The foregoing examination of the relation of the mental faculty of the
lower races to the higher places us in a position to examine to better
advantage the other question of the relation of the intelligence of
woman to that of man.
The differences in mental expression between the lower and the higher
races can be expressed for the most part in terms of attention and
practice. The differences in run of attention and practice are in this
case due to the development of different habits by groups occupying
different habitats, and consequently having no copies in common.
Woman, on the other hand, exists in the white man's world of practical
and scientific activity, but is excluded from full participation in
it. Certain organic conditions and historical incidents have, in fact,
inclosed her in habits which she neither can nor will fracture, and
have also set up in the mind of man an attitude toward her which
renders her almost as alien to man's interests and practices as if she
were spatially separated from them.
One of the most important facts which stand out in a comparison of
the physical traits of men and women is that man is a more specialized
instrument for motion, quicker on his feet, with a longer reach, and
fitted for bursts of energy; while woman has a greater fund of stored
energy and is consequently more fitted for endurance. The development
of intelligence and motion have gone along side by side in all animal
forms. Through motion chances and experiences are multiplied, the
whole equilibrium characterizing the stationary form is upset, and the
organs of sense and the intelligence are developed to take note of and
manipulate the outside world. Amid the recurrent dangers incident to
a world peopled with moving and predacious forms, two attitudes may be
assumed--that of fighting, and that of fleeing or hiding. As between
the two, concealment and evasion became more characteristic of the
female, especially among mammals, where the young are particularly
helpless and need protection for a long period. She remained,
therefore, more stationary, and at the same time acquired more
cunning, than the male.
In mankind especially, the fact that woman had to rely on cunning
and the protection of man rather than on swift motion, while man had
a freer range of motion and adopted a fighting technique, was the
starting-point of a differentiation in the habits and interests,
which had a profound effect on the consciousness of each. Man's most
immediate, most fascinating, and most remunerative occupation was
the pursuit of animal life. The pursuit of this stimulated him to
the invention of devices for killing and capture; and this aptitude
for invention was later extended to the invention of tools and of
mechanical devices in general, and finally developed into a settled
habit of scientific interest. The scientific imagination which
characterizes man in contrast with women is not a distinctive male
trait, but represents a constructive habit of attention associated
with freer movement and the pursuit of evasive animal forms. The
problem of control was more difficult, and the means of securing it
became more indirect, mediated, reflective, and inventive; that is,
more intelligent.
Woman's activities, on the other hand, were largely limited to plant
life, to her children, and to manufacture, and the stimulation to
mental life and invention in connection with these was not so powerful
as in the case of man. Her inventions were largely processes of
manufacture connected with her handling of the by-products of the
chase. So simple a matter, therefore, as relatively unrestricted
motion on the part of man and relatively restricted motion on the part
of woman determined the occupations of each, and these occupations
in turn created the characteristic mental life of each. In man this
was constructive, answering to his varied experience and the need of
controlling a moving environment; and in woman it was conservative,
answering to her more stationary and monotonous condition.
In early times man's superior physical force, the wider range of his
experience, his mechanical inventions in connection with hunting and
fighting, and his combination under leadership with his comrades to
carry out their common enterprises, resulted in a contempt for the
weakness of women and an almost complete separation in interest
between himself and the women of the group. The men frequently formed
clubs, and lived apart from the women; and even where this did not
happen, the men and women had no mental life in common. To this
contempt for women also was added a superstitious fear of them,
growing out of the primitive belief that weakness or any other bad
quality is infectious, and may be transferred by physical contact or
association.[270]
From Mr. Crawley's excellent paper on "Sexual Taboo" I transcribe the
following illustrations of this attitude:
In New Caledonia you rarely see men and women talking or
sitting together. The women seem perfectly content with the
company of their own sex. The men who loiter about with spears
in most lazy fashion are seldom seen in the society of the
opposite sex.... The Ojebwey, Peter Jones, thus writes of his
own people: "I have scarcely ever seen anything like social
intercourse between husband and wife, and it is remarkable
that the women say little in the presence of the men." The
Zulus regard their women with a haughty contempt. If a man
were going to the bush to cut firewood with his wives, he and
they would take different paths, and neither go nor return in
company. If he were going to visit a neighbor and wished his
wife to go also, she would follow at a distance. In Senegambia
the women live by themselves, rarely with their husbands,
and their sex is virtually a clique. In Egypt a man never
converses with his wife, and in the tomb they are separated by
a wall, though males and females are not usually buried in the
same vault.[271]
Amongst the Dacotas custom and superstition ordain that the
wife must carefully keep away from all that belongs to her
husband's sphere of action. The Bechuanas never allow their
women to touch their cattle; accordingly the men have to plow
themselves.... In Guiana no woman may go near the hut where
_ourali_ is made. In the Marquesas Islands the use of canoes
is prohibited to the female sex by _tabu_: the breaking of
the rule is punished with death. Conversely, amongst the same
people _tapa_-making belongs exclusively to the women: when
they are making it for their own headdresses it is _tabu_ for
the men to touch it. In Nicaragua all the marketing was done
by the women. A man might not enter the market nor even see
the proceedings at the risk of a beating.... In Samoa where
the manufacture of cloth is allotted solely to the women,
it is a degradation for a man to engage in any detail of the
process.... An Eskimo thinks it an indignity to row in an
_umiak_, the large boat used by women. The different offices
of husband and wife are also clearly distinguished; for
example, when he has brought his booty to land it would be a
stigma on his character if he so much as drew a seal ashore,
and generally it is regarded as scandalous for a man to
interfere with what is the work of women. In British Guiana
cooking is the province of the women, as elsewhere; on one
occasion when the men were compelled perforce to bake some
bread they were only persuaded to do so with the utmost
difficulty, and were ever after pointed at as old women.[272]
Amongst the Barea, man and wife seldom share the same bed; the
reason they give is that the breath of the wife weakens the
husband.... The Khyoungthas have a legend of a man who reduced
a king and his men to a condition of feebleness by persuading
them to dress up as women and perform female duties. When
they had thus been rendered effeminate they were attacked and
defeated without a blow.... Contempt for female timidity has
caused a curious custom amongst the Gallas: they amputate the
mammae of the boys soon after birth, believing that no warrior
can possibly be brave who possesses them, and that they should
belong to women only.... Amongst the Lhoosais when a man is
unable to do his work, whether through laziness, cowardice or
bodily incapacity, he is dressed in women's clothes and has to
associate and work with the women. Amongst the Pomo Indians of
California, when a man becomes too infirm for a warrior he is
made a menial and assists the squaws.... When the Delawares
were denationized by the Iroquois and prohibited from going
to war they were according to the Indian notion "made women,"
and were henceforth to confine themselves to the pursuits
appropriate to women.[273]
Women were still further degraded by the development of property and
its control by man, together with the habit of treating her as a piece
of property, whose value was enhanced if its purity was assured and
demonstrable. As a result of this situation, man's chief concern in
women became an interest in securing the finest specimens for his own
use, in guarding them with jealous care from contact with other men,
and in making them, together with the ornaments they wore, signs of
his wealth and social standing. The instances below are extreme ones,
taken from lower social stages than our own, but they differ only in
degree from the chaperonage of modern Europe:
I heard from a teacher about some strange custom connected
with some of the young girls here [New Ireland], so I asked
the chief to take me to the house where they were. The house
was about twenty-five feet in length and stood in a reed and
bamboo enclosure, across the entrance of which a bundle of
dried grass was suspended to show that it was strictly _tabu_.
Inside the house there were three conical structures about
seven or eight feet in height, and about ten or twelve feet in
circumference at the bottom, and for about four feet from the
ground, at which point they tapered off to a point at the
top. These cages were made of the broad leaves of the pandanus
tree, sewn quite close together so that no light, and little
or no air could enter. On one side of each is an opening
which is closed by a double door of plaited cocoanut tree and
pandanus tree leaves. About three feet from the ground there
is a stage of bamboos which forms the floor. In each of these
cages, we were told there was a young woman confined, each
of whom had to remain for at least four or five years without
ever being allowed to go outside the house. I could scarcely
credit the story when I heard it; the whole thing seemed too
horrible to be true. I spoke to the chief and told him that
I wished to see the inside of the cages, and also to see the
girls that I might make them a present of a few beads.... [A
girl having been allowed to come out] I then went to inspect
the inside of the cage out of which she had come, but could
scarcely put my head inside of it, the atmosphere was so hot
and stifling. It was clean and contained nothing but a few
short lengths of bamboo for holding water. There was only room
for the girl to sit or lie down in a crouched position on the
bamboo platform, and when the doors are shut it must be nearly
or quite dark inside. They are never allowed to come out
except once a day to bathe in a dish or wooden bowl placed
close to the cage. They say that they perspire profusely. They
are placed in these stifling cages when quite young, and must
remain there until they are young women, when they are taken
out and have each a great marriage feast prepared for them.
One of them was about fourteen or fifteen years old, and the
chief told me that she had been there for five years, but
would soon be taken out now. The other two were about eight
and ten years old, and they have to stay there for several
years longer. I asked if they never died, but they said
"No."[274]
They [the Azande] are extremely jealous of their womenfolk,
whom they do not permit to live in the same village with
themselves. The women's village is generally in the bush,
about 200 yards or so distant from that of the chief. Women
are never seen in an Azande village, the pathway to their own
being kept secret from all outsiders. This system while being
something like that observed by the Arabs, has the important
distinction that the women are not shut up. They are free
to come and go and do what they like, except visit the men's
village. In common with the entire native population of
Central Africa, the custom among the Zande is that the men
do no work that is not connected with the chase or the
manufacture of implements. All agriculture is carried on by
the women.[275]
From the time of engagement until marriage a young lady is
required to maintain the strictest seclusion. Whenever friends
call upon her parents she is expected to retire to the inner
apartments, and in all her actions and words guard her conduct
with careful solicitude. She must use a close sedan whenever
she visits her relations, and in her intercourse with her
brothers and the domestics in the household maintain great
reserve. Instead of having any opportunity to form those
friendships and acquaintances with her own sex which among
ourselves become a source of much pleasure at the time and
advantage in after life, the Chinese maiden is confined to the
circle of her relations and her immediate neighbors. She has
few of the pleasing remembrances and associations that are
usually connected with school-day life, nor has she often the
ability or opportunity to correspond by letter with girls of
her own age. Seclusion at this time of life, and the custom
of crippling the feet, combine to confine women in the house
almost as much as the strictest laws against their appearing
abroad; for in girlhood, as they know only a few persons
except relatives, and can make very few acquaintances after
marriage their circle of friends contracts rather than
enlarges as life goes on. This privacy impels girls to learn
as much of the world as they can, and among the rich their
curiosity is gratified through maid-servants, match-makers,
peddlers, visitors, and others.[276]
The world of white civilization is intellectually rich because it has
amassed a rich fund of general ideas, and has organized these into
specialized bodies of knowledge, and has also developed a special
technique for the presentation of this knowledge and standpoint to
the young members of society, and for localizing their attention in
special fields of interest. When for any reason a class of society is
excluded from this process, as women have been historically, it must
necessarily remain ignorant. But, while no one would make any question
that women confined as these in New Ireland and China, as shown above,
must have an intelligence as restricted as their mode of life, we are
apt to lose sight altogether of the fact that chivalry and chaperonage
and modern convention are the persistence of the old race habit of
contempt for women, and of their intellectual sequestration. Men
and women still form two distinct classes and are not in free
communication with each other. Not only are women unable and unwilling
to be communicated with directly, unconventionally, and truly on many
subjects, but men are unwilling to talk to them. I do not have in mind
situations involving questions of propriety or delicacy alone, but a
certain habit of restraint, originating doubtless in matters relating
to sex, extends to all intercourse with women, with the result that
they are not really admitted to the intellectual world of men; and
there is not only a reluctance on the part of men to admit them, but
a reluctance--or, rather, a real inability--on their part to enter.
Modesty with reference to personal habits has become so ingrained and
habitual, and to do anything freely is so foreign to woman, that even
free thought is almost of the nature of an immodesty in her.
In connection also with the adventitious position of woman referred
to in another paper,[277] the feminine interests and habits are set so
strongly toward dress and personal display that they are not readily
diverted. Women may and do protest against the triviality of their
lives, but emotional interests are more immediate than intellectual
ones, and human nature does not drift into intellectual pursuit
voluntarily, but is forced into it in connection with the urgency of
practical activities. The women who are obliged to work are of the
poorer classes, and have not that leisure and opportunity preliminary
to any specialized acquirement; while those who have leisure are
supported in that position both by money and by precedent and habit,
and have no immediate stimulation to lift them out of it. They
sometimes entertain ideas of freedom and plan occupational interests,
but they have usually become thoroughly habituated to their unfreedom,
and continue to feed from the hand.
Custom lies upon them with a weight
Heavy as frost and deep almost as life.
The usual reasoning as to the ability of women also overlooks the fact
that many women are larger and stronger than many men, and some
of them possessed of tremendous energy, will, wit, endurance, and
sagacity. This type appears in all classes of society, but more
frequently in the lower classes and among peasants, both because the
natural qualities are less glozed over there by aristocratic custom,
and because these classes are bred truer to nature. Unfortunately, the
attention of the women of these classes is limited to very immediate
concerns; but, on the other hand, they present the true qualities of
the female type, and few, I believe, will deny that the peasant woman
described below would shine in intellectual walks if fate had called
her there:
Mother was a large, stout, full-blooded woman of great
strength. She could not read or write, and yet she was well
thought of. There are all sorts of educations, and though
reading and writing are very well in their way, they would not
have done mother any good. She had the sort of education
that was needed in her work. Nobody knew more about raising
vegetables, ducks, chickens and pigeons than she did. There
were some among the neighbors who could read and write and so
thought themselves above mother, but when they went to market
they found their mistake. Her peas, beans, cauliflower,
cabbages, pumpkins, melons, potatoes, beets, and onions sold
for the highest price of any, and that ought to show whose
education was the best, because it is the highest education
that produces the finest work.
Mother used to take me frequently to the market.... The market
women were a big, rough, fat, jolly set, who did not know
what sickness was, and it might have been well for me if I had
stayed among them and grown up like mother. One time in the
market-place I saw a totally different set of women. It was
about 8 o'clock in the morning, when some people began
to shout: "Here come the rich Americans! Now we will sell
things!" We saw a large party of travelers coming through the
crowd. They looked very queer. Their clothes seemed queer,
as they were so different from ours. They wore leather boots
instead of wooden shoes, and they all looked weak and pale.
The women were tall and thin, like beanpoles, and their
shoulders were stooped and narrow; most of them wore glasses
or spectacles, showing that their eyes were weak. The corners
of their mouths were all pulled down, and their faces were
crossed and crisscrossed with lines and wrinkles, as though
they were carrying all the care of the world. Our women all
began to laugh and dance and shout at the strangers.... The
sight of these people gave me my first idea of America. I
heard that the women there never worked, laced themselves too
tightly, and were always ill.[278]
The French dressmaker who wrote this passage has the true idea of
education and of mind. The mind is an organ for controlling the
environment, and it is a safe general principle that the mind which
shows high power in the manipulation of a simple situation will show
the same quality of efficiency in a more complex one.
The savage, the peasant, the poor man, and woman are not what we call
intellectual, because they are not taught to know and manipulate
the materials of knowledge. The savage is outside the process from
geographical reasons; the peasant is not in the center of interest;
the poor man's needs are pressing, and do not permit of interests of
a mediate character; and woman does not participate because it is
neither necessary nor womanly.
Even the most serious women of the present day stand, in any work
they undertake, in precisely the same relation to men that the
amateur stands to the professional in games. They may be desperately
interested and may work to the limit of endurance at times; but, like
the amateur, they got into the game late, and have not had a life-time
of practice, or they do not have the advantage of that pace gained
only by competing incessantly with players of the very first rank.
No one will contend that the amateur in billiards has a nervous
organization less fitted to the game than the professional; it
is admitted that the difference lies in the constant practice of
the professional, the more exacting standards prevailing in the
professional ranks, and constant play in "fast company." A group
of women would make a sorry spectacle in competition with a set of
men who made billiards their life-work. But how sad a spectacle the
eminent philosophers of the world would make in the same competition!
Scientific pursuits and the allied intellectual occupations are a
game which women have entered late, and their lack of practice is
frequently mistaken for lack of natural ability. Writing some years
ago of the women in his classes at the University of Zürich, Professor
Carl Vogt said:
At lectures the young women are models of attention and
application; perhaps they even make too great effort to carry
home in black and white what they have heard. They generally
sit in the front seats, because they register early, and,
moreover, because they come early, long before the lecture
begins. But it is noticeable that they give only a superficial
glance at the preparations which the professor passes around.
Sometimes they pass them to their neighbor without even
looking at them; a longer examination would prevent their
taking notes.
On examination the conduct of the young women is the same as
during the lectures. They know better than the young men. To
employ a classroom expression, they are enormously crammed.
Their memory is good, so that they know perfectly how to give
the answer to the question which is put. But generally they
stop there. An indirect question makes them lose the thread.
As soon as the examiner appeals to individual reason, the
examination is over; they do not answer. The examiner seeks
to make the sense of the question clearer, and uses a word,
perhaps, which is in the manuscript of the student, when,
pop! the thing goes as if you had pressed the button of a
telephone. If the examination consisted solely in written or
oral replies to questions on subjects which have been treated
in the lectures or which could be read up on in the manuals,
the ladies would always secure brilliant results. But, alas!
there are other practical tests in which the candidate finds
herself face to face with reality, and that she cannot
meet successfully unless she has done practical work in the
laboratories, and it is there the shoe pinches.
The respect in which laboratory work is particularly difficult
to women--one would hardly believe it--is that they are often
very awkward and clumsy with their hands. The assistants in
the laboratories are unanimous in their complaint; they are
pursued with questions about the most trifling things, and one
woman gives them more trouble than three men. One would think
the delicate fingers of these young women adapted especially
to microscopic work, to the manipulation of small slides,
to cutting thin sections, to making the most delicate
preparations; the truth is quite the contrary. You can tell
the table of a woman at a glance: from the fragments of
glass, broken instruments, the broken scalpels, the spoiled
preparations. There are doubtless exceptions, but they are
exceptions.[279]
Zürich was among the first of the European universities opening their
doors to women, and it is particularly interesting to see their
first efforts in connection with the higher learning. Without a wide
experience of life, and without practice in constructive thinking,
they naturally fell back on the memory to retain a hold on results in
a field with which they were not sufficiently trained to operate in it
independently. It is frequently alleged, and is implied in Professor
Vogt's report, that women are distinguished by good memories and
poor powers of generalization. But this is to mistake the facts. A
tenacious memory is characteristic of women and children, and of
all persons unskilled in the manipulation of varied experiences in
thought. But when the mind is able at any moment to construct a result
from the raw materials of experience, the memory loses something of
its tenacity and absoluteness. In this sense it may even be said that
a good memory for details is a sign of an untrained or imitative mind.
As the mind becomes more inventive, the memory is less concerned with
the details of knowledge and more with the knowledge of places to find
the details when they are needed in any special problem.
The awkwardness in manual manipulation shown by these girls was also
surely due to lack of practice. The fastest typewriter in the world
is today a woman; the record for roping steers (a feat depending on
manual dexterity rather than physical force) is held by a woman; and
anyone who will watch girls making change before the pneumatic tubes
in the great department stores about Christmas time will experience
the same wonder one feels on first seeing a professional gambler
shuffling cards.
In short, Professor Vogt's report on women students is just what was
to be expected in Germany forty years ago. The American woman, with
the enjoyment of greater liberty, has made an approach toward the
standards of professional scholarship, and some individuals stand at
the very top in their university studies and examinations. The trouble
with these cases is that they are either swept away and engulfed by
the modern system of marriage, or find themselves excluded in some
intangible way from association with men in the fullest sense, and no
career open to their talents.
The personal liberty of women is, comparatively speaking, so great in
America, suggestion and copies for imitation are spread broadcast
so copiously in the schools, newspapers, books, and lectures, and
occupations and interests are becoming so varied, that a number of
women of natural ability and character are realizing some definite aim
in a perfect way. But these are sporadic cases, representing usually
some definite interest rather than a full intellectual life, and
resembling also in their nature and rarity the elevation of a peasant
to a position of eminence in Europe. Nowhere in the world do women as
a class lead a perfectly free intellectual life in common with the men
of the group, unless it be in restricted and artificial groups like
the modern revolutionary party in Russia.
Even in America a number of the great schools are not coeducational,
and in those which are so, many of the instructors claim that they do
not find it possible to treat with the men and women on precisely the
same basis, both because of their own mental attitude toward mixed
classes and the inability of the women to receive such treatment. In
the case of women also we can say what Mr. Smith says of the Chinese
and their system of education, that it is impossible not to marvel
at the results they accomplish in view of the system under which they
work.
The mind and the personality are largely built up by suggestion from
the outside, and if the suggestions are limited and particular, so
will be the mind. The world of modern intellectual life is in reality
a white man's world. Few women and perhaps no blacks have ever entered
this world in the fullest sense. To enter it in the fullest sense
would be to be in it at every moment from the time of birth to the
time of death, and to absorb it unconsciously and consciously, as the
child absorbs language. When something like this happens, we shall be
in a position to judge of the mental efficiency of woman and the lower
races. At present we seem justified in inferring that the differences
in mental expression between the higher and lower races and between
men and women are no greater than they should be in view of the
existing differences in opportunity.
Indeed, when we take into consideration the superior cunning as well
as the superior endurance of women, we may even raise the question
whether their capacity for intellectual work is not under equal
conditions greater than in men. Cunning is the analogue of
constructive thought--an indirect, mediated, and intelligent approach
to a problem--and characteristic of the female, in contrast with the
more direct and open procedure of the male. Owing to the limited and
personal nature of the activities of woman, this trait has expressed
itself historically in womankind as intrigue rather than invention,
but that it is very deeply based in the instincts is shown by the
important rôle it plays in the life of the female in animal life.
Endurance is also a factor of prime importance in intellectual
performance, for here as in business life "it is doggedness as does
it;" and if woman's endurance and natural ingenuity were combined in
intellectual pursuits, it might prove that the gray mare is the better
horse in this field as well as in peasant life. The most serious
objection, also, to the view that woman is fitted to do continuous and
hard work, arises from her relation to child-bearing; but this is at
bottom trivial. The period of child-bearing is not only not continuous
through life, but it is not serious from the standpoint of the time
lost. No work is without interruption, and child-birth is an incident
in the life of normal woman of no more significance, when viewed in
the aggregate and from the standpoint of time, than the interruption
of the work of men by their in-and out-of-door games. The important
point in all work is not to be uninterrupted, but to begin again.
Whether the characteristic mental life of women and the lower races
will prove to be identical with those of the white man or different
in quality is a different question, and problematical. It is certain,
at any rate, that our civilization is not of the highest type
possible. In all our relations there is too much of primitive man's
fighting instinct and technique; and it is not impossible that
the participation of woman and the lower races will contribute new
elements, change the stress of attention, disturb the equilibrium, and
force a crisis which will result in the reconstruction of our habits
on more sympathetic and equitable principles. Certain it is that no
civilization can remain the highest if another civilization adds to
the intelligence of its men the intelligence of its women.
[Footnote 1: Cf. Geddes and Thomson, _The Evolution of Sex_ _passim_.]
[Footnote 2: Havelock Ellis, _Man and Woman_, has brought together
a mass of very valuable material on the question of the somatic and
psychic differences of man and woman, and H. Campbell, in a volume of
much the same scope, _Differences in the Nervous Organization of Man
and Woman_, has given a résumé of the theory of Geddes and Thomson,
and suggested its extension to the human species.]
[Footnote 3: C. Düsing, (1) _Die Regulirung des
Geschlechtsverhältnisses bei der Vermehrung der Menschen, Thiere und
Pflanzen_. (2) _Das Geschlechtsverhältniss der Geburten in Preussen_.]
[Footnote 4: H. Ploss, "Ueber die das Geschlechtsverhältniss der
Kinder bedingenden Ursachen," _Monatsschrift für Geburtskunde und
Frauenkrankheiten_, Vol. XII, pp. 321-60.]
[Footnote 5: E. Westermarck, _The History of Human Marriage_, pp.
470-83.]
[Footnote 6: Düsing, _Das Geschlechtsverhältniss der Geburten in
Preussen_, pp. 29-33.]
[Footnote 7: Düsing, _loc. cit._, pp. 14-19.]
[Footnote 8: H. Ploss, _Das Weib in der Natur- und Völkerkunde_, 3.
Aufl., Vol. I, p. 419.]
[Footnote 9: Axel Key, "Die Pubertätsentwickelung und das Verhältniss
derselben zu den Krankheitserscheinungen der Schuljugend,"
_Verhandlungen des X. Internationalen Medicinischen Congresses_, 1890,
Vol. I, p. 91.]
[Footnote 10: Ibid., pp. 84-90.]
[Footnote 11: Geddes and Thompson, _loc. cit._, Book I, chap. 4.]
[Footnote 12: Rolph, quoted by Geddes and Thompson, _loc. cit._, Book
I, chap. 4.]
[Footnote 13: Geddes and Thompson, _ibid._]
[Footnote 14: G. Klebs, _Ueber das Verhältniss des männlichen und
weiblichen Geschlechts in der Natur_, p. 19.]
[Footnote 15: Food affords the basis for metabolic changes in the
parent organism, but it is probable that food is less _directly_
related than heat and light to the determination of sex. Sachs, whose
experiments must be given the greatest possible weight, has determined
that the ultra-violet rays of light are necessary to the chemical
changes essential to the formation of the reproductive organs.
(J. Sachs, "Ueber die Wirkung der ultravioletten Strahlen auf die
Blüthenbildung," _Gesammelte Abhandlungen über Pflanzen-Physiologie_,
Vol. I, pp. 293ff.) More recently, Klebs has shown that by diminishing
the intensity of light the development of female sex organs in ferns
can be interrupted, so that, in spite of the presence of male organs,
fertilization is impossible; at the same time, the prothallia are
enabled in weak light to grow feebly and to put out small asexual
processes, which in the presence of bright light become normal
prothallia. Similarly, the development of sexual organs in algae
is dependent on a certain intensity of light, and the plant remains
sterile if the light is diminished below a certain point. (G. Klebs,
_Ueber einige Probleme der Physiologie der Fortpflanzung_, pp.
13-16.)]
[Footnote 16: E. Maupas, "Théorie de la sexualité des Infusoires
ciliés," _Comptes rendus_, Vol. CV, pp. 356ff.]
[Footnote 17: The extinction took place at about the 330th generation
in _Onychodromus grandis_, at about the 320th generation in
_Stylonichia mytilis_, at about the 330th generation in _Leucophrys
patula_, and at about the 660th generation in _Oxytricha_
(indeterminate). (Maupas, _loc. cit._, p. 358.)]
[Footnote 18: Maupas, _loc. cit._, p. 358. Later investigations have
tended to discredit Maupas' experiments as a whole by showing that the
Infusorians with which he experimented can be kept alive indefinitely
by a change of diet, without the aid of sexual conjugation. This
merely confirms the view, however, that abundant nutrition and
crossing are alike favorable to health: "We must admire the skill of
the investigator who was able to keep his colonies alive for months
and years under such artificial conditions, but we may venture to
doubt whether the fate of extinction which did ultimately overtake
them was really due to the absence of conjugation, and not to the
unnaturalness of the conditions." A. Weismann, _The Evolution of
Theory_, Vol. I, p. 329.
Since the above was written, Calkins has made a series of new
experiments, the results of which differed in several respects from
those yielded by Maupas' experiments. When his infusorian cultures
began to grow weaker, as happened frequently and at irregular
intervals, he was always able to restore them to more vigorous life by
a change of diet, and especially by substituting grated meat, liver,
and the like for infusions of hay. Certain salts too, had the same
effect; the animals became perfectly vigorous again. Calkins believes
that chemical agents, and especially salts, must be supplied to
the protoplasm from time to time. He reared 620 generations of
_Paramoecium_ without conjugation. But the 620th was weakly and
without energy. The addition of an extract of sheep's brains made
them perfectly fresh and vigorous again. Further experiments in this
direction are to be desired, but, according to those of Calkins, it is
probable that Infusorians can continue to live for an unlimited time
even without conjugation. (Ibid., note.)]
[Footnote 19: Westermarck, _loc. cit._, pp. 476-83, following a
suggestion of Düsing, has brought together much of the evidence on
this point, but the application of the facts here made has not, I
believe, been suggested.]
[Footnote 20: A. von Oettingen, _Die Moralstatistik_, 3. Aufl., p.
56.]
[Footnote 21: Düsing, _Die Regulirung des Geschlechtsverhältnisses_,
p. 237.]
[Footnote 22: Westermarck, _loc. cit._, pp. 479 and 481 n.]
[Footnote 23: Cf. _ibid._, pp. 476-83.]
[Footnote 24: G. Delaunay, "De l'égalité et inégalité des deux sexes,"
_Revue scientifique_, September 3, 1881; C. Darwin, _Descent of Man_,
chap. 10.]
[Footnote 25: A. Weismann, _Essays on Heredity_, Vol. I, "The Duration
of Life," has shown that size and longevity are determined by natural
selection.]
[Footnote 26: Darwin, _Descent of Man_, chap. 8.]
[Footnote 27: Ibid.]
[Footnote 28: A.R. Wallace, _Contributions to the Theory of Natural
Selection_, chap. 3.]
[Footnote 29: "If we take the highly decorated species--that is,
animals marked by alternate dark or light bands or spots, such as the
zebra, some deer, or the carnivora--we find, first, that the region
of the spinal column is marked by a dark stripe; secondly, that the
regions of the appendages, or limbs, are differently marked; thirdly,
that the flanks are striped or spotted along or between the regions of
the lines of the ribs; fourthly, that the shoulder and hip regions
are marked by curved lines; fifthly, that the pattern changes, and the
direction of the lines or spots, at the head, neck, and every joint of
the limbs; and, lastly, that the tips of the ears, nose, tail, and
the feet and the eye are emphasized in color. In spotted animals
the greatest length of the spot is generally in the direction of
the largest development of the skeleton."--A. Tylor, _Coloration in
Animals and Plants_, p. 92.]
[Footnote 30: A.R. Wallace, _Darwinism_, chap. 10.]
[Footnote 31: Professor Carl Pearson, in a severe, not to say
unmannerly, paper ("Variation in Man and Woman," _The Chances of
Death_, Vol. I), has criticized some of the results of the physical
anthropologists and attempted to show that the theory of the greater
variability of man has no legs to stand on. His argument is mainly
statistical, and affects, perhaps, some of the details of the theory,
but not, I think, the theory as a whole.]
[Footnote 32: Darwin, _loc. cit._, chap. 19.]
[Footnote 33: P. Topinard, _Éléments d'anthropologie générale_, p.
253.]
[Footnote 34: Delaunay, _loc. cit._]
[Footnote 35: Weisbach, "Der deutsche Weiberschadel," _Archiv für
Anthropologie_, Vol. III, p. 66.]
[Footnote 36: Topinard, _loc. cit._, p. 375.]
[Footnote 37: Topinard, _loc. cit._, p. 1066.]
[Footnote 38: Topinard's figures (_loc. cit._, p. 1066) show, however,
that the Eskimos and the Tasmanians have a shorter trunk than the
Europeans.]
[Footnote 39: J. Ranke, "Beiträge zur physischen Anthropologie der
Bayern," _Beiträge zur Anthropologie und Urgeschichte Bayerns_, Vol.
VIII, p. 65.]
[Footnote 40: Morphological differences are less in low than in high
races, and the less civilized the race, the less is the physical
difference of the sexes. In the higher races the men are both more
unlike one another than in the lower races, and at the same time
more unlike the women of their own race. But, while some of these
differences may probably be justly set down as congenital, as
representing varieties of the species which have passed through
different variational experiences, they are doubtless mainly due to
the fact that the activities of men and women are more unlike in the
higher than in the lower races.]
[Footnote 41: J.W. Seaver, _Anthropometric Table_, 1889.]
[Footnote 42: Delphine Hanna, _Anthropometric Table_ 1891.]
[Footnote 43: Where a large body of men are intensely interested in
a competition, as over against a small body of women not seriously
interested, any comparison of results is almost out of the question.
But the superior physical strength of man is, I believe, disputed in
no quarter. The Vassar records have been improved in succeeding years
(the 100-yard dash was 13 seconds in 1904, the running high jump 4
feet 2½ inches in 1905, the running broad jump 14 feet 6½ inches in
1904), but Miss Harriet Isabel Ballantine, director of the Vassar
College Gymnasium, writes me: "I do not believe women can ever, no
matter what the training, approach man in their physical achievements;
and I see no reason why they should."]
[Footnote 44: Helen B. Thompson, _The Mental Traits of Sex_, p. 178.
"While it is improbable that _all_ the difference of the sexes with
regard to physical strength can be attributed to persistent difference
in training, it is certain that a large part of the difference is
explicable on this ground. The great strength of savage women and
the rapid increase in strength of civilized women wherever systematic
physical training has been introduced both show the importance of this
factor."--Ibid., p. 178.]
[Footnote 45: "Physical and Mental Deviations from the Normal among
Children in Public Elementary and Other Schools," _Report of the
Sixty-fourth Meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of
Science_, 1894. pp. 434ff.]
[Footnote 46: A. Mitchell, "Some Statistics of Idiocy," _Edinburgh
Medical Journal_, Vol. XI, p. 639.]
[Footnote 47: "Koch's Statistics of Insanity," _Journal of Mental
Science_, Vol. XXVI, p. 435.]
[Footnote 48: Mayr, _Die Verbreitung der Blindheit, der Taubstummheit,
des Blödsinns und des Irrsinns in Baiern_, p. 100.]
[Footnote 49: Cf. Campbell, _loc. cit._, pp. 146ff.]
[Footnote 50: Ibid., pp. 132-40.]
[Footnote 51: J.H. Manley, "Harelip," _International Medical Journal_,
Vol. II, pp. 209ff.]
[Footnote 52: _Communications of the Massachusetts Medical Society_,
Vol. II, No. 3, p. 9.]
[Footnote 53: Of the 3,956 individuals examined, 1,645 were males, and
of these 47 (2.857 per cent.) presented supernumerary nipples. Of
the 3,956 individuals 2,311 were females, and of these 14 (0.605
per cent.) presented supernumerary mammae or nipples. That is, this
anomaly was found to occur more than four times as frequently in
men as in women.--J. Mitchell Bruce, "On Supernumerary Nipples and
Mammae," _Journal of Anatomy and Physiology_, Vol. XIII, p. 432.
Leichtenstern, however, whose investigations were of earlier date than
those of Bruce, says that supernumerary mammae occur with about equal
frequency in the two sexes.--Leichtenstern, "Ueber das Vorkommen
und die Bedeutung supernumerärer Brüste und Brustwarzen," Virchow's
_Archiv für pathologische Anatomie_, Vol. LXXIII, p. 238.]
[Footnote 54: Ellis, _loc. cit._ (4th ed.), pp. 413ff.]
[Footnote 55: Lombroso e Ferrero, _La donna delinquente_, chap. 12.]
[Footnote 56: Hyrtl, of Vienna, however, examined thirty subjects,
and found the anomaly in question only three times, and exclusively
in females. He attributed it to tight lacing. D.J. Cunningham,
"The Occasional Eighth True Rib in Man," _Journal of Anatomy and
Physiology_, Vol. XXIV, p. 127.]
[Footnote 57: H. Campbell, _loc. cit._, p. 133.]
[Footnote 58: Krafft-Ebing, _Psychopathia Sexualis_, p. 14; Campbell,
_loc. cit._, pp. 199-215; Ploss, _loc. cit._, Vol. I, p. 313.]
[Footnote 59: A. Hegar, _Der Geschlechtstrieb_, p. 7.]
[Footnote 60: H. Campbell, _loc. cit._, p. 115.]
[Footnote 61: J. Hayem, _Du sang et de ses alterations anatomiques_,
pp. 184, 185.]
[Footnote 62: E. Lloyd Jones, "Further Observations on the Specific
Gravity of the Blood in Health and Disease", _Journal of Physiology_,
Vol. XII, pp. 299ff.]
[Footnote 63: O. Leichtenstern, _Untersuchungen über den
Hæmoglobulingehalt des Blutes_, p. 38.]
[Footnote 64: _Loc. cit._, pp. 316ff.]
[Footnote 65: Ibid., pp. 316ff.]
[Footnote 66: E. Bourgoin, art. "Urines", _Dictionnaire encyclopédique
des sciences médicales_.]
[Footnote 67: Delaunay, _loc. cit._]
[Footnote 68: Delaunay, _loc. cit._; Ploss, _Das Weib_, Vol. I, pp.
36, 37; Ellis, _loc. cit._, pp. 231ff.]
[Footnote 69: Ellis, _loc. cit._, p. 252.]
[Footnote 70: Campbell, _loc. cit._, pp. 117 and 119.]
[Footnote 71: Max Bartels, "Culturelle und Rassenunterschiede in Bezug
auf die Wundkrankheiten". _Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_, Vol. XX, p.
183.]
[Footnote 72: Legouest, art. "Amputations", _Dictionnaire
encyclopédique des sciences médicales_.]
[Footnote 73: Ellis, _loc. cit._, p. 132.]
[Footnote 74: A. von Oettingen, _loc. cit._, p. 780.]
[Footnote 75: Lombroso e Ferrero, _loc. cit._, chap. 16.]
[Footnote 76: Lombroso e Ferrero, _loc. cit._, chap. 16.]
[Footnote 77: P. xxi, Table F, quoted by Campbell, _loc. cit._, p.
124.]
[Footnote 78: B.A. Whitelegge, "Milroy Lectures on Changes of Type in
Epidemic Diseases," _British Medical Journal_, March 18, 1893.]
[Footnote 79: A. Newsholme, _Vital Statistics_, 3d ed., p. 178.]
[Footnote 80: W. Farr, _Vital Statistics_, p. 385.]
[Footnote 81: Mortality from cancer is, however, much higher in women
than in men. Newsholme, _loc. cit._, p. 208.]
[Footnote 82: Ploss, _Das Weib_, Vol. I, p. 26.]
[Footnote 83: Von Oettingen, _loc. cit._, p. 58.]
[Footnote 84: Ploss, _Das Weib_, Vol. I, p. 207.]
[Footnote 85: Ellis, _loc. cit._, p. 432.]
[Footnote 86: Ploss, _Das Weib_, Vol. I, p. 206.]
[Footnote 87: Depaul, art. "Nouveau-né," _Dictionnaire encyclopédique
des sciences médicales_.]
[Footnote 88: B. Ornstein, "Makrobiotisches aus Griechenland," _Archiv
für Anthropologie_ Vol. XVII, pp. 193ff.]
[Footnote 89: G. Mayr, _Die Gesetzmässigkeit im Gesellschaftsleben_
(1877), p. 144.]
[Footnote 90: V. Turquan, "Statistique des centénaires," _Revue
scientifique_ September 1, 1888.]
[Footnote 91: Lombroso e Ferrero, _loc. cit._, chap. 10.]
[Footnote 92: E. Lloyd Jones, "Further Observations on the Specific
Gravity of the Blood in Health and Disease," _Journal of Physiology_,
Vol. XII, p. 308.]
[Footnote 93: Cf. Topinard, _Loc. cit._, pp. 517-25, 557, 558.]
[Footnote 94: Ibid., p. 559.]
[Footnote 95: H. Ploss, _Das Weib in der Natur--und Völkerkunde_, 3.
Aufl., Vol. II, p. 379.]
[Footnote 96: Endogamous tribes have survived, in the main, in
isolated regions where competition was not sufficiently sharp to set
a premium on exogamy. It may be assumed that the history of exogamous
groups has been more cataclysmical.]
[Footnote 97: L.H. Morgan, _Houses and House-Life of the American
Aborigines_, p. 64.]
[Footnote 98: _Loc. cit._]
[Footnote 99: W.J. McGee, "The Beginning of Marriage," _American
Anthropologist_, Vol. IX, p. 376.]
[Footnote 100: E.B. Tylor, "The Matriarchal Family System,"
_Nineteenth Century_, July, 1896, p. 89.]
[Footnote 101: Fison and Howitt, _Kamilaroi and Kurnai_, pp. 33ff.]
[Footnote 102: F. Ratzel, _History of Mankind_, Vol. I, p. 438.]
[Footnote 103: J. Lippert, _Kulturgeschichte_, Vol. II, p. 57.]
[Footnote 104: Lubbock, _Origin of Civilization_, p. 151.]
[Footnote 105: Tylor, _loc. cit._, p. 87.]
[Footnote 106: W. Robertson Smith, _Kinship and Marriage in Early
Arabia_, p. 65.]
[Footnote 107: Ibid., p. 94.]
[Footnote 108: Ibid., p. 173.]
[Footnote 109: Gen. 24:5, 53.]
[Footnote 110: Gen. 31:43.]
[Footnote 111: Judg. 8:19.]
[Footnote 112: Judg. 15.]
[Footnote 113: Cf. Smith, _loc. cit._, 176.]
[Footnote 114: II Sam. 13:13.]
[Footnote 115: G.A. Wilken, _Das Matriarchat_, p. 41.]
[Footnote 116: Herodotus (Rawlinson), I, 173.]
[Footnote 117: Ibid., III, 119.]
[Footnote 118: Lines 905ff.]
[Footnote 119: E.J. Simcox, _Primitive Civilisations_, Vol. I, pp.
200-11, 233, _et passim_.]
[Footnote 120: Notably, Westermarck, _History of Human Marriage_, pp.
100ff.]
[Footnote 121: _Dissertation on Early Law and Custom_, p. 202.]
[Footnote 122: It prepares the way, however, only in the sense that it
furnishes the mass out of which the organization arises. If there had
been no social grouping through reproduction, there would yet have
been ultimately filiation of men for the sake of mutually profitable
enterprises. Blood-brotherhood and the treaty are devices indicating
that early man had sufficient inventive imagination to do this.
The tribal group may, in fact, be described as a fighting male
organization living in a group of females.]
[Footnote 123: See L. von Dargun, _Mutterrecht und Vaterrecht_.]
[Footnote 124: J.W. Powell, "Wyandot Government", _First Annual Report
of the Bureau of American Ethnology_, 1879-80, pp. 61ff.]
[Footnote 125: Waitz-Gerland, _Anthropologie der Naturvölker_, Vol. V,
pp. 107ff.]
[Footnote 126: Lippert, _Kulturgeschichte_, Vol. II, p. 50.]
[Footnote 127: C.N. Starcke, _The Primitive Family_, p. 37.]
[Footnote 128: H.R. Schoolcraft, _History, Condition, and Prospects of
the Indian Tribes of the United States_, Vol. V, p. 167.]
[Footnote 129: Ibid., pp. 174-76.]
[Footnote 130: Bancroft, _Native Races of the Pacific States_, Vol. I,
p. 351.]
[Footnote 131: Ibid., Vol. I, p. 219.]
[Footnote 132: A. Hovelaque, _Les Nègres_, p. 316.]
[Footnote 133: Von Dargun, _loc. cit._, p. 5.]
[Footnote 134: Waitz-Gerland, _loc. cit._, Vol. VI, pp. 774ff.]
[Footnote 135: McGee, _loc. cit._, p. 374.]
[Footnote 136: Schoolcraft, _loc. cit._, Vol. V, p. 654.]
[Footnote 137: Lieutenant Musters, "On the Races of Patagonia",
_Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, Vol. I, p. 201.]
[Footnote 138: R. Steinmetz, _Ethnologische Studien zur ersten
Entwickelung der Strafe_, Vol. II, p. 272.]
[Footnote 139: A. Giraud-Teulon, _Les origines du mariage el de la
famille_, p. 440.]
[Footnote 140: Von Dargun, _loc. cit._, p. 119.]
[Footnote 141: J.F. McLennan, _The Patriarchal Theory_, p. 235.]
[Footnote 142: E.M. Curr, _The Australian Race_, Vol. I, p. 107.]
[Footnote 143: Steinmetz, _loc. cit._, Vol. II, p. 273.]
[Footnote 144: F. Boas, "On the Indians of British Columbia", _Report
of the British Association for the Advancement of Science_, 1889, p.
838.]
[Footnote 145: Von Dargun, _loc. cit._, 121-25.]
[Footnote 146: Smith, _loc. cit._, p. 101.]
[Footnote 147: Spencer, _Descriptive Sociology_, Vol. V, p. 8, quoting
Petherick, _Egypt, the Soudan, and Central Africa_, pp. 140-44.]
[Footnote 148: H.H. Bancroft, _loc. cit._, Vol. I, p. 506.]
[Footnote 149: Simcox, _loc. cit._, Vol. I, p. 211.]
[Footnote 150: Ibid.]
[Footnote 151: Morgan, _Ancient Society_, p. 169.]
[Footnote 152: Waitz-Gerland, _loc. cit._, Vol. VI, p. 20.]
[Footnote 153: Ellis, _Tour through Hawaii_, p. 391.]
[Footnote 154: Waitz-Gerland, _loc. cit._, Vol. VI, pp. 201-3.]
[Footnote 155: J. Lippert, _Kulturgeschichte_, Vol. II, p. 342.]
[Footnote 156: C.C. Closson, "The Hierarchy of European Races."
_American Journal of Sociology_, Vol. III, pp. 315ff.]
[Footnote 157: William James, _Principles of Psychology_, Vol. II, pp.
410ff.]
[Footnote 158: _Journals of Two Expeditions_, Vol. II, p. 317.]
[Footnote 159: I have alluded in more than one paper to the theory
of tropisms, but this does not imply an acceptance of this theory
as stated by Loeb (_Der Heliotropismus der Thiere und seine
Uebereinstimmung mil dem Heliotropismus der Pflanzen_), Vervorn (_Das
lebendige Substanz_), and other representatives of the "mechanical"
school of physiologists. The recent researches of Jennings seem
to establish the view that reactions of the lower organisms to
stimulation are less mechanical than has been assumed by this school.
The current theory holds that "the action of the stimulus is directly
on the motor organs of that part of the organism upon which the
stimulus impinges, thus giving rise to changes in the state of
contraction, which produce orientation." Jennings finds that "the
responses to stimuli are usually reactions of the organisms as
wholes, brought about by some physiological change produced by the
stimulus.... The organism reacts as a unit, not as the sum of a number
of independently reacting organs." H.S. Jennings, "The Theory of
Tropisms," _Contributions to the Study of the Behavior of the Lower
Organisms_ (Publications of the Carnegie Institution, 1904), pp. 106,
107.]
[Footnote 160: Cf. J.R. Angell and Helen B. Thompson, "A Study of the
Relations between Certain Organic Processes and Consciousness," _The
University of Chicago Contributions to Philosophy_, Vol. II, No. 2.]
[Footnote 161: Cf. John Fiske, _Outlines of Cosmic Philosophy_, Vol.
II, pp. 342ff.]
[Footnote 162: Cf. R. Steinmetz, _Ethnologische Studien zur ersten
Entwickelung der Strafe_, Vol. I, p. 305.]
[Footnote 163: See Groos, _The Play of Animals_, p. 283.]
[Footnote 164: See e.g., Krafft-Ebing, _Psychopathia Sexualis_,
3. Aufl., p. 10; Adams, "Some Phases of Sexual Morality and Church
Discipline in Colonial New England," _Proceedings of the Massachusetts
Historical Society_, 2d Series, 1891, pp. 417-516.]
[Footnote 165: A.B. Ellis, _The Tshi-speaking Peoples of the Gold
Coast_, pp. 249ff.]
[Footnote 166: Fison and Howitt, _Kamilaroi and Kurnai_, p. 206.]
[Footnote 167: Bonwick, _Daily Life of the Tasmanians_, p. 55.]
[Footnote 168: Owen, _Transactions of the Ethnological Society_, New
Series, Vol. II, p. 36.]
[Footnote 169: Turner, _Nineteen Years in Polynesia_, p. 424.]
[Footnote 170: Arbousset and Daumas, _Voyage and Exploration_, p. 249;
Maffat, _Missionary Labors and Scenes in Southern Africa_, p. 53.]
[Footnote 171: Schoolcraft, _History, Condition, and Prospects of the
Indian Tribes of the United States_, Part I, p. 285.]
[Footnote 172: Jones, _Antiquities of the Southern Indians_, p. 70.]
[Footnote 173: John Hechenwelder, _History, Manners, and Customs of
the Indian Nations_, pp. 155-58.]
[Footnote 174: Ratzel, _History of Mankind_, Vol. II, p. 289.]
[Footnote 175: Ratzel, _loc. cit._, Vol. I, p. 253.]
[Footnote 176: Irving, "Astoria," _Works_, Vol. VIII, p. 134.]
[Footnote 177: Ratzel, _loc. cit._, Vol. II, p. 130.]
[Footnote 178: Bancroft, _Native Races of the Pacific States_, Vol. I,
p. 277.]
[Footnote 179: Featherman, _Social History of Mankind:
Aoneo-Maranonians_, p. 364.]
[Footnote 180: W.J. Hoffman, "The Menomini Indians," _Fourteenth
Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology_, p. 288.]
[Footnote 181: A.F. Bandelier, "Report of an Archaeological Tour in
Mexico," _Papers of the Archaeological Institute of America_, Vol. II,
p. 138.]
[Footnote 182: Dorsey, "Siouxan Sociology," _Fifteenth Report of the
Bureau of American Ethnology_, p. 225.]
[Footnote 183: Prov. 31:10-24.]
[Footnote 184: Morgan, _Ancient Society_, p. 111.]
[Footnote 185: Lewis and Clarke, _Travels to the Source of the
Missouri_, ed. 1814, Vol. I, p. 60.]
[Footnote 186: G. Thompson, _Travels and Adventures in Southern
Africa_, Appendix, p. 286.]
[Footnote 187: J.L. Burckhardt, _Notes on the Bedouins and Wahabys_,
Vol. I, p. 98.]
[Footnote 188: Post, _Bausteine einer allgemeinen Rechtswissenschaft_,
Vol. I, p. 287.]
[Footnote 189: Macrae, "Account of the Kookies and Lunctas," _Asiatic
Researches_, Vol. VII, p. 193.]
[Footnote 190: S.W. Baker, _The Nile Tributaries of Abyssinia_, p.
125.]
[Footnote 191: _Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal_, Vol. V, p.
195.]
[Footnote 192: Ibid., Vol. VIII, p. 470.]
[Footnote 193: F. Boyle, _Adventures among the Dyaks of Borneo_, p.
170]
[Footnote 194: T.S. Raffles, _History of Java_, Vol. I, p. 309.]
[Footnote 195: R. Drury, _Madagascar_, p. 77.]
[Footnote 196: No notice is here taken of the moral content of
forms of worship, since religious practices are to be regarded as
reflections of social practices. Morality springs from human activity,
and religious belief consists in positing human traits in spirits;
but it is impossible to find in religious practice an element which
did not before exist in human practice. Religion and art have a
philosophical and an ideal side, and their representations may be
regarded as more perfect and valid than the human models on which they
are based, but the ground-patterns of both religion and art are those
of human experience.]
[Footnote 197: J. Shooter, _The Kafirs of Natal and the Zulu Country_,
p. 102.]
[Footnote 198: Major J. Butler, _Travels and Adventures in Assam_, p.
88.]
[Footnote 199: Jones, _History of the Ojibway Indians_, p. 57.]
[Footnote 200: Von Seidlitz, "Ethnographische Rundschau,"
_Internationales Archiv für Ethnographie_, 1890, p. 136.]
[Footnote 201: Doughty, _Travels in Arabia Deserta_, p. 360.]
[Footnote 202: Cf. R. Steinmetz, "Endokannibalismus," _Mittheilungen
der anthropologischen Gesellschaft in Wien_, Vol. XXVI.]
[Footnote 203: _Odyssey_ (translated by Butcher and Lang), i, 260.]
[Footnote 204: F. Mason, "On the Dwellings Works of Art, Laws, etc.,
of the Karens," _Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal_, 1868, p.
149.]
[Footnote 205: Bonwick, _Daily Life of the Tasmanians_, p. 75.]
[Footnote 206: Ibid., p. 74.]
[Footnote 207: _Highlands of Central India_, p. 149.]
[Footnote 208: T. Williams, _Fiji and the Fijians_, p. 201.]
[Footnote 209: Owen, _Transactions of the Ethnological Society_, New
Series, Vol. II, p. 35.]
[Footnote 210: Lewis and Clarke, _loc. cit._, Vol. I, p. 421.]
[Footnote 211: The theories of Lubbock, Spencer, Tylor, Kohler, Huth,
and Morgan are criticized by Westermarck, _History of Human Marriage_,
pp. 311-19.]
[Footnote 212: Cf. Ploss, _Das Weib_, 3. Aufl., Vol. I, pp. 313ff.]
[Footnote 213: Westermarck, _History of Human Marriage_, pp. 213ff.]
[Footnote 214: Danks, "Marriage Customs of the New Britain Group,"
_Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, Vol. XVIII, p. 281.]
[Footnote 215: Ploss, _loc. cit._, Vol. I, p. 150.]
[Footnote 216: The evidence in this paper will bear chiefly on
Australia, both because the natives are in a very primitive condition,
and because the customs of the aborigines have been very fully
reported by a large number of competent observers.]
[Footnote 217: Spencer and Gillen, _The Native Tribes of Central
Australia_, p. 558.]
[Footnote 218: _The Australian Race_, Vol. I, p. 110.]
[Footnote 219: _Daily Life of the Tasmanians_, p. 64.]
[Footnote 220: Howitt, "The Dieri and Other Kindred Tribes of Central
Australia," _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, Vol. XX,
p. 87; Roth, _Ethnological Studies among the North-West-Central
Queensland Aborigines_, p. 174; Spencer and Gillen, _loc. cit._, p.
93.]
[Footnote 221: Cf. pp. 136ff. of this volume.]
[Footnote 222: Howitt, "The Dieri and Other Kindred Tribes of Central
Australia," _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, Vol. XX, p.
58.]
[Footnote 223: Spencer and Gillen, _loc. cit._, pp. 62, 63.]
[Footnote 224: Fison and Howitt, _Kamilaroi and Kurnai_, p. 200.]
[Footnote 225: Ibid., p. 354.]
[Footnote 226: Fison and Howitt, _loc. cit._, p. 288, quoting Rev.
John Bulmer on the Wa-imbio tribe.]
[Footnote 227: Spencer and Gillen, _loc. cit._, p. 554.]
[Footnote 228: _Loc. cit._, Vol. I, p. 108. At the same time, Curr
thinks that capture was formerly more frequent.]
[Footnote 229: Misapprehension as to the prevalence of marriage by
capture is due in the main to two causes: (1) cases of elopement
have been classed as cases of capture; (2) the so-called survivals
of marriage by capture in historical times, of which so much has
been made, are merely systematized expressions of the coyness of the
female, differing in no essential point from the coyness of the female
among birds at the pairing season.]
[Footnote 230: Curr, _loc. cit._, Vol. I, p. 107.]
[Footnote 231: _Loc. cit._, p. 181.]
[Footnote 232: Haddon, "Ethnography of the Western Tribes of Torres
Straits," _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, Vol. XIX, p.
414.]
[Footnote 233: Ibid., p. 356.]
[Footnote 234: _Loc. cit._, p. 285.]
[Footnote 235: Cf. "The Gaming Instinct," _American Journal of
Sociology,_ Vol. VI, pp. 736ff., _et passim_.]
[Footnote 236: Cf. pp. 208ff. of this volume.]
[Footnote 237: William James, _Principles of Psychology_, Vol. II, p.
435.]
[Footnote 238: "The Evolution of Modesty," _Psychological Review_,
Vol. VI, pp. 134ff.]
[Footnote 239: James, _loc. cit._, p. 436.]
[Footnote 240: Darwin's explanation of shyness, modesty, shame, and
blushing as due originally to "self-attention directed to personal
appearance, in relation to the opinion of others," appears to me to
be a very good statement of some of the aspects of the process, but
hardly an adequate explanation of the process as a whole. (Darwin,
_Expression of the Emotions in Man and Animals_, p. 326.)]
[Footnote 241: James R. Angell and Helen B. Thompson, "A Study of
the Relations between Certain Organic Processes and Consciousness,"
_University of Chicago Contributions to Philosophy_, Vol. II, No. 2,
pp. 32-69.]
[Footnote 242: The paralysis of extreme fear seems to be a case
of failure to accommodate when the equilibrium of attention is too
violently disturbed. (See Mosso, _La peur_, p. 122.)]
[Footnote 243: Cf. pp. 108ff. of this volume.]
[Footnote 244: "Sex and Primitive Morality," pp. 149ff.]
[Footnote 245: Without making any attempt to classify the emotions, we
may notice that they arise out of conditions connected with both the
nutritive and reproductive activities of life; and it is possible to
say that such emotions as anger, fear, and guilt show a more plain
genetic connection with the conflict aspect of the food-process, while
modesty is connected rather with sexual life and the attendant bodily
habits.]
[Footnote 246: Groos, _The Play of Animals_, p. 285. The utility of
these antics is well explained by Professor Ziegler in a letter to
Professor Groos: "Among all animals a highly excited condition of the
nervous system is necessary for the act of pairing, and consequently
we find an exciting playful prelude is very generally indulged in"
(Groos, _loc. cit._, p. 242); and Professor Groos thinks that the
sexual hesitancy of the female is of advantage to the species, as
preventing "too early and too frequent yielding to the sexual impulse"
(_loc. cit._, p. 283).]
[Footnote 247: Old women among the natural races often lose their
modesty because it is no longer of any use. Bonwick says that the
Tasmanian women, though naked, were very modest, but that the old
women were not so particular on this point. (Bonwick, _The Daily Life
of the Tasmanians_, p. 58.)]
[Footnote 248: _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, p. 556.]
[Footnote 249: A.C. Haddon, "The Ethnography of the Western Tribes
of Torres Straits," _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, Vol.
XIX, p. 397; cf. also "The Psychology of Exogamy," pp. 175ff. of this
volume.]
[Footnote 250: _Loc. cit._, p. 336.]
[Footnote 251: Bonwick, _loc. cit._, p. 24.]
[Footnote 252: Karl von den Steinen, _Unter den Naturvölkern
Zentral-Brasiliens_, p. 192.]
[Footnote 253: Spencer and Gillen, _loc. cit._, p. 572.]
[Footnote 254: Westermarck, _History of Human Marriage_, p. 189.]
[Footnote 255: Pp. 167ff.]
[Footnote 256: See John Fiske, _Outlines of Cosmic Philosophy_, Vol.
II, pp. 342ff.]
[Footnote 257: See, however, Topinard, _Éléments d'anthropologie
générale_, pp. 557ff.]
[Footnote 258: Helen B. Thompson, _The Mental Traits of Sex_, p. 182.]
[Footnote 259: _The Yoruba-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast of West
Africa_, pp. 218ff.]
[Footnote 260: Whewell, _History of the Inductive Sciences_, Vol. I,
p. 205.]
[Footnote 261: _Iliad_, iii, 233; translation by Lang, Leaf, and
Myers.]
[Footnote 262: Thomson, _New Zealand_, Vol. I, p. 164.]
[Footnote 263: Shooter, _The Kafirs of Natal and the Zulu Country_, p.
102.]
[Footnote 264: _Fresh Discoveries at Nineveh and Researches at
Babylon: Supplement._]
[Footnote 265: Maine, _Popular Government_, p. 132.]
[Footnote 266: Ibid., p. 134.]
[Footnote 267: Smith, _Village Life in China_, p. 99.]
[Footnote 268: Ibid., p. 95.]
[Footnote 269: On the increase of insanity and feeble-mindedness see
R.R. Rentoul, "Proposed Sterilization of Certain Mental Degenerates,"
_American Journal of Sociology_, Vol. XII, pp. 319ff.]
[Footnote 270: It is true that in many parts of the world, among the
lower races, woman was treated by the men with a chivalrous respect,
due to the prevalence of the maternal system and ideas of sympathetic
magic; but she nevertheless did not participate in their activities
and interests.]
[Footnote 271: A.E. Crawley, "Sexual Taboo," _Journal of the
Anthropological Institute_, Vol. XXIV, p. 233.]
[Footnote 272: _Loc. cit._, p. 227.]
[Footnote 273: Ibid., pp. 123-25.]
[Footnote 274: Danks, "Marriage Customs of the New Britain Group,"
_Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, Vol. XVII, p. 284.]
[Footnote 275: Burrows, "On the Native Races of the Upper Welle
District of the Belgian Congo," _Journal of the Anthropological
Institute_, N.S. Vol. I, p. 41.]
[Footnote 276: Williams, _The Middle Kingdom_, Vol. I, p. 786.]
[Footnote 277: Cf. pp. 223ff. of this volume.]
[Footnote 278: _The Life Stories of Undistinguished Americans_,
(Edited) by Hamilton Holt, pp. 100ff.
This peasant woman represents the true female type, and the American
women in the scene represent the adventitious type of woman. The frail
and clinging type is an adjustment to the tastes of man, produced
partly by custom and partly by breeding. But in so far as the
selection of frail women by men of the upper classes has contributed
to the production of a frail or so-called "feminine" type in these
classes, this applies to the males as well as the females of these
classes. And there is, in fact, a more or less marked tendency to
"feminism" apparent among the men and women of the "better classes."
If we want to breed for mind, we can do so, but we must breed on
better principles than beauty and docility.]
[Footnote 279: Ploss, _Das Weib_, 2 Auf., Vol. I, p. 46.]