On that same day letters arrived at Vigá_The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898, Volume 38, 1674-1683 Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the Catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century

de Ugalde, written to the alcaldes-mayor of Ilocos and Cagayán,

informing them of his arrival by sea for the succor of the province

of Pangasinán, and of the arrival of General Francisco de Esteybar

by land. On account of the absence of the alcalde-mayor, Don Alonso,

the letter which came for him was opened by the bishop, and his

illustrious Lordship and his companions were delighted at the good

news, and full of hopes that they would soon enjoy peace; but their

joy was quenched by the information which soon followed that the

Zambals had already arrived at Santa Catalina, a visita of Vigán.

On the following day, the twentieth of January, the Zambals arrived

at Vigán. [The bishop waits for them to come, prepared to say mass for

their benefit, since they have sent him word that they wish to hear it,

"a singular mode of hostility, and a still more rare mode of devotion,

which looks more like craft than simplicity, although all traits at

once are possible in these people." A number of the Zambals, including

their leaders, hear mass with much reverence, and even confess to the

priests, saying that many of their men have come on this raid through

fear, rather than their own inclination. Most of the troop, however,

proceed to loot the village; the people take refuge in the bishop's

house and the church, thus saving their lives, although they endure

great suffering and privation by being shut up indoors for two days,

with little food or drink. Finally the fathers persuade the Zambals

to let the people return to their houses.] On that day the enemy

appointed Don Juan Celiboto headman of the village, and from that time

the Zambals made great haste to seize as many Indians as they could,

both men and women, to be their slaves. Only the sacristans had been

left on guard in the church; the Zambals slew them together in the

baptistery, and plundered it of all the ornaments and cloth that

they found; and there they also killed a negro who tried to avail

himself of the church to escape from their hands. Many Ilocans died in

various places on that day--so many that when the number was reckoned

it was found that the village of Bantay alone had eighty [92] dead,

whose bodies they hid among the hills, so that they might not be

seen by the fathers. In those villages all was confusion, outcries,

the ringing of bells, the discharge of arquebuses, and shouts; and

among the ecclesiastics all was affliction and grief at seeing so

many calamities, without being able to remedy them.

Some Indian chiefs, for greater security, had brought to the bishop's

house the gold, silver, and other valuables which they possessed;

and the amount thus brought together was so great that there was not

space for them in the rooms above, and much property was even placed

below the house. The Zambals cast their eyes on this wealth with

eager desire, and their sentinels therefore watched very closely

the house of his illustrious Lordship; this was a source of great

anxiety to him and to the fathers, lest the poor owners should lose

their property. The commander Don Jacinto [Macasiag] had promised

to confer with the bishop about providing safety for these things,

but did not keep his promise; his illustrious Lordship therefore

commanded father Fray Gonzalo to go to talk with Don Jacinto in his

quarters. The father did not shun making these journeys, because

he lost no time on the road, hearing some confess, and baptizing

others, even of the Zambals themselves. At the same time he gained the

opportunity of seeing one of the champans of General Felipe de Ugalde

arrive at the bar; it had been sent to reconnoitre those coasts,

under the appearance of selling merchandise. Under the pretext of

looking at the goods, father Fray Gonzalo went aboard this vessel,

and informed the captain of the wretched condition in which they all

were. Nothing was gained, however, by this effort, as the champan,

on its return, was maliciously steered away from the place where the

commander was who had sent it; but the ecclesiastics were left with

the consolation that aid would soon come.

The Zambals came, plundering and killing, as far as the slope of Baduc,

but they could not pass from that place to the province of Cagayán,

on account of the resistance made by Alférez Lorenzo Arqueros with

a troop of Ilocans and Cagayans. The bishop and the fathers were

well aware of the greedy anxiety of the Zambals to plunder the

valuables that were in the house of his illustrious Lordship--who,

hearing reports of the abominations, thefts, and murders which they

had committed in the churches, summoned them before him, and, when

most of them were assembled, publicly cursed and excommunicated all

those who should hereafter kill, or meddle with things belonging

to the churches or to his house. Immediately after this, a sermon

was preached to them by the father vicar-provincial, Fray Bernardino

Márquez, rebuking them for the evil that they did instead of keeping

the law of the Christians--for such were the greater part of the

Zambal army. They listened very attentively to the sermon, much to

the satisfaction of the bishop; and, as he always did when affairs of

importance came before his illustrious Lordship, he availed himself

of the Augustinian religious (especially of father Fray Gonzalo de

la Palma), on account of the secular clergy being unacceptable to

the Zambals. Nor is it to be doubted that not only the clerics but

his illustrious Lordship would have perished, if it had not been for

our religious, as is fully proved by letters written to the supreme

government by the illustrious Don Fray Rodrigo de Cárdenas.

As soon as the coming of the Zambals was known, much silver belonging

to the churches, and much silver and gold of private persons, were

buried in different places; but on Wednesday afternoon the Zambals

began to open [these] tombs, until no silver or gold was left. Our Lord

granted that some of the church silver should afterward be restored;

but all the gold and silver of private persons was lost. Father Fray

Gonzalo asked permission of the Zambal leader, Don Jacinto, to dig

up the silver belonging to the church of Taguding; Don Jacinto gave

this, and promised that he would, for the father's greater safety,

assist him in person. He did so, as he had promised; but while they

were engaged in digging up the silver the Zambals rushed to the house

of the bishop, and pillaged whatever hampers and chests they found

under the house--with so much violence and clamor that the religious,

affrighted, took refuge in the apartments of his illustrious Lordship.

[The eagerness of the Zambals for plunder soon induces them to send

the bishop and the priests to Santa Catalina, so that they may loot

the bishop's house and whatever of value remains in it. On the way

they see many corpses of Indians slain by the foe; the village of

Bantay is burned, only the church and convent, and a tiled house,

are left standing. Arrived at Santa Catalina, the Zambals who escort

the priests proceed to plunder and burn that village; and the fathers

are unable to procure any food until the next day, save a little rice,

and are compelled to flee for their lives from the flames--finally

spending the second day with no shelter save a tree, and no food save

what is given them by the Zambals from whom they beg it as alms.]

In the afternoon came Don Marcos Macasián to notify the fathers of the

order given by his chief, Don Jacinto, that the bishop and the rest

who were with him should go on with the rebel army, which included

three hundred Ilocan Indians--some forced to join them, and others

who were traitors; counting these with the Pangasinans and Zambals,

the whole number was about three thousand. He brought some talabones

[93] in which the bishop and the fathers were accommodated--although

but poorly, on account of the few men available to carry them, and

the ill-will of the bearers. On this account, and so that they might

aid the bishop, who was in poor health, the religious and the priests

were reduced to traveling on foot over most of the route from Santa

Catalina to Narbacán--where it is necessary to go through the Agayayos,

which are certain cliffs very difficult of passage.... In the middle

of the [second] day they reached Agayayos, and at nine in the night

they entered Narbacán. At the entrance to this village the Zambals

had a skirmish with the Indians of that district, who, allied with

the Tinguianes, did all the harm that they could to the Zambals. So

daring were they that they seized and carried away one of the men

who were escorting the fathers, and, without his companions being

able to prevent it, the assailants cut off his head, and ran into

the woods. In this manner more than four hundred Zambals had already

died. Moreover, they had thickly planted the road from Narbacán with

sharp stakes, in order that the Zambals might not use it; and for

this reason the fathers suffered greatly, because they traveled on

foot. As soon as they arrived at Narbacán, they notified the native

governor [gobernadorcillo], (who was the father of the traitor Don

Juan de Pacadua), who gave the fathers sufficient cause to fear; for

between him and his blacks he held the fathers fast, unwilling to let

them go, by saying that he preferred that they should be entertained

in his own house, which was quite spacious, and not in the convent,

which was ill supplied. The fathers would not go anywhere except to

the convent, and thus the contest lasted until the arrival of the

bishop; he also insisted on going to the convent, with which they

gained their point; and the captain of the village went with them,

to escort them and light the way. They arrived at the convent, where

they found not even water to drink; then the father went out to get

some, and to find also a little rice [morisqueta] for the bishop,

of which he was in great need.

On the following day, January 31, the entire Zambal army encamped in

Narbacán; it had been awaited by the leader, Don Jacinto Macasiag,

who had been detained in Vigan by his plan of attacking a champan

sent by Don Felipe de Ugalde with more than twenty soldiers. Don

Jacinto returned to Narbacán, without having been able to carry out

the intention which had delayed him; and found at Narbacán a letter

from his kinglet, Don Andrés Malóng. The latter informed him of

the arrival of the Spanish forces in his kingdom, for which reason

Don Jacinto must make haste to go there with troops under him, so

that they and his own men might together put an end to the "Spanish

rabble;" and he must carry thither with him the Indian chiefs of the

villages that they had conquered, so that these might be witnesses

of the rebels' valor against the Spaniards. Many were the letters

and papers written by that infernal monster to all the Indian chiefs

in all the provinces; and in the last ones written to Don Jacinto

Macasiag, which the bearers concealed without giving them to him, he

ordered Don Jacinto to burn all the villages with their churches and

convents, and to retreat to the woods with the Zambals, since he had

already conquered the Spaniards. But the result was quite different;

for when he wrote it Don Jacinto had already fled and taken refuge

in the hills, and the Spaniards were pursuing him.

When the Zambals saw the letter from Malóng, they began to clamor

against the natives of Narbacán, on account of the injuries which they

had received from the latter; and they swore that for this cause they

would kill them and burn their village. But they did not fulfil the

latter threat, nor dare to carry out the first, not only because the

Indians had concealed themselves in the woods, but on account of the

fear that the Zambals had conceived of them--especially of the Indian

who led them in battle, named Don Felipe Madamba, a native of the

village of Bringas; he was so loyal to his Majesty, and so valiant,

that he dashed alone, on horseback, among the Zambals and Calanasas,

cutting off their heads, without any one being able to resist him. He

was able to escape from these affrays, but his horse and he were

covered with the arrows which they shot at him, although not one of

these caused him any injury worth mention.

On the same day (that of St. Ignatius the martyr), the army of the

Zambals set out to go to Pangasinán, leaving part of the village of

Narbacán in flames; the fathers, having compassion for those people,

entreated the leader, Don Jacinto, to order his men to put out the

fire. He did so, by a public order; and immediately they extinguished

the flames. Litters and carriers were already provided for the bishop

and the fathers, that they might follow the army; but they all, with

one voice and opinion, told the guards that they would not depart

from Narbacán, even though it should cost them their lives. When the

guards perceived their firm resolution, they notified their chief, Don

Jacinto Macasiag, who was willing that the fathers should remain; but

when this decision was learned by Gumapos, who had marched ahead, he

commanded his arquebusiers to go there and slay the bishop and all the

ecclesiastics. They would have carried out this order, if Don Marcos

Macasián had not dissuaded Gumapos from it--the latter saying that

the fathers did not serve in the army, and that they were more of a

hindrance than anything else, and it was therefore better to kill them.

[On the third day after the departure of the enemy, the people of

Narbacán return to their homes. The bishop is accidentally hurt,

and Fray Bernardino becomes ill--both cases being aggravated

by the sufferings which they endured while in the hands of the

Zambals.] Generals Francisco de Esteybar and Felipe de Ugalde were

in Pangasinán, uncertain in what part of the country the enemy might

still be, in order to send thither their forces; for, although General

Ugalde had sent two champans to reconnoiter the coasts of the provinces

of Ilocos and Cagayán, they had not returned with their report. By

land, he had no letter from either the alcaldes or the religious

of those provinces. With this, and the assurances of the fathers of

St. Dominic in the province of Pangasinán that those of Ilocos and

Cagayán were free from enemies, the commanders were perplexed, and

almost determined to withdraw their forces from those provinces. Our

Lord permitted that, the champan in which Alcalde-mayor Don Alonso de

Peralta and the father visitor Fray Juan de Isla were sailing having

landed at Bolinao, they should learn there how the Spanish armada was

in Pangasinán; accordingly, they directed their course thither, and,

having arrived, found the commanders and related to them the wretched

condition in which that province of Ilocos was left. In consequence of

this information, Francisco de Esteybar at once gave orders that the

army should set out for that province. Before Francisco de Esteybar

departed from Binalatongan, he left the place fortified, with a

stronghold in the court of the church; it had four sentry-posts,

four pieces of bronze artillery carrying four-libra balls, and four

officers--Captains Don Alonso Quirante, Juan Diaz Ibáñez, Don Juan de

Guzmán, and Nicolás Serrano. As chief commander he left Sargento-mayor

Domingo Martín Barrena, with some infantry--Spaniards, Merdicas, and

creole negroes [criollos morenos]. The alcalde-mayor returned in his

champan to Vigán, and fathers Fray Juan de Isla and Fray Luis de la

Fuente marched with the Spanish army, which on its way reached the

village of Santa Cruz. The Zambals left Narbacán, and, reaching the

village of Santa María, sacked and burned it, as well as the convent;

they did the same at San Esteban and the village of Santiago--to

whose patron [i.e., St. James] was attributed their failure to burn

the church, although they set fire to it. They burned and plundered

the villages of San Pedro and Candón, going from the latter to that of

Santa Cruz. There they learned that the Spaniards were at Santa Lucía;

then they collected many of the valuables and cloths which they had

plundered and set fire to them, and they set out in search of the

Spaniards, who also were coming with the same object. The latter,

ignorant of the enemy's proximity, learned of it by an accident; this

was, that father Fray Juan de la Isla, having pushed ahead of the

Spanish army, encountered a party of Zambals, from whom he escaped

by a miracle. Father Fray Juan warned the Spaniards of the Zambals'

approach, and they forthwith set out to fight the enemy. The armies

came into sight of each other between the villages of Santa Cruz and

Santa Lucía, and General Francisco de Esteybar at once commanded that

the signal for attack be given. The Zambals twice engaged our men,

with fierceness and loud shouts; but they were finally conquered

by the Spaniards--more than four hundred Zambals being killed,

and the greater part of their force taken prisoners. One of these

was Don Pedro Gumapos, holding in his hand the staff of the bishop,

thus being fulfilled what the holy prelate had prophesied to him.

The victory completed, Francisco de Esteybar withdrew with his army to

Namacpacán, where he had left Captain Simón de Fuentes with a division

of the army; they took with them Gumapos and many other prisoners,

and afterward sent them to Vigán. There, in company with others, they

hanged the rebel leader, and after his death cut off that sacrilegious

hand, which was fastened near the house of the bishop. The loss of the

Spaniards was very small, but a circumstance worthy of admiration was

noted; it was that, not only in this battle but in other encounters

which had occurred, all those of the Zambal army who were slain lay

face downward, and all the dead of the Spanish army had their faces

turned upward--as if by this God had chosen to show that the Zambals

died under the curse and excommunication of the bishop. On account of

this so fortunate success, Generals Francisco de Esteybar and Felipe

de Ugalde talked of returning to Manila, believing that now everything

was quiet; but information came to them of the new uprising by the

Indians of Bacarra, and Francisco de Esteybar at once ordered the army

to march to that village. The manner in which those Indians revolted

is as follows: I have already pointed out the multitude of letters

and documents which the usurping king Malóng wrote [to the leading

men] everywhere--more especially to Don Juan Magsanop and Don Pedro

Almazán. The latter was a very rich chief, a native of the village

of San Nicolás (then a visita of Ilauag), and so bitterly hostile to

the Spaniards that he kept in his house as many pairs of fetters as

there were fathers and Spaniards in the entire province, in order to

fasten these on them when he should have opportunity. This Don Pedro

Almazán formed an alliance with Don Juan Magsanop, a native of Bangi,

a visita of the village of Bacarra; and with Don Gaspar Cristóbal,

headman of Ilauag, and a native of that village. The former, in order

to make sure of Don Gaspar Cristóbal, asked him for his daughter, to

marry her to his own oldest son; and these three Indians, as being so

influential, continually stirred up others to join their conspiracy,

and called in the Calanasa tribe to aid them.

The Calanasas were heathen barbarians who lived in the clefts of

the mountains and other rocky places, and their only occupation was

the killing of men and animals. Feeling safe with such aid as this,

the leaders of the conspiracy undertook to make Don Pedro Almazán

king of the province of Ilocos, and they swore allegiance to his son

as prince; the latter celebrated his wedding with the daughter of

Don Gaspar Cristóbal, as they had agreed. In order that the [former]

function might be celebrated with all solemnity and not lack what was

requisite, they plundered the church in the village of Ilauag, and

with the crown which they took from the head of the Queen of Angels

(who is venerated in that church) they crowned Don Pedro Almazán

as king and the married pair as princes. All these proceedings were

carried on so secretly that they could never be traced; and in this

condition of their plot the letter of Don Andrés Malóng found them,

in which he notified them that he had conquered the Spaniards. As

now they were free, in their own opinion, from that danger, and safe

from the Zambals, who were on their march from Pangasinán, it seemed

to them now time to bring to light their depraved intentions. Before

doing so, Don Juan Magsanop wrote from Bacarra a letter to Don Gaspar

Cristóbal, in which he asked what opinion the latter had reached, and

that he be informed of it. The reply which Don Gaspar Cristóbal gave

was to take a fagot of reeds in his hand, and himself set fire to the

church in Ilauag; and he ordered the bearer of the letter to carry

back that reply. When this was known to Magsanop, he made himself

known, with banners displayed, at Bacarra at the end of January,

1661, and sent word to the Calanasas to come down with all speed

to his aid. In the rebel league were joined the villages of Pata

and Cabicungán, administered by the fathers of St. Dominic, their

minister at that time being father Fray José Santa María; hearing

the tumult and the shouts of the rebels, he went out of the convent,

against the advice of a Spaniard (whose name is not known) who had

taken refuge in it. Father Fray José persisted in his resolution,

but as soon as the rebels saw him many attacked him; and, piercing

him with many javelins they cut off his head, and with great delight

went to sack the convent. They made the attack by way of the church,

the doors of which were locked; but the brave Spaniard, now bereft

of the father, when he heard their clamor from within fastened all

the windows and doors that he could reach, and loaded two guns that

he had inside. The servants of the father who had remained there

kept loading the guns for him, and, aiming through some loopholes or

apertures, they allowed the multitude to come close to the building,

and then fired, without a shot failing to hit. He accomplished so much

that the rebels, persuaded that some company of soldiers were inside

the church, retreated without executing their purpose of sacking and

burning the church and convent.

On the first of February this melancholy tidings reached the village

of Narbacán, where there were nine religious of the order of our

father St. Augustine, exchanging congratulations and expressions

of joy over the freedom that they were beginning to enjoy with the

departure, that day, of the Zambal army. All their joy was changed into

sadness and perplexity by the news of what had occurred at Ilauag;

but the one who felt this most was father Fray José Arias, at that

time prior of the village of Bacarra. [Feeling that duty calls him

to go back, there, he does so, although against the entreaties of

his brethren. His people welcome his return, but at the news that the

Calanasas are approaching all take to flight, carrying the friar with

them; but later they leave him in the house of a native helper. "The

streets were full of rebels and Calanasas, who with loud shouts

and yells acclaimed Don Pedro Almazán as king, and threatened all

the Spaniards with death." Fray José and the helper plan to escape

by night, but an envoy from the rebels warns the latter to drive

the friar from his house, or they will kill him and his family;

frightened at this, he carries the father to another house. "In a

little while Don Tomás Bisaya, one of the heads of the conspiracy,

sent a mulatto named Juan (who had been a servant of the fathers)

with some men, and an order to Fray José to enter a petaca [94],

so that he could escape to the village of Ilauag." He does this,

and the party set out for that village; but on the way they meet a

party of rebels, who kill the father, cut off his head, and carry

it to Magsanop. Diaz here copies the relation of this affair which

was sent to the Augustinians throughout the province, a letter from

the provincial, Fray Diego de Ordás, citing the account sent to him

by Bishop Cárdenas. "Magsanop and the other tyrants celebrated this

victory, all drinking from the skull of the venerable father, which

served in their barbarous proceedings as a precious vase.... After

several days his head was ransomed, and interred with his body."]

The army of General Francisco de Esteybar marched to Bacarra, but the

first to arrive was Lorenzo Arqueros, with a detachment of more than

a thousand men, Ilocans and Cagayans; the rebels and the Calanasas,

not daring to face these, retreated with all speed to the woods, but

Lorenzo Arqueros did not fail to search for them, in whatever places

they had concealed themselves. He seized Magsanop, who, angered at

seeing himself a prisoner, drew a dagger and killed himself with it,

a worthy punishment for his sacrilegious perfidy. Don Pedro Almazán,

who had taken horse to flee, burst into a fury, and died raging;

[95] and all his children met wretched deaths.

General Francisco de Esteybar arrived with all his army at the village

of Bacarra, but Lorenzo Arqueros had it already reduced to quiet, so

that the general had nothing to do, except to order that a fort be

built in Bacarra and garrisoned with soldiers, so as to secure the

province from other disturbances. General Sebastián Rayo Doria gave

orders for the execution of the commission which he bore, by agreement

of the royal Audiencia, to administer justice to those who were most

guilty; his military judge was Licentiate Don Juan de Rosales, and

the notary was Nicolás de Herrera, who began their official duties,

bringing legal proceedings [against the rebels]. The penalties of

justice were inflicted as follows: In Vigán, Don Pedro Gumapos was

shot through the back, and afterward the hand with which he took

the staff from the bishop was cut off; and Don Cristóbal Ambagán,

Don Pedro Almazán, Don Tomás Boaya, [96] Don Pedro de la Peña, and

others, to the number of sixteen, were hanged. In Binalatongan was

erected a square gallows, as in Vigán, and the following were hanged:

Don Melchor de Vera, Don Francisco de Pacadua, Don Francisco Along,

and Don Jacinto Macasiag; a Sangley mestizo, named Domingo Isón,

although he said that he died innocent; a man of half-Malabar blood,

named Lorenzo; and others, to the number of fourteen. It is quite

remarkable that, when the sacristans were in the [church] tower with

orders from the father ministers to toll the bells as soon as each of

those who were hanged was dead, when it came to the turn of Domingo

Isón they rang a peal instead of tolling, without having had an order

for it; in this it seems as if the divine Majesty chose to demonstrate

his innocence, as it was afterward ascertained. They promptly shot

Don Andrés Malóng, placed in the middle, seated on a stone; and this

was the end of his unhappy reign in Pangasinán. Afterward, in Mexico,

punishment was inflicted on Don Francisco and Don Cristóbal Mañago,

who were shot; and some were hanged--Don Juan Palasigui, Don Marcos

Marcasián, Sargento-mayor Chombillo, Supil and Baluyot of Guagua,

the amanuensis, and many others. José Celis, the lawyer, was carried

to Manila, where he was hanged. After these executions, Licentiate

Manuel Suárez de Olivera, the senior advocate of the royal Audiencia,

printed a treatise against Don Juan de Rosales, in which he condemned

the excessive rigor of these punishments. This was answered by Don

Juan de Rosales with another pamphlet--very learned, which also was

printed--whose theme was Feci judicium et justitiam, non tradas

me calumniantibus me, drawn from Psalm 118, [97] justifying his

proceedings to the satisfaction of those who were free from prejudice.

Thus was quenched that infernal fire which kindled discord in the

hearts of the natives of the provinces of Pampanga and Pangasinán,

and of the Indians of the village of Bacarra in Ilocos--a fire

which threatened to consume the peace and obedience of the other

provinces of these islands, whose people were on the watch for its

outcome, in order to declare themselves [rebels] and prove Fortune,

and to gain what seemed to them liberty. But this would have been,

quite to the contrary, their entire perdition; for, escaping from

their civilized subjection to the Spaniards, they would have fallen

back into the barbarous tyranny of their own people--which, like

chips from the same log, [98] is what most hurts, as experience

shows; and the natives themselves know this. They were continually

experiencing this in the tumult in Pampanga, for the tyrannical acts

and the extortions which they suffered from the principal leaders of

the revolt were more grievous than those which they experienced or

could fear from subjection to the Spaniards. So true is this that

in the village of Guagua it was said by an old chief who survived

that time, named Don Pedro Anas, that so great was the confusion

and lawlessness, and so tyrannical were the leaders of the outbreak,

that if the governor Don Sabiniano Manrique de Lara had not come so

promptly with his troops, the Indians themselves would have gone to

Manila to make their submission at his feet; some of them could not

unite with the others, and, although all desired liberty, they did

not work together to secure the means for attaining it, and therefore

they experienced a heavier [yoke of] subjection. And among the peoples

whom God seems to have created that they may live in subjection to

others who govern them with justice and authority are those of these

Filipinas Islands; for when the Spanish arms conquered them with so

great facility they were living without a head, without king or lord

to obey--being only tyrannized over by him who among them displayed

most courage; and this subjection was continually changing, other men,

of greater valor and sagacity, gaining the ascendency.

Nor was the least cause of their reduction the diligent efforts

of the religious who were ministers in these provinces, with their

notable assiduity in preaching to the natives and exhorting them,

with the arguments that we have already stated; and in this task they

suffered the greatest hardships and dangers to life. In the province

of Ilocos, fathers Fray Bernardino Márquez, Fray Gonzalo de la Palma,

Fray Luís de la Fuente, and Fray Juan de Isla. In Pampanga, the

following fathers were very prominent in the reduction: in Bacolor,

Fray Francisco de Medina Basco; in Guagua, Fray Luís de la Vega; in

Lubao, Fray José Botoño; in Mexico, Fray José Cornejo; in Candaba,

Fray Pedro de Eguiluz; in Apalit, Fray José de Tapia; in Macabebe,

Fray Enrique de Castro; but, more than all, Fray José Duque and Fray

Isidro Rodríguez, whose authority among the natives could overcome

the greatest difficulties. Information to this effect was given to the

royal and supreme Council of the Indias by Don Sabiniano Manrique de

Lara himself, in Madrid, after his return from his government in the

year 1667--when father Fray Isidro Rodríguez was at the same court as

procurator for this province, soliciting the numerous mission which

he conducted hither, and in which I came, the least of its members.

[Notable among the losses and injuries caused by the Zambal raid

was the death of the bishop of Nueva Segovia, Don Fray Rodrigo de

Cárdenas, of whom Diaz gives a biographical sketch. He died at Manila,

early in May, 1661.]

In Otón (Panay); 1663

[As related by Diaz in his Conquistas, pp. 640-644.] At the time when

this conflagration [99]--which threatened to destroy what Spanish

constancy had gained in these islands during a hundred and ten

years--had just been extinguished, another and new one began to burn

in the province of Ogtong in Pintados; and, if timely measures had

not been taken to check it, this one would have caused greater ravages

than the previous rebellions in the provinces of Pampanga, Pangasinán,

and Ilocos. This entire province is in charge of our religious. We

have in it eight convents and doctrinas--Antique, Guimbal, Tigbauan,

Ogtong, Jaro, Dumangas, Laglag, and Pasig [100]--which belong to

the jurisdiction of the alcalde-mayor who resides in Iloilo, where

there is a good supply of artillery, with two companies of Spaniards,

and one of Pampangos. This province and that of Panay are united in

one island, yielding a great abundance of rice; it is the Sicilia

of Filipinas for its fertility, and also resembles that island in

its extent, and in having three promontories such as gave it the

name Trinacria. This island is called Panay, so even its name suits

it; for in it there grows so great an abundance of rice, which is

the bread of this country. It contains two provinces, governed by

two alcaldes-mayor--that of Iloilo, already mentioned, and that of

Panay; the latter rules over nine large villages. Of these, six are

in charge of the order of our father St. Augustine--Capiz, Panay,

Batan, Mambusao, Dumalag, and Dumarao; [101] two are administered

by secular priests, Aclán and Ibahay; and the island of Romblón

is a doctrina of the discalced religious [i.e., Recollects] of our

father St. Augustine. [Diaz here refers to the description of Panay

and the Augustinian houses therein which is given by Medina, and to

the foundation of their convent at Laglag. [102]] This ministry and

doctrina comprises five visitas and dependent churches: two on the

river that is called Araut, named Sibucao and Sumandig; and three

in the mountains, Misi, Camantugan, and Malonor. These were a cruel

and rude people, and greatly addicted to superstitions and heathen

rites on account of living so separated from intercourse with the

gospel ministers--who throughout the year share, in their turn,

in the instruction and administration of these visitas. It cost

the first religious many hardships to tame these mountaineers and

instruct them in the holy faith; for what they gained with the utmost

toil in a week was dissipated during the absence of the religious

from their ministry. The village of Malonor always had disguised

babaylanes--which is the same as "priests of the demon," by whose

direction the sacrifices which they made proceeded. They offered up

swine, birds, and various kinds of food produced by the ground; and

held solemn drinking-feasts--the main purpose of the universal enemy

[of souls], since from this vice resulted many acts of lewdness and

[other] abominations, all which tended to the perdition of their souls.

The prior and minister of that district in this year of 1663 was

father Fray Francisco de Mesa--a native of the city of Manila,

[103] and who had professed in our convent of San Pablo; a religious

of great virtue, and most zealous and diligent in fulfilling the

obligations of his office. In the visita of Malonor there was at this

time a malicious Indian, a noted sorcerer and priest of the demon,

who lived in concealment in the dense forest; and there he called

together the Indians, telling them that he was commanded by the

nonos--who are the souls of their first ancestors who came over to

people these Filipinas--in whose name he assured them that the demon

had appeared to them in trees and caves. This minister of Satan was

named Tapar, and went about in the garb of a woman, on account of the

office of babaylán and priest of the demon, with whom they supposed

that he had a pact and frequent communication. Moreover, he wrought

prodigies resembling the miracles, with which he kept that ignorant

people deluded.

With these impostures and frauds Tapar obtained so much influence that

the people followed him, revering him as a prophet, and he taught

them to worship idols and offer sacrifices to Satan. Seeing that he

had many followers, and that his reputation was well established,

he made himself known, declaring that he was the Eternal Father;

and he invented a diabolical farce, naming one of his most intimate

associates for the Son, and another for the Holy Ghost, while to a

shameless prostitute they gave the name of María Santisima ["Mary

most holy"], as the name of Mary had been given her in baptism. [104]

Then he appointed apostles, and to others he gave titles of pope

and bishops; and in frequent assemblies they committed execrable

abominations, performed with frequent drinking-bouts, in which there

were shocking fornications among the men and women, both married and

unmarried. This debauchery ended with the sacrifice to the demon,

who, they said, gave them replies, although confused ones; but all

were for their greater perdition; at other times, they believed,

the demon appeared to them in various forms. All these things were

done in the most retired part of the mountains, which there are very

craggy. For a long time this infernal epidemic remained concealed;

but finally spread as far as the visitas of the villages of Jaro and

Pasig, although those who were infected by it were not so many there as

in the village of Malonor, where the morals of those wretched people;

deluded by the demon, were more corrupt.

Father Fray Francisco de Mesa received word of the unhappy condition

in which were the souls of those parishioners of his; and, knowing

that that cancer, which was spreading so far, needed to be severely

cauterized, he gave information of all this to the purveyor-general of

Pintados, the alcalde-mayor of that province, Admiral Pedro Duran de

Monforte--a valiant soldier, whom we have mentioned in this history at

various times. That officer, with the promptness that was necessary,

sent Captains Gregorio de Peralta, Nicolás Becerra, and Francisco

Duarte, and Adjutants Pedro Farfán and Pedro Brazales, with some

Spaniards, Pampangos, and Merdicas from Siao (which is an island of

Maluco)--a brave people, but cruel, which is a vice of cowards.

While the people were on their way to the village of Malonor, father

Fray Francisco de Mesa decided to risk the attempt to prove whether he

could through his preaching persuade them to accept better counsels,

and, repentant, to put an end to that abominable farce of apostates;

for it seemed to him that he would not fulfil his obligation if he did

not make this endeavor. He encountered much opposition from the chiefs

of the village of Laglag, who were not accomplices in the sedition

by those of Malonor; but with intrepid courage to confer with the

rebels. He reached the village and sent word to them to assemble in

some convenient place, where he would go to discuss with them what

concerned the deliverance of their souls, in case they were unwilling

to come to the place where father Fray Francisco was. They replied

"that they would not go out of the place where" (on account of its

being rugged) "they had taken refuge for the sake of their safety--not,

however, for fear of the Spaniards, whom they esteemed but lightly, for

they themselves were accompanied by all the Holy Trinity, the Blessed

Virgin Mary, and all the apostles, who would defend them by working

miracles." They also said that they did not need father ministers,

because they had popes and bishops and priests who could minister to

them in their own way, although it was very different from that which

the fathers used; and "that Fray Francisco should be content with this,

that they did not undertake to do harm to the other Christians who,

deluded, followed him--although they could do these much harm with

the power of God the Father, who assisted them"--and in this fashion

they uttered other execrable blasphemies.

Father Fray Francisco, grieved at the perdition of those souls,

with intrepid heart determined to go to the place where the rebels

were (which was almost inaccessible on account of its ruggedness),

where they had erected a shed which served them as a temple in which

to offer their sacrifices to the demon and to hold their infamous

assemblies. But he did not venture to do so, being dissuaded by the

peaceable Indians of Laglag, and by Fray Martín de Mansilla, the

prior of Pasig; for that would be to search imprudently for danger,

without hope of accomplishing even the least good, since the people

of Malonor were so obstinate. The prior told him that it was better

to wait for the coming of the Spaniards. But this was not enough to

prevent him from going to the said Laglag. [105]

The father arrived, very late in the day, at the house which he had

in the village, close to the church, with the intention of obtaining

better information regarding the condition of those misguided people,

so as to see if he could make any endeavor for the good of their

souls. In case he could not do so, he intended to return to Laglag

the next day, and there await the coming of the Spaniards. The

rebellious apostates consulted the demon as to what they should do;

and in consequence resolved to put Father Francisco to death; and they

proceeded to carry out this decision. It was about midnight when they

all came down to the village in a mob; and some surrounded the house,

which was made of bamboo, and others began to thrust their lances

through the openings in the floor, between the bamboos, wounding father

Fray Francisco, and uttering many abusive words. The father religious,

alarmed at his peril, sprang up intending to jump out at the windows,

as the house stood very low, not considering the greater danger of

this. As he leaped, the insurgents ran toward him, and received him

on the points of their lances; and all he could do was to reach the

cross which stood in the cemetery, next to the church. He embraced it

tenderly, and in this position received many lance-thrusts; and thus,

his arms flung round the holy cross, and uttering loving and devout

words, he rendered his soul to the Lord--to go, as we may piously

believe, to enjoy eternal peace. [106] The insurgents burned the

house and the church, but they did not dare to profane the body of

the venerable father, and retreated to the most secluded part of

those mountains.

On the same day when the news that the apostates had killed the father

reached the village of Laglag the Spaniards and soldiers arrived whom

Admiral Pedro Durán had sent; and with them came the notary-public

of the province and Lorenzo Tallez Mucientes to make an investigation

[of the murder], although there was some delay in the arrival of the

alcalde-mayor, Pedro Durán, in person. Two days after the death of the

venerable father, they went to the village of Malonor, and found the

body of the venerable father at the foot of the cross--quite ruddy and

without corruption, and the blood dropping from it as if the murderers

had but that instant slain him (as the notary Bernabé López has assured

me at various times); and it remained in the same incorruption, and

without the blood coagulating, until the third day, when they buried

it in the church of Laglag. Pedro Durán proceeded, as both a soldier

and a judge, to search for the aggressors; and a considerable time

after the death of the venerable father, and after many endeavors, and

having employed adroit spies, the Spaniards seized the principal actors

in the diabolical farce. Others defended themselves and were slain;

but their corpses were brought in, and carried with the criminals to

the port of Iloilo. There justice was executed upon them; they were

fastened to stakes in the river of Araut, [107] and the body of the

accursed woman who played the part of the Blessed Virgin was impaled

on a stake and placed at the mouth of the river of Laglag.

In Otón; 1672

[This is related by Diaz in his Conquistas, pp. 696-697.]

The spirit of discord also roamed through the mountains of the province

of Ogtong in the island of Panay, causing a disturbance which had an

aspect more ridiculous than serious; and if I have concluded to set it

down here it is only to show the pliability of disposition in these

Indians in believing every new thing, even when it is groundless,

simply because fear persuades them to believe whatever is inimical

to the Spaniards, and especially if it is to their discredit. In

the villages of Miagao and other visitas of Tigbauan, the collector

of tributes for the king was a soldier born in Nueva España, of a

merry and jesting disposition; he without heeding what would result,

told among the Indians this exceedingly absurd story: "That the king

of España had gone out to the seashore for recreation, so heedless

of danger and so lightly attended that he had been captured by some

Turkish galleys that landed at that shore, and had been carried

away to the court of the Grand Turk, who demanded for his ransom an

enormous number of slaves; and that to comply with this demand he

had sent many ships, which were to carry all the natives of that

province to him, so that he could deliver them to the Turks." The

soldier told them that several ships had come for this purpose, which

were already in the harbor of Iloilo; and that the alcalde-mayor

Don Sebastián de Villarreal and other Spaniards had to go with the

ships, in order to make this delivery. This foolish and so perverse

story was so thoroughly believed by the Bisayan Indians [108] that

it caused a great disturbance and commotion among the inhabitants

of the villages of Tigbauan, Miagao, Guimbal, and their visitas--so

that, abandoning their homes and villages, they fled to the woods

without concerted action, publishing the story that the Turks were

already close by to seize them, and would carry the natives to their

king as prisoners. The father ministers, as being nearest to them,

experienced great perplexity, not being able to bring back the

fugitives, as they did not know the cause of their disturbance; for

when the natives perceived any religious they only took to flight,

crying out, "Turks!" and thus the villages were being depopulated.

When the said alcalde-mayor learned this, he gathered all the soldiers

that he could find, and reënlisted many veteran soldiers; and, in

company with the father ministers Fray Marcos Gabilán, Fray Marcos

González, and Fray Agustín de Estrada, he set out with all speed to

see if he could check the disturbance; for he did not know of the

falsehood uttered by the demon through the lips of the soldier. But

this measure tended to fan the flames and to give further confirmation

to that lie; they found, therefore, the villages deserted, and feared

that this was a general rebellion. At last, the absurd cause which

had influenced the natives was ascertained; and in a conference of

the father ministers and the sensible Spaniards they chose the more

prudent measure of withdrawing the troops, and allowing the natives

to be undeceived by the course of events. The soldier, who must have

been more knave than dolt, succeeded in concealing himself so well

that nothing was known of him for a long time, because he left the

island. The end of this revolution was, that gradually the Indians

became undeceived, and ascertained that the whole thing was a lie;

and through the agency of father Fray Agustín de Estrada, of whom

they had a very high opinion, they were pacified, and brought back

to their villages and homes. This is written only that some idea may

be formed of the readiness with which these natives believe any lie;

and the difficulties experienced by the religious who live among them

as ministers, and the danger to the lives of the fathers if the demon

concocts some fiction which, like this, is to their detriment or to

the discredit of the Spaniards.

In Playa Honda; 1681

[From Diaz's Conquistas, pp. 747-748.]

The governor, Don Juan de Vargas, in view of the many ravages,

murders, and thefts which the revolted Zambals of Playa Honda

had committed--infesting the road from Pangasinán to Ilocos,

and harassing the adjoining villages that were subject to the

Spanish dominion--determined to curb their audacity by some exploit

which would inspire them with fear, and to restrain for the future

their insolence and daring. For this purpose he sent Captain Alonso

Martín Franco and Captain Simón de Torres, with a suitable number of

Spaniards, Pampangos, and Merdicas (who are Ternatans and Malays),

and gave them the orders that were desirable for the success of so

useful an expedition--that Simón de Torres and Alonso Martín Franco,

each with half of the soldiers, should go in opposite directions,

beating the woods, and fighting with any Zambals whom they might

encounter. They did so, compelling the rebels to retreat as far as

the place where their companions were; and on St. James's day the

two captains joined their forces, the signal being the discharge of

three exploding rockets, and fought with the Zambal insurgents. They

carried out their orders and fought against these enemies, who are

indeed a warlike people, and killed many of them, not without some

loss of our men. Their leader was a valiant Zambal named Tumalang, to

whom the inhabitants of those mountains rendered obedience; this man,

seeing the death of an associate of his in whom he greatly trusted,

whom Alonso Martín Franco had slain, and influenced by some higher

feeling, declared that he wished to be a friend of the Spaniards,

and with his people to establish villages where he would be under

Spanish rule. A very convenient location was set apart, and therein

was founded a handsome village called Nueva Toledo, and some others

near a fort that is called Pignamén, [109] which Don Manuel de León

ordered to be founded--in which, by order of the governor, Captain

Alonso Martín Franco remained as commandant, with a larger garrison;

and this fort has been most efficacious for averting such losses as

they then experienced. Chief Tumalang received holy baptism, and was

named Don Alonso; and he declared that it was he who had cut off the

head of Don Felipe Ugalde, [110] whose skull he had in his possession

as a trophy. This he surrendered to Martín Franco, that he might bury

it in consecrated ground. The command of this fort is today an office

that is conferred on a very meritorious officer; he has jurisdiction

in all those villages of Playa Honda, and appoints in them governors

who administer justice, as do the alcaldes-mayor of these islands in

their [respective] provinces.

In Zambal villages; 1683

[The following account is taken from Salazar's Hist. de Sant. Rosario,

pp. 300-311. It was a revolt against ecclesiastical authority,

and would have ended in the liberation of the Zambals from all

Spanish rule, had they not been in awe of the fort and garrison

of Paynauen. Salazar's relation is interesting in regard to native

character and missionary methods.]

There was in the village of Balacbac an Indian chief named Dulinen,

to whose following belonged a great part of the village; although

he came down [from the hills] to live in a settlement, it was more

from worldly considerations than from affection for a Christian mode

of life, and he therefore left in the mountains all his valuables,

and a nephew of his for a guard over them. This was learned by an

Indian named Calignao, who went to the mountain and slew the nephew

of Dulinen--who, incensed at this, urged his followers to go with him

to the mountain to avenge the death of his nephew. When this came

to the knowledge of the servant of God, [111] he made every effort

to prevent this flight, and although he restrained some of them he

could not entirely prevent it; accordingly, that chief went back to

the mountains, followed by seventeen families. The commandant of the

fort at Paynaoven [sic], when he learned of this departure, attacked

the chief and his followers, and burned down the village of Aglao,

of which the murderer Calignao and the said chief were natives, and

which was near that of Balacbac, where at that time all lived. The

said Calignao had many kinsmen, and, in order that these might not go

away and flee to the mountains, father Fray Domingo endeavored to gain

their good-will; he asked the commandant for a commission as adjutant

for Calignao, which the commandant immediately gave him--adding,

to pacify the Indians, that the killing by Calignao had been done

in compliance with a command by the government that all those should

be killed who would not come down to the settlements, etc. With this

the men of Balacbac were calmed, but their quiet did not last long;

for a relative of Calignao named Dagdagan, who accompanied the

commandant and his soldiers, promised to attack the chief who had

fled. Entering the woods to carry out this plan, he went but a few

paces when he was slain by a Negrillo of the mountains; and, through

the mischief-making of a wicked Indian, his relatives believed that

the religious had occasioned this death. They assembled to celebrate

his funeral rites with much wine-drinking (a common usage among these

infidels); and their carousal resulted in an agreement to cut off

the head of the servant of God, for which exploit Calignao offered

himself, in return for the kind acts which father Fray Domingo had

done for him. And now that we have this evil man under consideration

[entre manos] it will be well to point out something of his life,

in order that what remains to be told of him may not afterward cause

surprise. Thomas Calignao was a native of the village of Aglao,

distant two leguas from Balacbac, and was a Christian from his

childhood--although of Christian he had only the name; for his life

and habits were worse than those of a heathen. He never heard mass,

or made a confession; he observed neither human nor divine nor even

natural law; for his only endeavor was to cut off heads--even if they

were those of children or women--without further cause or motive than

his craving to kill for the sake of killing. On account of these and

many other sins, the commandant often intended to put him to death;

but he did not carry out this purpose, through the intercession of

father Fray Domingo, for the servant of God said (and not unjustly):

"If you kill this man, who has so large a following, many will return

to the mountains; but if he is reclaimed to an upright life he will

bring in and convert many Cimarrons, and can be very helpful to us in

our ministry." For these and other reasons, and for the salvation

of that soul, father Fray Domingo made every effort to convert

Calignao to a good life--now with advice, now with kind acts, again

with examples, flattering words, and promises, and sometimes with

threats--[telling Calignao] that unless he mended his ways, he would

leave the commandant to do his duty. None of these methods sufficed to

reclaim him, for, even when it seemed as if he were somewhat softened,

if they summoned him to hear mass he became indignant, and heard it

while seated and smoking tobacco (an impropriety unheard-of in this

country); and if the father commanded him to kneel he was inflamed

with anger and excitement--most of all, when the father commanded him

to come for instruction in the [Christian] doctrine, his ignorance

of which made him so bad a Christian. Father Fray Domingo, seeing how

little attention Calignao paid to his counsels, availed himself of his

relatives and other influential persons, in order that they might bring

him to reason and to decent living. But all this was lost time, for

besides not hearing mass on the feast-days, or attending instruction

(as all did), all that he cared or watched for was to kill others

and become drunk; and although he did this, as he thought, in secret,

other persons told it to father Fray Domingo, who rebuked him for his

cruel acts and his persistence in his evil ways. From this arose the

hatred and ill-will which Calignao entertained for the servant of God;

and in order to remove him thus, and not have in future any one who

would rebuke him, he now offered to cut off the father's head.

On a certain occasion Calignao killed a poor woman; and as the

aggressor was unknown, as this happened in a hidden place, father

Fray Domingo undertook, in order to learn who did it, to use the

stratagem of feeling the pulse of every person in the village. All

agreed to this, except Calignao, who, being present at this trial,

escaped and fled to the woods for several days. Soon returning thence

to the village, he went about visiting his relatives; he told them

that he was going to the mountains, not to return; but that, before

he went away, he must cut off some heads. He thereupon went to the

house of an Indian, a nephew of the woman whom he had murdered, and in

order to kill him unsheathed the ygua, which is worse than a butcher's

knife; but the Indian, who was seated, seized his dagger in his hand,

and remained thus, quietly--at which Calignao was afraid, and did not

dare to carry out his purpose. At the noise of this, all the people

hastened thither, as did father Fray Domingo, who, seeing the perverse

Calignao in the mood for cutting off heads, said to him: "Come here,

thou wicked man. Are not the murders that thou committest at night

enough, without trying to kill in daylight, and in sight of all?" To

which he replied: "I am looking for thee, Father, for thee first of

all; do thou come here." Two Indians then approached to pacify him;

but all was in vain, for he was blind with anger and fury; and when

they tried to bring him to reason, he hastily went out and fled to

the mountains. Soon afterward he returned to the village, and, passing

in front of the convent at a time when the servant of God was at the

window, Calignao began to defy him, with both words and gestures;

but father Fray Domingo answered him: "Since thou knowest that the

religious do not kill, or carry arms, thou talkest thus--as thou

wouldst not talk or act with the soldiers." This made Calignao very

ugly, and, walking throughout the midst of the village, he declared

that he would not halt until he had taken the head from father Fray

Domingo; and no one dared say a word to him, because he was sheltered

by his relatives. The commandant of the fort, having learned of the

cruel and shameless acts of Calignao, sent seven Spanish soldiers to

guard father Fray Domingo, and ordered them to arrest or kill that

evil man; but, although they twice had the opportunity to do this,

the servant of God prevented it, and, most of the soldiers having

become sick, they returned to their fort without having accomplished

anything. The commandant, at this, ordered the headman of Balacbac

to seize or kill Calignao, who every day went in or out of the said

village; but he did not carry out this order, for all feared him and

showed him respect--rather, indeed, they watched over his safety.

For more than three years the servant of God went about, inquiring,

with great solicitude into the idolatrous customs which the Zambals

had; and for this he availed himself of the boys--whom he assembled

together, and taught to read, and related to them the examples and

lives of the saints, bestowing on them presents and kindnesses, with

great affection. Then he questioned them as to the method and the

times in which their parents and elders practiced idolatry, and they

told him everything, with all details. This was especially true of

the boy Diego, whom father Fray Domingo baptized in Abucay; he was

a nephew of a priest of their idols, and was very well instructed

in our holy faith; and he was not suspected of telling the father

what conduced to the greater service and honor of God. Father Fray

Domingo charged the rest of the boys to keep this secret, so that their

parents should not flog them; and through fear of this they remained

silent, so that it was never known that the boys were the ones who had

revealed the practice of idolatry. Thus father Fray Domingo came to

know that the chiefs of the villages were the priests of the idols,

and that they found this profitable; for by [filling] this office

they obtained their food, and had the advantage in any controversy,

and, without this, they would fare ill. Also that the common people

were in great subjection and obedience to the said priests, who could

incite them to any daring act--especially since, as he was informed,

all the people in the province, both infidels and Christians, had been

bound by promise and oath not to reveal their idolatries, no matter how

many inquiries the father should make, even though they were ruined or

lost their lives by this silence. Accordingly the servant of God found

this undertaking very arduous, and foresaw that it would cost him many

hardships, and that he would in it expose himself to many dangers to

his reputation, and honor, and even to his life. Notwithstanding,

like another Elias, zeal for the honor of God flamed in him; and

laying aside all fear for what might come, he directed his efforts

and all his energies to the destruction of this infernal vice.

When Lent came around in the year 1683, he began his war against

idolatry, having first commended to God this his undertaking. He

summoned to his presence each one of the idolaters, and said to one:

"Thou hast these and these instruments, and with them thou didst

offer sacrifice on such a day, in company with N. and N." [112] To

another he said: "Thou art a priest of so many idols, and for these

thou hast so many implements, kept in such and such a place--with

which thou renderest to the demon the honor and reverence which are

due to God alone, the Author of creation. As proofs of this, on such

a day thou didst sacrifice in company with N. and N., and on such a

day with N." In this manner he went on, examining all the Zambals;

and they, seeing these accurate proofs, regarded the servant of God

as a soothsayer, and handed over to him the instruments of their

idol-worship. Immediately he gave these to the boys, so that they

could break in pieces and abuse them; and finally he commanded them

to burn these articles in the sight of all. The spectators were

amazed at seeing that neither the father nor the children died as

a result of this desecration of their idols; for they had believed

that he who should profane these instruments must perish. The father

preached to them, and taught them what they must do in future. Having

accomplished this in Baubuen, he proceeded to the villages of Balacbac

and Alalang--where, although at the beginning he encountered some

resistance, he finally succeeded in his purpose that these Indians

also should surrender to him the implements of idol-worship that they

possessed. Having placed all these in a little hut, he set fire to it,

and all were burned, not without the surprise of these Indians also

that no disaster happened to the father.

The Indians of these villages requested that those of the village of

Masingloc should not be told that the former had surrendered their

implements, because all had sworn an oath not to do so, and, if it

were known that they had given up these articles, the others would

come to attack, them. Notwithstanding this petition, the servant

of God proceeded to do the same at Masingloc, three or four times;

there he encountered an old chief, who was the Bayoc, or head priest,

who delegated jurisdiction to the rest in order that they could

sacrifice to their idols. With this diabolical man, possessed by a

demon, the servant of God labored without measure, preaching to him,

and convincing him with arguments; but in no way could he be cured of

his obstinacy, even when one day father Fray Domingo went so far as to

cast himself at his feet and kiss them--watering them with his tears,

which ran in streams over his cheeks--begging him for the love of God

to give up that practice [of idolatry] and be converted to God with

all his heart, and relating to him many instances that were pertinent

to the subject; but the old man, obstinate and possessed by a demon,

showed himself rebellious, hard, and stubborn. The chiefs of Masingloc,

seeing the activity of the servant of God, and the earnestness with

which he went about that business, sent nine of their number to

Manila, who presented a petition to the government saying that they

had been Christians for ninety years [113] and had never kept idols;

and now father Fray Domingo Perez had given them the reputation

of being idolaters, taking away their good name, etc. This caused

the servant of God to suffer much in regard to his own reputation;

for in Manila, as people had not kept the matter in mind, each one

considered it according to his own personal feelings and the most

moderate called it indiscreet zeal, and others lack of judgment. At

that time the suits against Señor Pardo were at their height, since

about this time he was arrested; accordingly, all those who were

governing had a poor opinion of the Dominican friars. And now with the

petition of these Indians they were more confirmed in their opinion,

treating us as violators of the peace, and disturbers of the people;

and all this was charged to the servant of God, as, to appearances,

the origin and cause of all the trouble. Accordingly, very severe

letters were written to him from Manila, censuring him for imprudent

conduct, etc. But the commandant at the fort at Paynaven, as soon

as he learned of the result, wrote to the governor, telling him the

entire truth, and asking him to arrest those Indians; but when this

despatch reached Manila, the petition had been already presented,

and representations had been made against the servant of God, and

in favor of the Zambal Indians. Notwithstanding this, the governor

did what the commandant asked him, placing the Indians in the fort

[of Santiago]. When this was known by the people of Masingloc, they

immediately surrendered a hundred and fifty implements with which they

served and adored their idols; and the commandant again wrote to the

governor, asking him to release the nine Indians. This was done, but

on the return to their village one of them died after a brief illness;

he was the chief minister of the idols, although he did not make this

known up to the hour of his death. The others also quickly became

ill, and they died one after another, God punishing their insolence,

and defending the honor of His servant.

Most of the Indians were reclaimed, and confirmed in our holy faith,

by the words and deeds of father Fray Domingo; and they therefore

voluntarily gave up the instruments with which they formerly sacrificed

to the demon--although many did so because they could not resist,

especially those who were priests and had obtained their living

by those practices; these were the chief men of the villages. They

remained grieved and angry, and with little love for the servant of

God; and each one of them would, if he had had the power, have taken

the father's life--or a thousand of them, if he could have had so

many--but they were made cowards by their fear of the soldiers at

the fort. [Angered at what Fray Domingo had done to uproot their

idolatries, these chiefs conspire against him, and resolve to take

his life--for which deed Calignao offers his services. At the time

(July, 1683), the father is in Manila soliciting contributions

for building churches in the Zambal country; his head, which a year

before had showed hardly a gray hair, is now almost white, at the age

of forty-five--an effect of his unusual toils above described. On

November 12 of that same year Fray Domingo is treacherously slain,

on his return from Baubuen to Balacbac, by Calignao and an infidel

Negrillo named Quibácat, with poisoned arrows. Some friendly Indians

convey him to Balacbac, where he dies three days later. The commandant

of the fort wishes to go to punish the Zambals for this murder, but a

friar dissuades him, saying that if he leaves the fort, the Zambals

would get possession of it, "and no religious or Spaniard would be

left in all Playa Honda." Soldiers are sent to seize the assassin,

but he cannot be taken, for he is protected by the natives in the

village, "who all were present at the funeral more from joy at seeing

the father dead than from compassion, or sadness at having lost him,

thinking that with the death of father Fray Domingo they could again

revive their idol-worship."]

DAMPIER IN THE PHILIPPINES

[Following is a synopsis and verbatim transcription of the voyages

made by William Dampier [114] during the years 1679-1691, as related

in the first volume of his New Voyage Round the World. [115] The

introduction and first nine chapters describe his voyages in American

waters. With chapter x begins his experience in Eastern waters.]

CHAP. X

Their Departure from Cape Corrientes for the Ladrone Islands, and

the East-Indies. Their Course thither, and Accidents by the way:

with a Table of each days Run, &c. Of the different accounts of

the breadth of these Seas. Guam, one of the Ladrone Islands. The

Coco-Nut Tree, Fruit, &c. The Toddi, or Arack that distils from it;

with other Uses that are made of it. Coire Cables. The Lime, or Crab

Limon. The Bread-fruit. The native Indians of Guam. Their Proe's,

a remarkable sort of Boats: and of those used in the East-Indies. The

State of Guam: and the Provisions with which they were furnish'd there.

I have given an Account in the last Chapter of the Resolutions we took

of going over to the East-Indies. But having more calmly considered

on the length of our Voyage, from hence to Guam, one of the Ladrone

Islands, which is the first place that we could touch at, and there

also not being certain to find Provisions, most of our Men were almost

daunted at the thoughts of it; for we had not 60 days Provision, at a

little more than half a pint of Maiz a day for each Man, and no other

Provision, except 3 Meals of salted Jew-fish; [116] and we had a great

many Rats aboard, which we could not hinder from eating part of our

Maiz. Beside, the great distance between Cape Corrientes and Guam:

which is variously set down. The Spaniards, who have the greatest

reason to know best, make it to be between 2300 and 2400 Leagues; our

Books also reckon it differently, between 90 and 100 degrees, which

all comes short indeed of 2000 Leagues, but even that was a Voyage

enough to frighten us, considering our scanty Provisions. Captain Swan,

to encourage his Men to go with him, perswaded them that the English

Books did give the best account of the distance; his Reasons were

many, although but weak. He urged among the rest, that Sir Thomas

Candish and Sir Francis Drake, did run it in less than 50 Days,

and that he did not question but that our Ships were better sailers,

than those which were built in that Age, and that he did not doubt

to get there in little more than 40 Days: This being the best time

in the Year for breezes, which undoubtedly is the reason that the

Spaniards set out from Acapulco about this time; and that although

they are 60 Days in their Voyage, it is because they are great Ships,

deep laden, and very heavy sailers; besides, they wanting nothing, are

in no great haste in their way, but sail with a great deal of their

usual Caution. And when they come near the Island Guam, they lie by

in the Night for a Week, before they make Land. In prudence we also

should have contrived to lie by in the Night when we came near Land,

for otherwise we might have run ashoar, or have outsailed the Islands,

and lost sight of them before Morning. But our bold Adventures seldom

proceed with such wariness when in any straights.

But of all Captain Swan's Arguments, that which prevailed most with

them was, his promising them, as I have said, to cruise off the

Manila's. So he and his Men being now agreed, and they incouraged

with the hope of gain, which works its way thro' all Difficulties,

we set out from Cape Corrientes March the 31st, 1686. We were 2 Ships

in Company, Captain Swan's Ship, and a Bark commanded under Captain

Swan, by Captain Teat, and we were 150 Men, 100 aboard of the Ship,

and 50 aboard the Bark, beside Slaves, as I said.

We had a small Land-wind at E.N.E. which carried us three or

four Leagues, then the Sea-wind came at W.N.W. a fresh gale, so we

steered away S.W. By 6 a Clock in the Evening we were about 9 Leagues

S. W. from the Cape, then we met a Land-wind which blew fresh all

Night, and the next Morning about 10 a Clock we had the Sea-breez at

N.N.E. so that at Noon we were 30 leagues from the Cape. It blew a

fresh gale of Wind, which carries us off into the true Trade-wind,

(of the difference of which Trade-winds I shall speak in the Chapter

of Winds, in the Appendix) [117] for although the constant Sea-breez

near the Shoar is at W.N.W. yet the true Trade off at Sea, when

you are clear of the Land-winds, is at E.N.E. At first we had it at

N.N.E. so it came about Northerly, and then to the East as we run

off. At 250 leagues distance from the shoar we had it at E.N.E. and

there it stood till we came within 40 leagues of Guam. When we had

eaten up our 3 Meals of salted Jew-fish, in so many Days time, we

had nothing but our small allowance of Maiz.

After the 31st Day of March we made great runs every Day, having very

fair clear Weather, and a fresh Trade-wind, which we made use of with

all our Sails, and we made many good Observations of the Sun. At our

first setting out, we steered into the lat. of 13 degrees, which is

near the lat. of Guam; then we steered West, keeping in that lat. By

that time we had sailed 20 Days, our Men seeing we made such great

runs, and the Wind like to continue, repined because they were kept

at such short allowance. Captain Swan endeavored to perswade them

to have a little Patience; yet nothing but an augmentation of their

daily allowance would appeasse them. Captain Swan though with much

reluctance, gave way to a small enlargement of our Commons, for

now we had not above 10 spoonfuls of boil'd Maiz a Man, once a day,

whereas before we had 8: I do believe that this short allowance did

me a great deal of good, though others were weakened by it; for I

found that my Strength encreased, and my Dropsie wore off. Yet I

drank 3 times every 24 Hours; but many of our Men did not drink in

9 or 10 days time, and some not in 12 days; one of our Men did not

drink in 17 days time, and said he was not adry when he did drink;

yet he made water every day more or less. One of our Men in the midst

of these hardships was found guilty of theft, and condemned for the

same, to have 3 blows from each Man in the Ship, with a 2 inch and

a half rope on his bare back. Captain Swan began first, and struck

with a good will; whose example was followed by all of us.

It was very strange, that in all this Voyage we did not see one Fish,

not so much as a Flying-Fish, nor any sort of Fowl; but at one time,

when we were by my account 4975 miles West from Cape Corrientes, then

we saw a great number of Boobies, which we supposed came from some

Rocks not far from us, which were mentioned in some of our Sea-Charts,

but we did not see them.

After we had run the 1900 Leagues by our reckoning, which made the

English account to Guam, the Men began to murmur against Captain

Swan, for perswading them to come on this Voyage; but he gave them

fair words, and told them that the Spanish account might probably be

the truest, and seeing the Gale was likely to continue, a short time

longer would end our troubles.

As we drew nigh the Island, we met with some small Rain, and the Clouds

settling in the West, were an apparent token that we were not far from

Land; for in these Climates, betwixt or near the Tropicks, where the

Trade-wind blows constantly, the Clouds which fly swift over head,

yet seem near the Limb of the Horizon to hang without much motion or

alteration, where the Land is near. I have often taken notice of it,

especially if it is high Land, for you shall then have the Clouds

hang about it without any visible motion.

The 20th day of May, our Bark being about 3 Leagues a-head of our Ship,

sailed over a rocky Shole, on which there was but 4 fathom water,

and abundance of Fish swimming about the Rocks. They imagin'd by

this that the Land was not far off; so they clap'd on a Wind with the

Barks Head to the North, and being past the Shole lay by for us. When

we came up with them, Captain Teat came aboard us, and related what

he had seen. We were then in lat. 12. d. 55 m. steering West. The

Island Guam is laid down in Lat. 13. d. N. by the Spaniards, [118]

who are Masters of it, keeping it as a baiting-place as they go to

the Philippine Islands. Therefore we clap'd on a Wind and stood to

Northward, being somewhat troubled and doubtful whether we were right,

because there is no Shole laid down, in the Spanish Drafts about the

Island Guam. At 4 a Clock, to our great Joy, we saw the Island Guam,

at about 8 Leagues distance.

It was well for Captain Swan that we got sight of it before our

Provision was spent, of which we had but enough for 3 days more; for,

as I was afterwards informed, the Men had contrived, first to kill

Captain Swan and eat him when the Victuals was gone, and after him all

of us who were accessary in promoting the undertaking this Voyage. This

made Captain Swan say to me after our arrival at Guam, Ah! Dampier,

you would have made them but a poor Meal; for I was as lean as the

Captain was lusty and fleshy. The Wind was at E.N.E. and the Land

bore at N.N.E. therefore we stood to the Northward, till we brought

the Island to bear East, and then we turned to get in to an anchor.

[Here follows a table with entries from March 31 to May 21 showing

the daily runs made by the ships. This table shows the course

to have been almost due west after April 17. The variation in the

needle is disregarded as it was so slight. Dampier declares that the

sea-distances have been incorrectly stated. He continues:]

But to proceed with our Voyage: The Island Guam or Guahon, (as the

Native Indians pronounce it) is one of the Ladrone Islands, belongs

to the Spaniards, who have a small Fort with six Guns in it, with

a Governour, and 20 or 30 Soldiers. They keep it for the relief and

refreshment of their Philippine Ships, that touch here in their way

from Acapulco to Manila, but the Winds will not so easily let them

take this way back again. The Spaniards of late have named Guam,

the Island Maria, it is about 12 leagues long, and 4 broad, lying

N. and S. It is pretty high Champain Land.

The 21st day of May, 1686, at 11 a Clock in the Evening, we anchored

near the middle of the Island Guam, on the West side; a Mile from the

shore. At a distance it appears flat and even, but coming near it

you will find it stands shelving, and the East side, which is much

the highest, is fenced with steep Rocks, that oppose the Violence

of the Sea, which continually rage against it, being driven with the

constant Trade-wind, and on that side there is no Anchoring. The West

side is pretty low, and full of small sandy Bays, divided with as many

rocky Points. The Soil of the Island is reddish, dry and indifferent

fruitful. The Fruits are chiefly Rice, Pine-Apples, Water-melons,

Musk-melons, Oranges, and Limes, Coco-nuts, and a sort of Fruit called

by us Bread-fruit.

The Coco-nut Trees grow by the Sea, on the Western side in great

Groves, 3 or 4 Miles in length, and a Mile or two broad. This Tree is

in shape like the Cabbage-tree, and at a distance they are not to be

known each from other, only the Coco-nut Tree is fuller of Branches;

but the Cabbage-tree generally is much higher, tho' the Coco-nut

Trees in some places are very high.

The Nut or Fruit grows at the head of the Tree, among the Branches and

in Clusters, 10 or 12 in a Cluster. The Branch to which they grow is

about the bigness of a Man's Arm, and as long, running small towards

the end. It is of a yellow Colour, full of Knots and very tough. The

Nut is generally bigger than a Man's Head. The outer Rind is near two

Inches thick, before you come to the Shell; the Shell it self is black,

thick, and very hard. The Kernel in some Nuts is near an Inch thick,

sticking to the inside of the Shell clear round, leaving a hollow in

the middle of it, which contains about a Pint, more or less, according

to the bigness of the Nut, for some are much bigger than others.

This Cavity is full of sweet, delicate, wholsome and refreshing

Water. While the Nut is growing, all the inside is full of this Water,

without any Kernel at all; but as the Nut grows towards its Maturity,

the Kernel begins to gather and settle round on the inside of the

Shell, and is soft like Cream, and as the Nut ripens, it increaseth

in substance and becomes hard. The ripe Kernel is sweet enough, but

very hard to digest, therefore seldom eaten, unless by Strangers,

who know not the effects of it; but while it is young and soft like

Pap, some Men will eat it, scraping it out with a Spoon, after they

have drunk the Water that was within it. I like the Water best when

the Nut is almost ripe, for it is then sweetest and briskest.

When these Nuts are ripe and gathered, the outside Rind becomes of a

brown rusty colour; so that one would think that they were dead and

dry; yet they will sprout out like Onions, after they have been hanging

in the Sun 3 or 4 Months, or thrown about in a House or Ship, and if

planted afterward in the Earth, they will grow up to a Tree. Before

they thus sprout out, there is a small spungy round knob grows in

the inside, which we call an Apple. This at first is no bigger than

the top of one's finger, but increaseth daily, sucking up the Water

till it is grown so big as to fill up the Cavity of the Coconut, and

then it begins to sprout forth. By this time the Nut that was hard,

begins to grow oily and soft, thereby giving passage to the Sprout

that springs from the Apple, which Nature hath so contrived, that it

points to the hole in the Shell, (of which there are three, till it

grows ripe, just where it's fastned by its Stalk to the Tree; but one

of these holes remains open, even when it is ripe) through which it

creeps and spreads forth its Branches. You may let these teeming Nuts

sprout out a foot and half, or two foot high before you plant them, for

they will grow a great while like an Onion out of their own Substance.

Beside the Liquor or Water in the Fruit, there is also a sort of

Wine drawn from the Tree called Toddy, which looks like Whey. It is

sweet and very pleasant, but it is to be drunk within 24 hours after

it is drawn, for afterwards it grows sowre. Those that have a great

many Trees, draw a Spirit from the sowre Wine, called Arack. Arack

is distill'd also from Rice, and other things in the East-Indies;

but none is so much esteemed for making Punch as this sort made of

Toddy, or the sap of the Coco-nut Tree, for it makes most delicate

Punch; but it must have a dash of Brandy to hearten it, because this

Arack is not strong enough to make good Punch of it self. This sort

of Liquor is chiefly used about Goa; and therefore it has the name of

Goa Arack. The way of drawing the Toddy from the Tree, is by cutting

the top of a Branch that would bear Nuts; but before it has any Fruit;

and from thence the Liquor which was to feed its Fruit, distils into

the hole of a Callabash that is hung upon it.

This Branch continues running amost as long as the Fruit would

have been growing, and then it dries away. The Tree hath usually

three fruitful Branches, which if they be all tapp'd thus, then the

Tree bears no Fruit that Year; but if one or two only be tapp'd,

the other will bear Fruit all the while. The Liquor which is thus

drawn is emptied out of the Callabash duly Morning and Evening, so

long as it continues running, and is sold every Morning and Evening

in most Towns in the East Indies, and great gains are produced from

it even this way; but those that distil it and make Arack, reap the

greatest profit. There is also great profit made of the Fruit, both

of the Nut and the Shell.

The Kernel is much used in making Broath. When the Nut is dry, they

take off the Husk, and giving two good Blows on the middle of the Nut,

it breaks in two equal parts, letting the Water fall on the Ground;

then with a small Iron Rasp made for the purpose, the Kernel or

Nut is rasped out clean, which being put into a little fresh Water,

makes it become white as Milk. In this milky Water they boil a Fowl,

or any other sort of Flesh, and it makes very savory Broath. English

Seamen put this Water into boiled Rice, which they eat instead of

Rice-milk, carrying Nuts purposely to Sea with them. This they learn

from the Natives.

But the greatest use of the Kernel is to make Oyl, both for burning and

for frying. The way to make the Oyl is to grate or rasp the Kernel,

and steep it in fresh Water; then boil it, and scum off the Oyl at

top as it rises: But the Nuts that make the Oyl ought to be a long

time gathered, so as that the Kernel may be turning soft and oily.

The Shell of this Nut is used in the East Indies for Cups,

Dishes, Ladles, Spoons, and in a manner for all eating and drinking

Vessels. Well shaped Nuts are often brought home to Europe, and much

esteemed. The Husk of the Shell is of great use to make Cables; for

the dry Husk is full of small Strings and Threads, which being beaten,

become soft, and the other Substance which was mixt among it falls away

like Saw-dust, leaving only the Strings. These are afterwards spun

into long Yarns, and twisted up into Balls for Convenience: and many

of these Rope-Yarns joined together make good Cables. This Manufactory

is chiefly used at the Maldive-Islands, and the Threads sent in Balls

into all places that trade thither, purposely for to make Cables. I

made a Cable at Achin with some of it. These are called Coire Cables;

they will last very well. But there is another sort of Coire Cables

(as they are called) that are black, and more strong and lasting;

and are made of Strings that grow, like Horse-hair, at the heads

of certain Trees, almost like the Coco-nut Tree. This sort comes

most from the Island Timor. In the South Seas the Spaniards do make

Oakam to chalk their Ships, with the Husk of the Coco-nut, which is

more serviceable than that made of Hemp, and they say it will never

rot. I have been told by Captain Knox, [119] who wrote the Relation of

Ceylon, that in some places of India they make a sort of course Cloth

of the Husk of the Coco-nut, which is used for Sails. I my self have

seen a sort of course Sail-cloth made of such a kind of substance;

but whether the same or no I know not.

I have been the longer on this subject, to give the Reader a particular

Account of the use and profit of a Vegetable, which is possibly of

all others the most generally serviceable to the conveniences, as

well as the necessities of humane Life. Yet this Tree, that is of

such great use, and esteemed so much in the East Indies, is scarce

regarded in the West Indies, for want of the knowledge of the benefit

which it may produce. And 'tis partly for the sake of my Country-men,

in our American Plantations, that I have spoken so largely of it. For

the hot Climates there are a very proper soil for it: and indeed it

is so hardy, both in the raising it, and when grown, that it will

thrive as well in dry sandy ground as in rich land. I have found

them growing very well in low sandy Islands (on the West of Sumatra)

that are overflowed with the Sea every Spring-tide; and though the

Nuts there are not very big, yet this is no loss, for the Kernel

is thick and sweet; and the Milk, or Water in the inside, is more

pleasant and sweet than that of the Nuts that grow in rich ground,

which are commonly large indeed, but not very sweet. These at Guam

grow in dry ground, are of a middle size, and I think the sweetest

that I did ever taste. Thus much for the Coco-nut.

The Lime is a sort of bastard or Crab Limon, The Tree, or Bush that

bears it, is prickly, like a Thorn, growing full of small boughs. In

Jamaica, and other places, they make of the Lime-Bush Fences about

Gardens, or any other Inclosure, by planting the seeds close together,

which growing up thick, spread abroad, and make a very good Hedge. The

Fruit is like a Limon, but a smaller; the rind thin, and the inclosed

substance full of Juice. The Juice is very tart, yet of a pleasant

taste sweetened with Sugar. It is chiefly used for making Punch, both

in the East and West Indies, as well ashoar as at Sea, and much of

it is for that purpose yearly brought home to England, from our West

India Plantations. It is also used for a particular kind of Sauce,

which is called Pepper-Sauce, and is made of Cod-pepper, commonly

call'd Guinea-pepper, boiled in Water, and then pickled with Salt,

and mix'd with Lime-juice to preserve it. Limes grow plentiful in

the East and West Indies, within the Tropicks.

The Bread-fruit (as we call it) grows on a large Tree, as big and high

as our largest Apple-Trees. It hath a spreading Head full of Branches,

and dark Leaves. The Fruit grows on the Boughs like Apples: it is as

big as a Penny-loaf, when Wheat is at five Shillings the Bushel. It is

of a round shape, and hath a thick tough rind. When the Fruit is ripe,

it is yellow and soft; and the taste is sweet and pleasant. The Natives

of this Island use it for Bread: they gather it when full grown, while

it is green and hard; then they bake it in an Oven, which scorcheth the

rind and makes it black: but they scrape off the outside black crust,

and there remains a tender thin crust, and the inside is soft, tender

and white, like the crumb of a Penny Loaf. There is neither Seed nor

Stone in the inside, but all is of a pure substance like Bread: it

must be eaten new, for if it is kept above 24 hours, it becomes dry,

and eats harsh and choaky; but 'tis very pleasant before it is too

stale. This Fruit lasts in season 8 Months in the Year; during which

time the Natives eat no other sort of food of Bread-kind. I did never

see of this Fruit any where but here. The Natives told us, that there

is plenty of this Fruit growing on the rest of the Ladrone Islands;

and I did never hear of any of it any where else.

They have here some Rice also: but the Island being of a dry Soil,

and therefore not very proper for it, they do not sow very much. Fish

is scarce about this Island; yet on the Shoal that our Bark came over

there was great plenty, and the Natives commonly go thither to fish.

The Natives of this Island are strong bodied, large limb'd, and

well-shap'd. They are Copper-coloured, like other Indians: their Hair

is black and long, their Eyes meanly proportioned; they have pretty

high Noses; their Lips are pretty full, and their Teeth indifferent

white. They are long visaged, and stern of Countenance; yet we found

them to be affable and Courteous. They are many of them troubled

with a kind of Leprosie. This distemper is very common at Mindanao:

therefore I shall speak more of it in my next Chapter. They of Guam

are otherwise very healthy, especially in the dry season: but in the

wet season, which comes in in June, and holds till October, the Air

is more thick and unwholsome; which occasions Fevers: but the Rains

are not violent nor lasting. For the Island lies so far Westerly from

the Phillipine Islands, or any other Land, that the Westerly Winds do

seldom blow so far; and when they do, they do not last long: but the

Easterly Winds do constantly blow here, which are dry and healthy;

and this Island is found to be very healthful, as we were informed

while we lay by it. The Natives are very ingenious beyond any People,

in making Boats, or Proes, as they are called in the East Indies, and

therein they take great delight. These are built sharp at both ends;

the bottom is of one piece, made like the bottom of a little Canoa,

very neatly dug, and left of a good substance. This bottom part is

instead of a Keel. It is about 26 or 28 foot long; the under part of

this Keel is made round, but inclining to a wedge, and smooth; and

the upper part is almost flat, having a very gentle hollow, and is

about a foot broad: From hence both sides of the Boat are carried up

to about 5 foot high with narrow Plank, not above 4 or 5 inches broad,

and each end of the Boat turns up round, very prettily. But what is

very singular, one side of the Boat is made perpendicular, like a

Wall, while the other side is rounding, made as other Vessels are,

with a pretty full belly. Just in the middle it is about 4 or 5 foot

broad aloft, or more, according to the length of the Boat. The Mast

stands exactly in the middle, with a long Yard that peeps up and down

like a Mizen-yard. One end of it reacheth down to the end or head of

the Boat, where it is placed in a notch, that is made there purposely

to receive it, and keep it fast. The other end hangs over the Stern:

To this Yard the Sail is fastened. At the foot of the Sail there is

another small Yard, to keep the Sail out square, and to roll up the

Sail on when it blows hard; for it serves instead of a Reef to take

up the Sail to what degree they please, according to the strength

of the Wind. Along the Belly-side of the Boat, parallel with it, at

about 6 or 7 foot distance, lies another small Boat, or Canoa, being

a Log of very light Wood, almost as long as the great Boat, but not

so wide, being not above a foot and an half wide at the upper part,

and very sharp like a Wedge at each end. And there are two Bamboas

of about 8 or 10 foot long, and as big as ones Leg, placed over the

great Boats side, one near each end of it, and reaching about 6 or 7

foot from the side of the Boat: By the help of which, the little Boat

is made firm and contiguous to the other. These are generally called

by the Dutch, and by the English from them, Outlayers. [120] The use

of them is to keep the great Boat upright from over-setting; because

the Wind here being in a manner constantly East, (or if it would be

at West it would be the same thing) and the Range of these Islands,

where their business lies to and fro, being mostly North and South,

they turn the flat side of the Boat against the Wind, upon which

they sail, and the Belly-side, consequently, with its little Boat,

is upon the Lee: And the Vessel having a Head at each end, so as to

sail with either of them foremost (indifferently) they need not tack,

or go about, as all our Vessels do, but each end of the Boat serves

either for Head or Stern as they please. When they ply to Windward,

and are minded to go about, he that Steers bears away a little from

the Wind, by which means the Stern comes to the Wind; which is now

become the Head, only by shifting the end of the Yard. This Boat is

steered with a broad Paddle, instead of a Rudder. I have been the

more particular in describing these Boats, because I do believe,

they sail the best of any Boats in the World. I did here for my own

satisfaction, try the swiftness of one of them; sailing by our Log,

we had 12 Knots on our Reel, and she run it all out before the half

Minute-Glass was half out; which, if it had been no more, is after

the rate of 12 Mile an Hour; but I do believe she would have run 24

Mile an Hour. It was very pleasant to see the little Boat running

along so swift by the others side.

The Native Indians are no less dextrous in managing, than in building

these Boats. By report, they will go from hence to another of the

Ladrone Islands about 30 Leagues off, and there do their Business,

and return again in less than 12 Hours. I was told that one of these

Boats was sent Express to Manila, which is above 400 Leagues, and

performed the Voyage in 4 Days time. There are of these Proes or

Boats used in many places of the East Indies, but with a Belly and

a little Boat on each side. Only at Mindanao I saw one like these,

with the Belly and a little Boat only on one side, and the other flat,

but not so neatly built.

The Indians of Guam have neat little Houses, very handsomly thatch'd

with Palmeto-thatch. They inhabit together in Villages built by the

Sea, on the West-side, and have Spanish Priests to instruct them in

the Christian Religion.

The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898, Volume 38, 1674-1683 Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the Catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century · 第 5 / 6 章

On that same day letters arrived at Vigán from General Felipe