Slightly simplified from the Wiesbaden Codex B, folio 14 r.]

(C) This MS. is at the University Library at Heidelberg. It also

contains only the _Scivias_, and it is the only known illuminated

MS. of that work except the Wiesbaden Codex B. The Heidelberg MS.

was prepared with great care in the early thirteenth century, only a

little later than its fellow, but its figures afford little aid in the

interpretation of the text. Thus, for instance, the Heidelberg diagram

of the universe (Plate IV) is of a fairly conventional type which quite

fails to illustrate the difficult description. The obscurities of the

text are, however, at once explained by a figure in the Wiesbaden

Codex B (Fig. 2): we thus obtain further indirect evidence of the

personal influence of Hildegard in the preparation of that MS. The

representation of Hildegard in the Heidelberg MS. (Plate III) shows no

resemblance to those in the Wiesbaden Codex B (Plate I) or in the Lucca

MS. (Plates VI to IX), which will now be described.

(D) is an illustrated codex of the _Liber divinorum operum simplicis

hominis_ at the Municipal Library at Lucca. It contains ten beautiful

miniatures, some of which are here reproduced (Plates VI to IX and XI),

as they are of special value for the interpretation of Hildegard’s

theories on the relation of macrocosm and microcosm.

This Lucca MS. was described and its text printed in 1761 by Giovanni

Domenico Mansi,[16] a careful scholar, who was himself sometime

Archbishop of Lucca. Mansi concluded that it was written at the

end of the twelfth or the beginning of the thirteenth century. On

palaeographical grounds a slightly later date would nowadays probably

be preferred (Plate V _b_).

The work consists of ten visions, each illustrated by a figure.

The date, character, and meaning of these miniatures raise special

problems to which only very superficial reference can here be made.

Unfortunately but little work has been done on early Italian schools of

miniaturists, and it is not a subject on which any exact knowledge can

yet be said to exist.[17]

Of these ten miniatures we may dismiss the last five in a few words.

The sixth to the tenth visions are of purely theological interest, and

the miniatures illustrating them are by a different hand to the rest.

They are all relatively crude products, which appear to us to resemble

other Italian work of the period at which the MS. was written. We shall

concentrate our attention on the first five miniatures.

The first three miniatures of the Lucca MS. (Plates VI to VIII) may be

attributed to the same hand on the following grounds:

1. All have a very similar inset figure of the prophetess below the

main picture.

2. The character of the principal figure of the first miniature

(Plate VI) is almost identical with the curious universe-embracing

double-headed figure of the second miniature (Plate VII).

3. The features and draughtsmanship of the central figure of the second

miniature (Plate VII) are identical with those of the third (Plate

VIII).

4. The beasts’ heads arranged round the second miniature (Plate VII)

are exactly reproduced in the third miniature (Plate VIII).

Now although these three miniatures are in some respects unique, they

contain elements enabling us to date them with an approach to accuracy.

These elements are to be found especially in the central figure of the

second and third miniatures (Plates VII and VIII).

About the middle of the thirteenth century, as Venturi has shown,[18]

there was a well-marked change in Northern Italy in the traditional

representation of the form on the Cross. This change was followed with

almost slavish accuracy, and the new form is well represented by a

painting in the Uffizi Gallery (Plate X). It is this figure of Christ

which is reproduced by our miniaturist. The central figure of Plates

VII and VIII resembles that of the Uffizi crucifix, for instance, in

the general pose of the body, in the position of the legs and of the

arms, in the treatment of the abdominal musculature, in the method of

outlining the muscles of the legs and of the arms, and in a minute and

very constant detail by which the outline of the left side is continued

with the fold of the groin, thus giving an impression of the left thigh

being advanced on the right. Furthermore, the somewhat Byzantine cast

of countenance of the figure can be closely paralleled from Northern

Italian work of the same period. We therefore regard these first three

miniatures of the Lucca MS. as dating from about the middle of the

thirteenth century.

The remaining two miniatures (Plates IX and XI) offer special

difficulties. Plate XI (illustrating the fifth vision) presents us with

no complete human figures, except the small and probably copied inset

of the prophetess below the miniature. The faces bear some resemblance

to those of the last five miniatures; the wings, on the other hand, to

those of the first miniature (Plate VI). It is perhaps possible that

this miniature was the work of an early thirteenth-century artist, and

that the wings and some other details were added by a later hand. The

abnormal orientation, east to the left and south above, suggests that

we have here to do with some special influence.

The most anomalous of all is, however, the beautiful fourth

miniature (Plate IX). This picture has a general feeling of the

early Renaissance, though it is hard to find in it any definite

humanistic element. The nude female figure in the upper left quadrant

is especially striking. No parallel to it is to be found in the

thirteenth-century Italian miniatures that have so far been reproduced,

and it appears to us difficult to date the miniature anterior to the

fourteenth century at the very earliest. It is, in any event, by a

different hand to the others. The rashes on the patients in the two

upper and the right lower quadrants are perhaps an attempt to render

the fatal ‘God’s tokens’ of those waves of pestilence that devastated

the Italian peninsula in the fourteenth century.

Whatever the date of these miniatures, however, they reproduce the

meaning of the text of the _Liber divinorum operum_ with a convincing

certainty and sureness of touch. This work is the most difficult

of all Hildegard’s mystical writings. Without the clues provided by

the miniatures, many passages in it are wholly incomprehensible. It

appears to us therefore by no means improbable that the traditional

interpretation of Hildegard’s works, thus preserved to our time by

these miniatures and by them alone, may have had its origin from

the mouth of the prophetess herself, perhaps through another set of

miniatures that has disappeared or has not yet come to light.[19]

Studies in the History and Method of Science, vol. 1 (of 2) · 第 44 / 171 题