private subscribers only” to that
marvellous work were beginning to wonder whether anything had happened
to Sir Richard F. Burton to put a stop to his undertaking. At any rate,
one private subscriber wondered, the more especially as many threats had
been breathed by self-imposed keepers of the public conscience
(journalists, of course), with regard to putting an end to the
publication. To make up for the delay, the eighth, as well as the
seventh, volume has been issued. One of the dedications is peculiar. It
is encased in a mourning border, and runs thus:—“A Message to Frederick
Hankey, formerly of No. 2, Rue Lafitte, Paris.—My dear Fred,—If there is
such a thing as ‘continuation,’ you will see these lines in the far
spirit-land, and you will find that your old friend has not forgotten
you and Annie.” It is evident from this that the great African and Asian
traveller has leanings towards a belief in spiritualism.
* * * * *
The more I see of this splendid translation, the more do I feel that we
are indebted to the translator (after Mr. Payne) for the first real
idea, in English, of the immortal original, and to him alone for a
complete reflection of the Arabian Nights. The lustre and vigour of the
English compel one’s admiration at every step. In justification whereof
I cite a couple of brief passages from the first few pages in the
seventh volume:—“The first to open the door of war was Kurajan, who
cried out, saying, ‘Let no coward come out to me this day, nor craven!’
Whereupon Jamrkan and Sa’adan stood by the colours, but there ran at him
a captain of the Banu Amir, and the two drave at each other awhile like
two rams butting. Presently Kurajan seized the Moslem by the jerkin
under his hauberk, and dragging him from his saddle, dashed him to the
ground, where he left him, upon which the Kafirs laid hands on him and
bound him and bore him off to their tents, whilst Kurajan wheeled about
and careered and offered battle till another captain came out, whom also
he took prisoner, nor did he leave to do thus till he had made prize of
seven captains before midday.”
* * * * *
Again: “He cried out to his folk, ‘At him all at once and assault him
with one assault.’ Accordingly they waved the awe-striking banners, and
host was heaped on host; Gharib rushed on with his men, and Jamrkan did
the same, and the two sides met like two seas together clashing. The
Yamani sword and spear wrought havoc, and breasts and bellies were rent,
whilst both armies saw the Angel of Death face to face, and the dust of
the battle rose to the skirts of the sky. Ears went deaf and tongues
went dumb, and doom from every side came on, whilst valiant stood fast
and faint heart fled; and they ceased not from fight and fray till ended
the day, when the drums beat the retreat and the two hosts drew apart
and returned, each to its tents.” Is not that spirited? It is palpable
enough that, until Sir Richard Burton’s wonderful work saw the light, we
had no “Arabian Nights.”
NOTTINGHAM JOURNAL, _August 30th, 1886_.
The sales of Sir Richard Burton’s most realistic version of the _Arabian
Nights_ (a very valuable book in its way, but distinctly a top-shelf
one) appear to have gone off with uncommon briskness; with so much
briskness, in fact, that Sir Richard has taken in hand to prepare for
publication a series of additional tales from the same source. Five new
volumes called _Supplemental Nights_ are in preparation, and I
understand that the first two are completed. It is no disparagement to
the scholarly labours of the editor to suggest that one may have too
much Arabian Nights Entertainment. The translation of the original work,
a unique performance, will always be valued by students and collectors
(I am told that it is already worth double the price it was issued at),
but a second series might possibly pall.
WHITEHALL GAZETTE, _August 5th, 1886_.
The current number of the _Edinburgh Review_ contains an article of a
somewhat foolish kind upon the _Arabian Nights_. That great collection
of Eastern stories is receiving a great deal of very deserved attention
just now, and any literary contribution to the question is of interest.
But the _Edinburgh_ Reviewer does not add much of value to the matter in
hand. A considerable part of his paper is devoted to a very acrid,
unjust, and ill-mannered attack upon Sir Richard Burton’s famous
translation. Quite apart from the question of tastes which the paper
raises—though whether the _Edinburgh Review_ is necessarily an
impeccable authority as to taste is at least open to question—the attack
on Sir Richard Burton’s rendering is animated by an obvious spirit of
small antagonism which puts it out of court at once as a critical essay.
To jump upon some small inaccuracy and trumpet over it like the foolish
cock in the fable will scarcely detract from the admiration which all
Orientalists feel for Sir Richard Burton, nor in any way lessen his fame
as one of the profoundest and the most remarkable Oriental students of
his time. The _Edinburgh_ Reviewer is also pleased to be sarcastic over
a reference to D’Herbelot. Does the reviewer really think that
D’Herbelot is altogether out of date because he happened not to have
been published in the latter part of the nineteenth century and under
the patronage of the _Edinburgh Review_? However, Sir Richard Burton’s
translation of the _Arabian Nights_ will endure as a standard
contribution to Oriental literature, in spite of the disapproval of its
latest critic.
FOOTNOTES:
-----
Footnote 1:
Tome xli. is dated 1789, the other three, 1788, to include them in the
“Cabinet.”
Footnote 2:
The titles of all the vols. are dated alike, 1793, the actual date of
printing.
Footnote 3:
This name is not in the Arabic text, and I have vainly puzzled my
brains about its derivation or meaning.
Footnote 4:
This P. N. is, I presume, a corruption of “Shawalán” = one falling
short. The wife “Oitba” is evidently “Otbá” or “Utbá.”
Footnote 5:
See my Supplemental volume i. pp. 55–151, “The Ten Wazirs; or, the
History of King Azádbakht and his Son.”
Footnote 6:
MS. pp. 140–182. Gauttier, vol. ii., pp. 313–353, _Histoire du sage
Heycar_ translated by M. Agoub: Weber, “History of Sinkarib and his
two Viziers” (vol. ii. 53): the “Vizier” is therein called Hicar.
Footnote 7:
This form of the P. N. is preferred by Prof. R. Hoerning in his
“Prisma des Sanherib,” etc. Leipsic, 1878. The etymology is “Sin
akhi-irib” = Sini (Lunus, or the Moon-God) increaseth brethren. The
canon of Ptolemy fixes his accession at B.C. 702, the first year of
Elibus or Belibus. For his victories over Babylonia, Palestine, Judæa,
and Egypt see any “Dictionary of the Bible,” and Byron for the
marvellous and puerile legend—
The Assyrian came down as a wolf on the fold,
which made him lose in one night 185,000 men, smitten by the “Angel of
the Lord” (2 Kings xix. 35). Seated upon his throne before Lachish he
is represented by a bas-relief as a truly noble and kingly figure.
Footnote 8:
I presume that the author hereby means a “fool,” Pers. nádán. But in
Assyrian story Nadan was = Nathan, King of the people of Pukudu, the
Pekod of Jeremiah (i. 21) and other prophets.
Footnote 9:
In text always “Atúr,” the scriptural “Asshur” = Assyria, biblically
derived from Asshur, son of Shem (Gen. x. 22), who was worshipped as
the proto-deity. The capital was Niniveh. Weber has “Nineveh and
Thor,” showing the spelling of his MS. According to the Arabs, “Ashur”
had four sons; Iran (father of the Furs = Persians, the Kurd, or
Ghozzi, the Daylams, and the Khazar), Nabít, Jarmúk, and Basíl. Ibn
Khaldun (iii. 413), in his “Universal History,” opposes this opinion
of Ibn Sa’id.
Footnote 10:
_i.e._ “Fish-town” or “town of Nin” = Ninus, the founder. In mod. days
“Naynawah” was the name of a port on the east bank of the Tigris; and
moderns have unearthed the old city at Koyunjik, Nabi Yunas, and the
Tall (mound of) Nimrud.
Footnote 11:
The surroundings, suggest Jehovah, the tribal deity of the Jews. The
old version says, “Hicar was a native of the country of Haram
(Harrán), and had brought from thence the knowledge of the true God;
impelled, however, by an irresistible decree, etc.”
Footnote 12:
_i.e._ a woollen cloth dyed red. Hence Pyrard (i. 244) has “red
scarlet,” and (vol. ii.) “violet scarlet”; Froissart (xvth centy.) has
“white scarlet,” and Marot (xvith) has “green scarlet.” The word seems
to be French of xiith century, but is uncertain: Littré proposes
Galaticus, but admits the want of an intermediate form. Piers Plowman,
and Chaucer use “cillatún,” which suggests Pers. “Sakalat,” or
“Saklatún,” whence Mr. Skeat would derive “scarlet.” This note is from
the voyage of F. Pyrard, etc. London. Hakluyts, M.dccc.lxxxvii.; and
the editor quotes Colonel Yule’s M. Polo (ii. chapt. 58) and his
“Discursive Glossary s. v. _Suclát_.”
Footnote 13:
_i.e._ “Al-Kirm,” Arab. and Pers. = a worm, as in Kirmán (see Supplem.
vol. i. 59); the _coccus ilicis_, vulg. called cochineal.
Footnote 14:
Arab. “Arz,” from the Heb. Arz or Razah (✓ raz = to vibrate), the root
κέδρος (_cedrus conifera_), the Assyrian “Erimu of Lebanon,” of which
mention is so often made. The old controversy as to whether “Razah” =
cedar or fir, might easily have been settled if the disputants had
known that the modern Syrians still preserve the word for the clump
called “The Cedars” on the seaward slope of the Libanus.
Footnote 15:
We should say “reading and writing,” but the greater difficulty of
deciphering the skeleton eastern characters places reading in the more
honourable place. They say of a very learned man, “He readeth it off
(readily) as one drinketh water.”
Footnote 16:
Arab. “Al-Sáhib al-jayyid.” [“Jayyid” is, by the measure “Fay’il,”
derived from the root “Jaud,” to excel, like “Kayyis,” from “Kaus”
(see Suppl vol. iv., p. 350), “Mayyit” from “Maut,” “Sayyid” from
“Saud.” The form was originally “Jaywid;” then the Wáw became
assimilated to the preceding Já, on account of the following Kasrah,
and this assimilation or “Idghám” is indicated by Tashdíd. As from
“Kayyis” the diminutive “Kuwayyis” is formed, so “Jayyid” forms the
Tasghír, “Juwayyid,” which, amongst the Druzes, has the specific
meaning of “deeply versed in religious matters.”—ST.]
Footnote 17:
“Kúl,” vulg. for “Kul”; a form constant in this MS.
Footnote 18:
Gauttier “Sarkhadom,” the great usurper Sargon, a contemporary of
Merodach Baladan of Babylon and of Sabaco 1st of Ethiopia, B.C.
721–702: one of the greatest Assyrian Kings, whose place has been
determined to be between Shalmaneser and his son, the celebrated
Sennacherib, who succeeded him. The name also resembles the biblical
Ezar-haddon (Asaridanus), who, however, was the son of Sennacherib,
and occupied the throne of Babylon in B.C. 680.
Footnote 19:
Gauttier, pp. 317–319, has greatly amplified and modified these words
of wisdom.
Footnote 20:
In text “Yá Bunayya” = lit. “O my little son,” a term of special
fondness.
Footnote 21:
Arab. “Jamrah,” a word of doubtful origin, but applied to a tribe
strong enough to be self-dependent. The “Jamarát of the Arabs” were
three, Banú Numayr, Banú Háris (who afterwards confederated with
Mashíj) and Banú Dabbah (who joined the Rikáb), and at last Nomayr
remained alone. Hence they said of it:
“Nomayr the jamrah (also “a live coal”) of Arabs are; ✿ And ne’er
cease they to burn in fiery war.”
See Chenery’s Al-Hariri, pp. 343–428.
Footnote 22:
In the Arab. “Ta’arkalak,” which M. Houdas renders “_qu’elle ne te
retienne dans ses filets_.”
Footnote 23:
A _lieu commun_ in the East. It is the Heb. “Sháked” and the fruit is
the “Loz” (Arab. Lauz) = _Amygdalus communis_, which the Jews looked
upon as the harbinger of spring and which, at certain feasts, they
still carry to the synagogue, as representing the palm branches of the
Temple.
Footnote 24:
The mulberry-tree in Italy will bear leaves till the end of October
and the foliage is bright as any spring verdure.
Footnote 25:
Gauttier omits this: _pas poli_, I suppose.
Footnote 26:
The barbarous sentiment is Biblical—inspired, “He that spareth his rod
hateth his son” (Prov. xiii. 24), and “Chasten thy son while there is
hope, and let not thy soul spare for his crying” (Prov. xix. 18).
Compare the Arab equivalent, “The green stick is of the trees of
Paradise” (Pilgrimage i. 151). But the neater form of the saw was left
to uninspired writers; witness “Spare the rod and spoil the child,”
which appears in Ray’s proverbs, and is immortalised by Hudibras:—
Love is a boy by poets styled,
Then spare the rod and spoil the child. (ii. 1, 843).
It is to the eternal credit of John Locke, the philosopher, that in an
age of general brutality he had the moral courage, to declare,
“_Beating_ is the worst and therefore the last means to be used in the
correction of children.”
Footnote 27:
Arab. “Dahn” (oil, ointment) which may also mean “soft sawder.”
Footnote 28:
_Aucun roi ne peut gouverner sans armée et on ne peut avoir une armée
sans argent._ For a treatise on this subject see the “Chronique de
Tabari,” ii. 340.
Footnote 29:
M. Agoub, in Gauttier (vi. 321) remarks of these prosings, “Ces
maximes qui ne seraient pas indignes, pour la plupart, des beaux temps
de la philosophie grecque, appartiennent toutes au texte arabe; je
n’ai fait que les disposer dans un ordre plus méthodique. J’ai dû
aussi supprimer quelques unes, soit parce qu’elles n’offraient que des
préceptes d’une morale banale, soit que traduites en français, elles
eussent pû paraître bizarres à des lecteurs européens. Ce que je dis
ici, s’applique également à celles qui terminent le conte et qui
pourraient fournir le sujet de plusieurs fables.” One would say that
the translator is the author’s natural enemy.
Footnote 30:
Arab. “Ammál,” now vulgarly written with initial Hamzah, a favourite
expression in Egypt and meaning “Verily,” “I believe you, my boy,” and
so forth. But “’Ammál” with the Ayn may also mean “he intended,” or
“he was about to.”
Footnote 31:
In Gauttier the name is Ebnazadan, but the Arab. text has “Naudán,”
which I take to be the Persian “New of knowledge” as opp. to Nádán,
the “unknowing.”
Footnote 32:
In Chavis (Weber ii. 58) and Gauttier (p. 323) _Akis, roi de Perse_.
The second name may be “Shah of the Ebna” or Persian incolæ of
Al-Yaman; _aristocratie Persane naturalisée Arabe_ (Al-Mas’udi, iv.
188, etc.)
Footnote 33:
_i.e._ the Lowland of the Eglantine or Narcissus; Nisrín is also in
dictionaries an island where amber abounds. There is a shade of
difference between Buk’ah and Bak’ah. The former which is the
correcter form = a patch of ground, a plain (hence the Buká’a =
Cœlesyria), while Bak’ah = a hollow where water collects. In Chavis we
find “the plain of Harrim” and in Gauttier _la plaine de Baschrin_;
and the appointment was “for the first of the month Niram” (Naysán).
Footnote 34:
“Pharaoh,” which Hebrew Holy Writ left so vague and unsatisfactory,
has become with the Arabs “Fir’aun,” the dynastic name of Egyptian
kings, as Kisrà (Chosroës) of the Persians, Tobba of the Himyarites,
Kaysar (Cæsar) of the Romans, Jalut (Goliath) of the Phœnicians,
Faghfur of the Chinese, Khákán of the Tartars, Adfonsh (Alfonso) of
the Spanish, and Aguetíd of the Berbers. Ibn Khaldún iv. 572.
Footnote 35:
“Mizr” in Assyrian = “Musur,” in Heb. “Misraim” (the dual Misrs, whose
duality permeated all their polity), and in Arab “Misr,” the O. Egypt.
“Há káhi Ptáh” (the Land of the great God, Ptah), and the Coptic
“Tá-mera” = the Land of the Nile flood, ignoring, I may add, all
tradition of a Noachian or general deluge.
Footnote 36:
The simplicity of old Assyrian correspondence is here well preserved,
as we may see by comparing those letters with the cuneiform
inscriptions, etc., by S. Abden Smith (Pfeiffer, Leipsic, 1887). One
of them begins thus, “The will of the King to Sintabni-Uzur.
Salutation from me to thee. May it be well with thee. Regarding
Sinsarra-utzur whom thou has sent to me, how is thy report?” etc. We
find such expressions as “May the great Gods, lovers of thy reign,
preserve thee an hundred years;” also “Peace to the King, my lord,”
etc.
Footnote 37:
Arab. “Yaum al-Khamís.” For the week-days see vol. vi. 190, and for a
longer notice, Al-Mas’udi, iii. 422–23.
Footnote 38:
In the text “Kál” (al-Ráwí), “the Reciter saith”—which formula I omit
here and elsewhere.
Footnote 39:
_i.e._ “The Father of the little Fish,” in Gauttier (vii. 329) “Abou
Soméika.”
Footnote 40:
By way of insult; as I have before noticed.
Footnote 41:
He had now learned that Nadan had ruined him.
Footnote 42:
The wife (in p. 155, “Ashghaftíní”) is called “Thou hast enamoured me”
from the root “Shaghaf” = violent love, joy, grief. Chavis has
Zefagnie: Gauttier suppresses the name, which is not pretty. In the
old version she is made aunt (father’s sister) to Sankharib.
Footnote 43:
The old version attributes all this device to “Zefagnie;” thus
injuring the unity and the interest of the tale.
Footnote 44:
Arab. “Jund” plur. “Junúd,” a term mostly applied to regular troops
under the Government, as opposed to soldiers who took service with the
Amirs or great barons—a state of things still enduring in non-British
India.
Footnote 45:
Who thus makes a “Ma’adabah” = wake or funeral feast before his death.
See vol. viii. 231.
Footnote 46:
_i.e._ “Father of the Fishlet,” in the old version “Yapousmek” (Yá Abú
Sumayk!)
Footnote 47:
In Chavis he becomes “an old slave, a magician, stained with the
greatest crimes, who has the air and figure of Hicar.”
Footnote 48:
A formula which announces the death of his supposed enemy.
Footnote 49:
Arab. “Matmúrah” = Sardábah (i. 340), a silo for storing grain, an
underground cell (ii. 39.)
Footnote 50:
See text “Náhú” from ✓ “Nauh” = ceremonious keening for the dead. The
general term for the wail is “Walwalah” or “Wilwál” (an onomatopy) and
for the public wailing-woman “Naddábah.”
Footnote 51:
Here we find the Doric form “Rahúm” for “Rahím,” or it may simply be
the intensive and emphatic form, as “Nazúr” = one who looks intently
for “Názir,” a looker.
Footnote 52:
In the old version “a tenth part of the revenues.” The “Kasím” of the
text is an unusual word which M. Houdas would render _revenues en
nature_, as opposed to Khiráj, _revenues en argent_. I translate it by
“tax tribute.”
Footnote 53:
In text “’Azzámín,” _i.e._ men who recite “’Azm,” mostly Koranic
versets which avert evil.
Footnote 54:
This may either be figurative or literal—upon the ashes where the fire
had been; even as the father of Sayf al-Mulúk sat upon the floor of
his audience-hall (vol. vii. 314).
Footnote 55:
In text “Ya’tadir”—from ✓ ’Adr = heavy rain, boldness. But in this MS.
the dots are often omitted and the word may be Ya’tazir = find excuse.
Footnote 56: