The Spanish government had granted concessions to the Cubans, or what on
their face seemed to be concessions, but in actual administration, the
government remained practically the same. The power remained vested in a
military government, at the head of which was the Captain-General, whose
name was subsequently changed to Governor-General, but whose nature and
functions remained in the last analysis very little different from what
they had been before the revolution. The struggle had, however, given
the Cubans less fear of their tyrant. They had demonstrated that they
were able for ten years to keep up an armed resistance against their
oppressors, and one which had occasioned Spain a great loss of life, and
of property, and had caused her rulers to have many unpleasant hours,
struggling with vexing problems. Those who had accomplished this would
never again be quite the same. They could never again be ground beneath
the heels of Spanish tyrants in the same unresisting if not
uncomplaining fashion, which had been the regular order of things before
the revolution. Had a Lopez come to Cuba, he would have found a far
different people from those who failed to rally to aid him when in 1851
he made his fruitless efforts to free the island.
During 1878 two political parties were organized in Cuba, and another
was essayed, the proposed constitution of the latter forming the basis
for the platform of the Autonomistas, then the most radical of all Cuban
political organizations.
The Liberal Party belied its name, for its platform was a most
conservative one. It followed closely the lines of the agreement with
Spain, as laid down in the Treaty of Zanjon, and the negotiations in
connection therewith, and it sought mainly to obtain the enforcement of
the promises which Spain made at that time, and in which, from long
experience, most Cubans had little faith--nor was this lack of faith
unwarranted. The party was really an organized movement to enforce the
provisions of the treaty. Its platform provided for the right to
assemble and to discuss political questions, the right of freedom in
religious worship, the removal of the restrictions which had been placed
on the press, and the right of petition. It also provided for the
protection of the homes and property of loyal Cubans, and for the right
of correspondence without censorship or interference from the Spanish
authorities. It stood for improvements in the criminal law, which would
make it impossible for the crimes which had been so prevalent to be
committed further against the persons and property of those who were in
sympathy with the liberation of Cuba. It also sought to obtain the
admission of Creoles to office on the island on the same basis as
Spanish born citizens, and above all a complete separation of the
military and civil functions of the government. It will be recalled that
one of the promises said to have been made by Spain was that there
should be a civil governor. By these means it hoped to abolish the
discrimination against the Creoles in the government of their own
country. Changes in taxation also had their part in the platform, with
an idea of obtaining a decrease of the high export duties.
An analysis of the platform of the Union Constitutionalists shows
surprisingly little difference from that of the Liberals. It also
provided for the right of petition, asked for an improvement in the
methods of administration of the laws--that is the abatement of the
perversion of those laws by unscrupulous Spanish officials, so that they
might be used as a club for protesting Creoles. The platform of the
Union Constitutionalists further stood for the enactment of special laws
for Cuba, which would be peculiarly suited to her needs, including
protection for the various industries and activities, the planters and
the tobacco raisers, and the removal of excessive export duties. It also
sought a commercial treaty with the United States, and the abolition of
slavery in accordance with the Moret law, with modifications which
seemed proper in the light of conditions in Cuba.
A third platform was formulated, but it was never completely adopted,
and the party which drafted it died at birth, without a name. It took
the bull by the horns, and flaunted its conviction in the face of Spain.
It is a matter of conjecture whether if the leaders of this movement had
prolonged the life of the potential party, it would have long survived
active Spanish opposition. This platform provided for free trade, free
banks, free shipping, free labor, none but municipal taxes, the prompt
and complete abolition of slavery, the formation of a provincial militia
and universal suffrage. Its terms must have been a severe shock to the
Spaniards.
No fewer than thirty representatives in the Spanish Cortes were allotted
to Cuba; but such representation was a farce, for pains were taken by
those who held the balance of power to see that so small a number of
Creoles were sent as representatives, and that the Spaniards so greatly
outnumbered them, that the Cuban vote counted for nothing, and Spain
still held complete power. This was the more regrettable and
exasperating, since the Cubans so far as they were permitted to do so
sent men of the highest type to the Cortes. Among them, preeminently,
was Dr. Rafael Montoro, one of the ablest scholars and statesmen in
Cuban history, who was destined subsequently to play a great part in the
administration of the free and independent Republic of Cuba.
It is self-evident that such conditions and the failure of Spain to live
up to her promises would be provocative of much dissatisfaction, and it
followed as a matter of course that those who had learned to rebel now
took that means of expressing their dissatisfaction. In fact the war had
never ceased, for soon after the signing of the treaty, as soon as Spain
had shown her hand, Calixto Garcia assembled a small band of rebels, and
continued to harass the Spanish in guerrilla warfare, taking up his
position in mountain fastnesses which were inaccessible except to those
who held the key to their labyrinthine paths, and biding his time in the
most annoying fashion possible until he felt matters were ripe for
another widespread armed rebellion.
In August, 1879, in the districts of Holguin and Santiago there was a
serious renewal of hostilities. The rebels, so termed by the Spanish,
consisted mainly of freed blacks, and were under the leadership of three
mulattoes, Maceo, Brombet and Guilleamon. This movement thoroughly
frightened the authorities, and two thousand Spanish troops were
promptly sent to repress it. The insurgents were reinforced by large
numbers of runaway slaves--those who had demanded their liberty and had
had their request denied. The insurgents took advantage of the disturbed
condition of the country and sought to turn the general situation to
their advantage. They hid in the mountains, in dense woods, and in wild
places, and descended wherever and whenever they could pillage and
burn without intervention from Spanish troops. So thoroughly did the
Spanish authorities dread a renewal of hostilities that the
Captain-General declared the province of Santiago to be in a state of
siege. Meanwhile the insurgents drew up a constitution for themselves,
and continued their activities for over six months, terrorizing the
people, destroying property and taking prisoners for ransom.
[Illustration: JOSE SILVERIO JORRIN
Jose Silverio Jorrin y Bramosio, a distinguished advocate, man of
letters and publicist, was born in Havana on June 20, 1816, and was one
of the pupils of Jose de la Luz at his famous school. After travelling
in the United States and Europe he became one of the leaders of the
Cuban bar and filled several judicial and other public offices. He was
at one time a Senator in the Spanish Cortes, from Camaguey. His chief
interest was in the advancement of the educational and economic welfare
of the island, and on subjects relating thereto he wrote a number of
important works. He wrote a Biography of Christopher Columbus and other
historical works, and had much repute as an orator. For some years he
was a leader of the Autonomist party, but later identified himself
actively with the cause of independence. He lived to see independence
assured if not actually yet achieved, dying in New York in 1897.]
Meantime General Garcia conducted a campaign in the neighborhood of
Santiago, which further complicated matters for the government. He had
planned a general uprising for December 15, with the expectation that
his small band would be largely reinforced by the arrival of
filibustering expeditions from the United States, with men and arms and
ammunitions. But he was disappointed, and the government retaliated by
making wholesale arrests of all persons, particularly blacks, who were
under the slightest suspicion of sympathy with the rebellion. Three
hundred and fifty blacks were arrested in Santiago alone. The rebels in
spite of their small numbers had been able to do so much damage to
property in this vicinity, that the government voted a hundred thousand
dollars for the relief of Santiago, and half that amount for the same
purpose in Puerto Principe.
The general feeling of unrest, uncertainty and suspicion among the
Creoles was enhanced by the action of the government at Madrid in
publishing a manifesto, on April 6, 1880, demanding that the Cuban
government be assimilated with that of Spain, and promising in return
enactments which would greatly increase the material prosperity of the
colony. If Spain did not keep her promises with Cuba in a position to
protest, it was a foregone conclusion that the action contemplated by
the manifesto would not be productive of leniency in the government of
the island, and it is not difficult to imagine with what wrath and
consternation the knowledge that such a plan could ever be formulated
filled the hearts of those who had struggled so long and so valiantly
and at so great personal sacrifice for the freedom of Cuba. The result
was a renewal of sporadic rebellions, and a seething turmoil of anger
and resentment on the part of the Creoles.
In April, 1881, an attempt was made by the Spanish government by
concessions to allay the storm which it had raised, and on April 7, the
constitution of 1876 was again proclaimed. This granted to the Cubans
full rights of citizenship, and the rights of free speech, free press
and assembly, and representation. This was promptly modified on the very
day of its enactment by the promulgation of the order of January 7,
1879, which had the effect of muzzling the press which had only a few
hours before been freed. The other rights granted were of course
existent only in name, and thus Spain continued her old program of
stupid treachery.
In 1882 an event occurred which for a time seemed likely to draw England
into the controversy. Three Cuban patriots, Maceo, Rodriguez, and a
third whose name is not of record, escaped from custody while they were
being transferred from one penal colony in Spain to another. They
hastened to gain English territory, and fled to Gibraltar. One of the
rights sacred to the English government was the right of asylum. This
the Spanish government proceeded to ignore. The Spanish consul notified
the English authorities that the fugitives must be returned to Spain,
and suggested as a method which would be productive of the least trouble
that at a time and place agreed upon they be sent across the border,
whereupon the Spanish authorities could apprehend them without
difficulty and the controversy would be happily ended. Through some
misapprehension on the part of the British officials, this was done. But
the end was not yet. The British government, when it learned of the
occurrence, promptly demanded the return of the men to British soil,
under the right of asylum. The Spanish government exhausted all its
arguments in vain. Great Britain stood firm, but when Spain had
surrendered two of the fugitives, the matter was finally dropped and the
fate of the third one was left to the mercies of Spain.
The history of Cuba was from this time on, until rebellion finally
flamed into the war in which, with the aid of the United States, she
gained her independence, one of petty persecutions, and retaliation by
continuous uprisings, small in character but indicative of the
smouldering fire. These were frequently aided by filibustering
expeditions sent by the Cuban Junta in New York.
In 1885 a revolt took place in the provinces of Santa Clara and
Santiago, always the hotbed of rebellion. The rebellion was quickly
suppressed, but its leaders, and a large number of other Cubans, who
were merely under suspicion of complicity, were executed without trial.
One of the leaders, General Vidal, was banished from Cuba, but, when he
was about to leave for Jamaica, under an arrangement made with the
Spanish authorities, he was brutally murdered by hired assassins.
Meanwhile the administration of justice in Cuba would have been almost
ludicrous if it had not been tragic. The Spaniards openly practiced the
most egregious frauds at the polls, and by all the chicanery known to
corrupt politics kept the Creoles from the participation in the
government which Spain had so glibly promised them. One of the
interesting methods to prevent the voting of the poor in Cuba was the
prohibition under a law passed on December 12, 1892, of bona fide
citizens from exercising the right of suffrage unless they paid the sum
of five dollars in taxes. This law applied to black and white alike, and
was prohibitive so far as the greater number of the former were
concerned.
Meanwhile those Cubans who desired better things for their children than
the nightmare in which they themselves lived were eager for education
for their families, but for the most part education was a privilege
which belonged only to the wealthy. It was not until 1883 that there
existed schools of learning similar to high schools. It was not Spain's
game to educate the masses, for if an autocracy is to survive, too much
learning is a dangerous thing to be allowed to spread among the common
people.
In 1887 the Spanish authorities decided, justly, that the treasury of
Spain was being deprived of revenues by the evasion of taxes, and that
this was being done by the connivance of the custom house officials. The
Governor-General therefore ordered the seizure of the custom house by
Spanish troops, and the wharfs and warehouses were placed under heavy
guard. After an investigation had been started a number of merchants
whose business was importing confessed that they had been doing business
in a way which deprived the government of certain revenues and asked
permission to change their entries. They were granted three days to do
this. The result was an enormous increase in revenue from the custom
house. The Governor-General proceeded from that time forth to keep a
strict watch on custom house matters, with the result that evasions of
the law were the exception.
By 1887 the country was in such condition that it was unsafe for any man
to proceed unguarded for a mile or two into the country. Neither the
person of any well-to-do planter, nor his property was safe. Outlaw
bands overran the highways, and took cover in woods and hills, from
whence they pounced on travelers, robbed and beat them, and took them
captive for ransom. The brigands were so daring and their depredations
assumed such proportions that martial law was declared in over a hundred
towns and villages. Incendiarism was rife, not only were planters robbed
and murdered, but their possessions were pillaged, their fields were
laid waste and their buildings were burned. Sanitary conditions on the
island were so bad that in the months of December, 1887, and of January
and February, 1880, two thousand cases of smallpox were reported. This,
of course, covered only a small portion of the cases actually existent,
and those who did not fall victim to smallpox were in danger of yellow
fever. Even Nature seemed to have entered into a conspiracy against the
unhappy island, for in 1887 there was an earthquake, and the following
year a violent cyclone, which went the whole length of the island, but
did its principal damage in the province of Santa Clara. Not less than a
thousand lives were lost.
For a time, indeed, there was a measure of relief. That was when under
the McKinley tariff of 1890, Cuban products, particularly sugar, gained
freer access to American markets. While this system lasted, there was an
accession of material prosperity in Cuba. But upon its repeal, due to a
change of politics in the United States government, prosperity in Cuba
waned, while discontent, dissatisfaction and disaffection waxed apace,
and undismayed and resolute patriots began preparing for another general
insurrection.
During the period between the Ten Years' War and the final War of
Independence there was a succession of Governors-General, varying
chiefly in the degree of their unacceptability to the Cuban people and
of the ineptitude with which they maladministered the affairs of the
island and thus contributed to the ultimate and inevitable catastrophe.
Martinez Campos served, with the best of intentions, until the late
summer of 1883. Then on September 28 he was succeeded by Ignacio Maria
del Castillo. His administration endured for three years, and was
replaced in 1886 by that of General Emilio Calleja y Isasi, who gave
place the next year to Saba Marin. Another change occurred on March 13,
1889, when Manuel de Salamanca y Negrete took office. He served for less
than a year, being succeeded on February 7, 1890, by General J.
Chinchilla. To the latter must be accorded the distinction of having the
shortest term of all, for on June 10 following his place was taken by
General Polavieja. He served for two years and was succeeded on May 31,
1892, by General A. R. Arias, who in turn, on August 10, 1894, was
replaced by General Emilio Calleja, who thus entered upon his second
term, in which he was to suffer the penalty of the misdeeds of a long
line of predecessors, and was to begin reaping the whirlwind harvest of
the evil wind which for four centuries Spain had been sowing with a
perverse and ruthless hand.