THE POLITICAL OUTLOOK.

_Question_. What phases will the Southern question assume in the

next four years?

_Answer_. The next Congress should promptly unseat every member

of Congress in whose district there was not a fair and honest

election. That is the first hard work to be done. Let notice, in

this way, be given to the whole country, that fraud cannot succeed.

No man should be allowed to hold a seat by force or fraud. Just

as soon as it is understood that fraud is useless it will be

abandoned. In that way the honest voters of the whole country can

be protected.

An honest vote settles the Southern question, and Congress has the

power to compel an honest vote, or to leave the dishonest districts

without representation. I want this policy adopted, not only in

the South, but in the North. No man touched or stained with fraud

should be allowed to hold his seat. Send such men home, and let

them stay there until sent back by honest votes. The Southern

question is a Northern question, and the Republican party must

settle it for all time. We must have honest elections, or the

Republic must fall. Illegal voting must be considered and punished

as a crime.

Taking one hundred and seventy thousand as the basis of representation,

the South, through her astounding increase of colored population,

gains three electoral votes, while the North and East lose three.

Garfield was elected by the thirty thousand colored votes cast in

New York.

_Question_. Will the negro continue to be the balance of power,

and if so, will it inure to his benefit?

_Answer_. The more political power the colored man has the better

he will be treated, and if he ever holds the balance of power he

will be treated as well as the balance of our citizens. My idea

is that the colored man should stand on an equality with the white

before the law; that he should honestly be protected in all his

rights; that he should be allowed to vote, and that his vote should

be counted. It is a simple question of honesty. The colored people

are doing well; they are industrious; they are trying to get an

education, and, on the whole, I think they are behaving fully as

well as the whites. They are the most forgiving people in the

world, and about the only real Christians in our country. They

have suffered enough, and for one I am on their side. I think more

of honest black people than of dishonest whites, to say the least

of it.

_Question_. Do you apprehend any trouble from the Southern leaders

in this closing session of Congress, in attempts to force pernicious

legislation?

_Answer_. I do not. The Southern leaders know that the doctrine

of State Sovereignty is dead. They know that they cannot depend

upon the Northern Democrat, and they know that the best interests

of the South can only be preserved by admitting that the war settled

the questions and ideas fought for and against. They know that

this country is a Nation, and that no party can possibly succeed

that advocates anything contrary to that. My own opinion is that

most of the Southern leaders are heartily ashamed of the course

pursued by their Northern friends, and will take the first opportunity

to say so.

_Question_. In what light do you regard the Chinaman?

_Answer_. I am opposed to compulsory immigration, or cooley or

slave immigration. If Chinamen are sent to this country by

corporations or companies under contracts that amount to slavery

or anything like it or near it, then I am opposed to it. But I am

not prepared to say that I would be opposed to voluntary immigration.

I see by the papers that a new treaty has been agreed upon that

will probably be ratified and be satisfactory to all parties. We

ought to treat China with the utmost fairness. If our treaty is

wrong, amend it, but do so according to the recognized usage of

nations. After what has been said and done in this country I think

there is very little danger of any Chinaman voluntarily coming

here. By this time China must have an exceedingly exalted opinion

of our religion, and of the justice and hospitality born of our

most holy faith.

_Question_. What is your opinion of making ex-Presidents Senators

for life?

_Answer_. I am opposed to it. I am against any man holding office

for life. And I see no more reason for making ex-Presidents

Senators, than for making ex-Senators Presidents. To me the idea

is preposterous. Why should ex-Presidents be taken care of? In

this country labor is not disgraceful, and after a man has been

President he has still the right to be useful. I am personally

acquainted with several men who will agree, in consideration of

being elected to the presidency, not to ask for another office

during their natural lives. The people of this country should

never allow a great man to suffer. The hand, not of charity, but

of justice and generosity, should be forever open to those who have

performed great public service.

But the ex-Presidents of the future may not all be great and good

men, and bad ex-Presidents will not make good Senators. If the

nation does anything, let it give a reasonable pension to ex-

Presidents. No man feels like giving pension, power, or place to

General Grant simply because he was once President, but because he

was a great soldier, and led the armies of the nation to victory.

Make him a General, and retire him with the highest military title.

Let him grandly wear the laurels he so nobly won, and should the

sky at any time be darkened with a cloud of foreign war, this

country will again hand him the sword. Such a course honors the

nation and the man.

_Question_. Are we not entering upon the era of our greatest

prosperity?

_Answer_. We are just beginning to be prosperous. The Northern

Pacific Railroad is to be completed. Forty millions of dollars

have just been raised by that company, and new States will soon be

born in the great Northwest. The Texas Pacific will be pushed to

San Diego, and in a few years we will ride in a Pullman car from

Chicago to the City of Mexico. The gold and silver mines are

yielding more and more, and within the last ten years more than

forty million acres of land have been changed from wilderness to

farms. This country is beginning to grow. We have just fairly

entered upon what I believe will be the grandest period of national

development and prosperity. With the Republican party in power;

with good money; with unlimited credit; with the best land in the

world; with ninety thousand miles of railway; with mountains of

gold and silver; with hundreds of thousands of square miles of coal

fields; with iron enough for the whole world; with the best system

of common schools; with telegraph wires reaching every city and

town, so that no two citizens are an hour apart; with the telephone,

that makes everybody in the city live next door, and with the best

folks in the world, how can we help prospering until the continent

is covered with happy homes?

_Question_. What do you think of civil service reform?

_Answer_. I am in favor of it. I want such civil service reform

that all the offices will be filled with good and competent

Republicans. The majority should rule, and the men who are in

favor of the views of the majority should hold the offices. I am

utterly opposed to the idea that a party should show its liberality

at the expense of its principles. Men holding office can afford

to take their chances with the rest of us. If they are Democrats,

they should not expect to succeed when their party is defeated.

I believe that there are enough good and honest Republicans in this

country to fill all the offices, and I am opposed to taking any

Democrats until the Republican supply is exhausted.

Men should not join the Republican party to get office. Such men

are contemptible to the last degree. Neither should a Republican

administration compel a man to leave the party to get a Federal

appointment. After a great battle has been fought I do not believe

that the victorious general should reward the officers of the

conquered army. My doctrine is, rewards for friends.

--_The Commercial_, Cincinnati, Ohio, December 6, 1880.

The Works of Robert G. Ingersoll, Volume VIII. Interviews · 第 151 / 269 题