The Onam games in the south-east of Malabar, in the neighbourhood

of Palghat, are said by Mr. Fawcett to be of a rough character,

"the tenants of certain jenmis (landlords) turning out each under

their own leader, and engaging in sham fights, in which there is much

rough play. Here, too, is to be seen a kind of boxing, which would

seem to be a relic of the days of the Roman pugiles using the cestus

in combat. The position taken up by the combatants is much the same

as that of the pugiles. The Romans were familiar with Malabar from

about 30 B.C. to the decline of their power. [166] We may safely

assume that the 3,000 lbs. of pepper, which Alaric demanded as part

of the ransom of Rome when he besieged the city in the fifth century,

came from Malabar." Swinging on the uzhinjal, and dancing to the

accompaniment of merry songs, are said to be characteristic amusements

of the womankind during Onam festival, and, on the Patinaram Makam,

or sixteenth day after Thiruvonam. This amusement is indulged in

by both sexes. It is noted by Mr. Fawcett that "the cloths given as

Onam presents are yellow, or some part of them, is yellow. There must

be at least a yellow stripe or a small patch of yellow in a corner,

which suggests a relic of sun-worship in a form more pronounced than

that which obtains at present. It is a harvest festival, about the

time when the first crop of paddy (rice) is harvested."

Concerning another important festival in Malabar, the Thiruvathira,

Mr. T. K. Gopal Panikkar writes as follows. [167] "Thiruvathira is

one of the three great national occasions of Malabar. It generally

comes off in the Malayalam month of Dhanu (December or January) on

the day called the Thiruvathira day. It is essentially a festival

in which females are almost exclusively concerned, and lasts for

but a single day. The popular conception of it is that it is in

commemoration of the death of Kamadevan, the Cupid of our national

mythology. As recorded in the old Puranas, Kamadevan was destroyed in

the burning fire of the third eye of Siva, one of the chief members of

our divine Trinity. Hence he is now supposed to have only an ideal or

rather spiritual existence, and thus he exerts a powerful influence

upon the lower passions of human nature. The memory of this unhappy

tragedy is still kept alive among us, particularly the female section,

by means of the annual celebration of this important festival. About

a week before the day, the festival practically opens. At about four

in the morning, every young female of Nair families with pretensions

to decency gets out of bed, and takes her bath in a tank. Usually

a fairly large number of these young ladies collect at the tank for

the purpose. Then all, or almost all of them, plunge in the water,

and begin to take part in the singing that is presently to follow. One

of them then leads off by means of a peculiar rhythmic song, chiefly

pertaining to Cupid. This singing is simultaneously accompanied by

a curious sound produced with her hand on the water. The palm of the

left hand is closed, and kept immediately underneath the surface of

the water. Then the palm of the other is forcibly brought down in a

slanting direction, and struck against its surface, so that the water

is completely ruffled, and is splashed in all directions, producing a

loud deep noise. This process is continuously prolonged, together with

the singing. One stanza is now over along with the sound, and then

the leader stops awhile for the others to follow in her wake. This

being likewise over, she caps her first stanza with another, at the

same time beating on the water, and so on until the conclusion of

the song. All of them make a long pause, and then begin another. The

process goes on until the peep of dawn, when they rub themselves

dry, and come home to dress themselves in the neatest and grandest

possible attire. They also darken the fringes of their eyelids with

a sticky preparation of soot mixed up with a little oil or ghee, and

sometimes with a superficial coating of antimony powder. They also wear

white, black, or red marks down the middle of their foreheads. They

also chew betel, and thus redden their mouths and lips. They then

proceed to the enjoyment of another prominent item of pleasure,

viz., swinging to and fro on what is usually known as an uzhinjal,

or swing made of bamboo. On the festival day, after the morning bath

is over, they take a light meal, and in the noon the family dinner is

voraciously attacked, the essential and almost universal ingredients

being ordinary ripe plantain fruits, and a delicious preparation of

arrowroot powder purified and mixed with jaggery (crude sugar) or

sugar, and also cocoanut. Then, till evening, dancing and merry-making

are ceaselessly indulged in. The husband population are inexcusably

required to be present in the wives' houses before evening, as they

are bound to do on the Onam and Vishu occasions. Failure to do this

is looked upon as a step, or rather the first step, on the part of

the defaulting husband towards a final separation or divorce from the

wife. Despite the rigour of the bleak December season during which

the festival commonly falls, heightened inevitably by the constant

blowing of the cold east wind upon their moistened frames, these

lusty maidens derive considerable pleasure from their early baths,

and their frolics in the water. The biting cold of the season, which

makes their persons shiver and quiver, becomes to them in the midst of

all their ecstatic frolics an additional source of pleasure. The two

items described above, viz., the swinging and beating of the water,

have each their own distinctive significance. The former typifies

the attempt which these maidens make in order to hang themselves

on these instruments, and destroy their lives in consequence of the

lamented demise of their sexual deity Kamadevan. The beating on the

water symbolises their beating their chests in expression of their

deep-felt sorrow caused by their Cupid's death."

Yet another important festival, Vishu, is thus described by Mr. Gopal

Panikkar. "Vishu, like the Onam and Thiruvathira festivals, is a

remarkable event among us. Its duration is limited to one day. The

1st of Metam (some day in April) is the unchangeable day, on which it

falls. It is practically the astronomical new year's day. This was one

of the periods when, in olden days, the subjects of ruling princes or

authorities in Malabar, under whom their lots were cast, were expected

to bring their new year's offerings to such princes. Failure to comply

with the customary and time-consecrated demands was visited with royal

displeasure, resulting in manifold varieties of oppression. The British

Government, finding this was a great burden, pressing rather heavily

upon the people, obtained as far back as 1790 a binding promise from

those Native Princes that such exactions of presents from the people

should be discontinued thereafter. Consequently the festival is now

shorn of much of its ancient sanctity and splendour. But suggestive

survivals of the same are still to be found in the presents, which

tenants and dependents bring to leading families on the day previous to

the Vishu. Being the commencement of a new year, native superstition

surrounds it with a peculiar solemn importance. It is believed that a

man's whole prosperity in life, depends upon the nature, auspicious

or otherwise, of the first things that he happens to fix his eyes

upon on this particular morning. According to Nair, and even general

Hindu mythology, there are certain objects which possess an inherent

inauspicious character. For instance, ashes, firewood, oil, and a lot

of similar objects are inauspicious ones, which will render him who

chances to notice them first fare badly in life for the whole year, and

their obnoxious effects will be removed only on his seeing holy things,

such as reigning princes, oxen, cows, gold, and such like, on the

morning of the next new year. The effects of the sight of these various

materials are said to apply even to the attainment of objects by a man

starting on a special errand, who happens for the first time to look

at them after starting. However, with this view, almost every family

religiously takes care to prepare the most sightworthy objects on the

new year morning. Therefore, on the previous night they prepare what

is known as a kani. A small circular bell-metal vessel is taken, and

some holy objects are systematically arranged inside it. A grandha or

old book made of palmyra leaves, a gold ornament, a new-washed cloth,

some 'unprofitably gay' flowers of the konna tree (Cassia Fistula),

a measure of rice, a so-called looking-glass made of bell-metal,

and a few other things, are all tastefully arranged in the vessel,

and placed in a prominent room inside the house. On either side of

this vessel two brass or bell-metal lamps, filled with cocoanut oil

clear as diamond sparks, are kept burning, and a small plank of wood,

or some other seat, is placed in front of it. At about 5 o'clock in the

morning of the day, some one who has got up first wakes up the inmates,

both male and female, of the house, and takes them blindfolded, so that

they may not gaze at anything else, to the seat near the kani. The

members are seated, one after another, in the seat, and are then,

and not till then, asked to open their eyes, and carefully look at

the kani. Then each is made to look at some venerable member of the

house, or sometimes a stranger even. This over, the little playful

urchins of the house begin to fire small crackers, which they have

bought and stored for the occasion. The kani is then taken round the

place from house to house for the benefit of the poor families, which

cannot afford to prepare such a costly adornment. With the close of

the noise of the crackers, the morning breaks, and preparations are

begun for the morning meal. This meal is in some parts confined to

rice kanji (gruel) with a grand appendage of other eatable substances,

and in others to ordinary rice and its accompaniments, but in either

case on a grand scale. Immediately the day dawns, the heads of the

families give to almost all the junior members and servants of the

household, and to wives and children, money presents to serve as

their pocket-money. In the more numerically large families, similar

presents are also made by the heads of particular branches of the same

family to their juniors, children, wives and servants. One other item

connected with the festival deserves mention. On the evening of the

previous day, about four or five o'clock, most well-to-do families

distribute paddy or rice, as the case may be, in varying quantities,

and some other accessories to the family workmen, whether they live

on the family estates or not. In return for this, these labourers

bring with them for presentation the fruits of their own labours,

such as vegetables of divers sorts, cocoanut oil, jaggery, plantains,

pumpkins, cucumbers, brinjals (fruit of Solanum Melongena), etc.,

according as their respective circumstances permit. With the close of

the midday meal the festival practically concludes. In some families,

after the meal is over, dancing and games of various kinds are carried

on, which contribute to the enhancement of the pleasantries incidental

to the festival. As on other prominent occasions, card-playing and

other games are also resorted to."

On the subject of religion, Mr. Fawcett writes as follows. "No Nayar,

unless one utterly degraded by the exigencies of a Government office,

would eat his food without having bathed and changed his cloth. It

is a rule seldom broken that every Nayar goes to the temple to pray

at least once a day after having bathed: generally twice a day. The

mere approach anywhere near his vicinity of a Cheruman, a Pulayan,

or any inferior being, even a Tiyan, as he walks to his house from

the temple, cleansed in body and mind, his marks newly set on his

forehead with sandal-wood paste, is pollution, and he must turn and

bathe again ere he can enter his house and eat. Buchanan tells us

that in his time, about a century ago, the man of inferior caste thus

approaching a Nayar would be cut down instantly with a sword; there

would be no words. Now that the people of India are inconvenienced

with an Arms Act which inhibits sword play of this kind, and with a

law system under which high and low are rated alike, the Nayar has

to content himself with an imperious grunt-like shout for the way to

be cleared for him as he stalks on imperturbed. His arrogance is not

diminished, but he cannot now show it in quite the same way.

"I will attempt a description of the ceremonial observed at the Pishari

kavu--the Pishari temple near Quilandy on the coast 15 miles north of

Calicut, where Bhagavati is supposed in vague legend to have slain an

Asura or gigantic ogre, in commemoration of which event the festival

is held yearly to Bhagavati and her followers. The festival lasts for

seven days. When I visited it in 1895, the last day was on the 31st of

March. Before daybreak of the first day, the ordinary temple priest,

a Mussad, will leave the temple after having swept it and made it

clean; and (also before daybreak) five Nambutiris will enter it,

bearing with them sudhi kalasam. The kalasam is on this occasion

made of the five products of the cow (panchagavyam), together with

some water, a few leaves of the banyan tree, and darbha grass, all

in one vessel. Before being brought to the temple, mantrams or magic

verses will have been said over it. The contents of the vessel are

sprinkled all about the temple, and a little is put in the well,

thus purifying the temple and the well. The Nambutiris will then

perform the usual morning worship, and, either immediately after it or

very soon afterwards, they leave the temple, and the Mussad returns

and resumes his office. The temple belongs to four taravads, and no

sooner has it been purified than the Karanavans of these four taravads,

virtually the joint-owners of the temple (known as Uralas) present to

the temple servant (Pisharodi) the silver flag of the temple, which

has been in the custody of one of them since the last festival. The

Pisharodi receives it, and hoists it in front of the temple (to the

east), thus signifying that the festival has begun. While this is

being done, emphasis and grandeur is given to the occasion by the

firing off of miniature mortars such as are common at all South Indian

festivals. After the flag is hoisted, there are hoisted all round the

temple small flags of coloured cloth. For the next few days there is

nothing particular to be done beyond the procession morning, noon,

and night; the image of Bhagavati being carried on an elephant to an

orchestra of drums, and cannonade of the little mortars. All those

who are present are supposed to be fed from the temple. There is a

large crowd. On the morning of the fifth day, a man of the washerman

(Vannan) caste will announce to the neighbours by beat of tom-tom

that there will be a procession of Bhagavati issuing from the gates

of the temple, and passing round about. Like all those who are in

any way connected with the temple, this man's office is hereditary,

and he lives to a small extent on the bounty of the temple, i.e.,

he holds a little land on nominal terms from the temple property,

in consideration for which he must fulfil certain requirements for

the temple, as on occasions of festivals. His office also invests

him with certain rights in the community. In the afternoon of the

fifth day, the Vannan and a Manutan, the one following the other,

bring two umbrellas to the temple; the former bringing one of cloth,

and the latter one of cadjan (palm leaves). I am not sure whether the

cloth umbrella has been in the possession of the Vannan, but think it

has. At all events, when he brings it to the temple, it is in thorough

repair--a condition for which he is responsible. The cadjan umbrella

is a new one. Following these two as they walk solemnly, each with

his umbrella, is a large crowd. There are processions of Bhagavati on

the elephant encircling the temple thrice in the morning, at noon,

and at night. Early on the sixth day, the headman of the Mukkuvans

(fishermen), who by virtue of his headship is called the Arayan,

together with the blacksmith and the goldsmith, comes to the temple

followed by a crowd, but accompanied by no orchestra of drums. To the

Arayan is given half a sack of rice for himself and his followers. A

silver umbrella belonging to the temple is handed over to him, to

be used when he comes to the temple again in the evening. To the

blacksmith is given the temple sword. The goldsmith receives the

silver umbrella from the Arayan, and executes any repairs that may be

needful, and, in like manner, the blacksmith looks to the sword. In

the afternoon, the headman of the Tiyans, called the Tandan, comes to

the temple followed by two of his castemen carrying slung on a pole

over their shoulders three bunches of young cocoanuts--an appropriate

offering, the Tiyans being those whose ordinary profession is climbing

the cocoanut palm, drawing the toddy, securing the cocoanuts, etc. This

time there will be loud drumming, and a large crowd with the Tandan,

and in front of him are men dancing, imitating sword play with sticks

and shields, clanging the shields, pulling at bows as if firing off

imaginary arrows, the while shouting and yelling madly. Then come the

blacksmith and the goldsmith with the sword. Following comes the Arayan

with the silver umbrella to the accompaniment of very noisy drumming,

in great state under a canopy of red cloth held lengthways by two men,

one before, the other behind. The procession of Bhagavati continues

throughout the night, and ceases at daybreak. These six days of the

festival are called Vilakku. A word about the drumming. The number of

instrumentalists increases as the festival goes on, and on the last

day I counted fifty, all Nayars. The instruments were the ordinary

tom-tom, a skin stretched tight over one side of a circular wooden

band, about 1 1/2 feet in diameter and 2 or 3 inches in width, and

the common long drum much narrower at the ends than in the middle;

and there were (I think) a few of those narrow in the middle, something

like an hour-glass cut short at both ends. They are beaten with carved

drum-sticks, thicker at the end held in the hand. The accuracy with

which they were played on, never a wrong note although the rhythm

was changed perpetually, was truly amazing. And the crescendo and

diminuendo, from a perfect fury of wildness to the gentlest pianissimo,

was equally astonishing, especially when we consider the fact that

there was no visible leader of this strange orchestra. Early on the

seventh and last day, when the morning procession is over, there

comes to the temple a man of the Panan caste (umbrella-makers and

devil-dancers). He carries a small cadjan umbrella which he has made

himself, adorned all round the edges with a fringe of the young leaves

of the cocoanut palm. His approach is heralded and noised just as in

the case of the others on the previous day. The umbrella should have

a long handle, and, with it in his hand, he performs a dance before

the temple. The temple is situated within a hollow square enclosure,

which none in caste below the Nayar is permitted to enter. To the

north, south, east, and west, there is a level entrance into the hollow

square, and beyond this entrance no man of inferior caste may go. The

Panan receives about 10 lbs. of raw rice for his performance. In the

afternoon, a small crowd of Vettuvars come to the temple, carrying with

them swords, and about ten small baskets made of cocoanut palm leaves,

containing salt. These baskets are carried slung on a pole. The use of

salt here is obscure. [168] I remember a case of a Nayar's house having

been plundered, the idol knocked down, and salt put in the place where

it should have stood. The act was looked on as most insulting. The

Vettuvans dance and shout in much excitement, cutting their heads with

their own swords in their frenzy. Some of them represent devils or some

kind of inferior evil spirits, and dance madly under the influence

of the spirits which they represent. Then comes the Arayan as on

the previous day with his little procession, and lastly comes the

blacksmith with the sword. The procession in the evening is a great

affair. Eight elephants, which kept line beautifully, took part in it

when I witnessed it. One of them, very handsomely caparisoned, had on

its back a priest (Mussad) carrying a sword smothered in garlands of

red flowers representing the goddess. The elephant bearing the priest

is bedizened on the forehead with two golden discs, one on each side

of the forehead, and over the centre of the forehead hangs a long

golden ornament. These discs on the elephant's forehead are common

in Malabar in affairs of ceremony. The Mappilla poets are very fond

of comparing a beautiful girl's breasts to these cup-like discs. The

elephant bears other jewels, and over his back is a large canopy-like

red cloth richly wrought. Before the elephant walked a Nayar carrying

in his right hand in front of him a sword of the kind called nandakam

smeared with white (probably sandal) paste. To its edge, at intervals

of a few inches, are fastened tiny bells, so that, when it is shaken,

there is a general jingle. Just before the procession begins, there

is something for the Tiyans to do. Four men of this caste having with

them pukalasams (flower kalasams), and five having jannakalasams,

run along the west, north, and east sides of the temple outside

the enclosure, shouting and making a noise more like the barking

of dogs than anything else. The kalasams contain arrack (liquor),

which is given to the temple to be used in the ceremonies. Members

of certain families only are allowed to perform in this business,

and for what they do each man receives five edangalis of rice from the

temple, and a small piece of the flesh of the goat which is sacrificed

later. These nine men eat only once a day during the festival; they

do no work, remaining quietly at home unless when at the temple; they

cannot approach any one of caste lower than their own; they cannot

cohabit with women; and they cannot see a woman in menstruation

during these days. A crowd of Tiyans join more or less in this,

rushing about and barking like dogs, making a hideous noise. They

too have kalasams, and, when they are tired of rushing and barking,

they drink the arrack in them. These men are always under a vow. In

doing what they do, they fulfil their vow for the benefit they have

already received from the goddess--cure from sickness as a rule. To

the west of the temple is a circular pit--it was called the fire-pit,

but there was no fire in it--and this pit all the Tiyan women of

the neighbourhood circumambulate, passing from west round by north,

three times, holding on the head a pewter plate, on which are a little

rice, bits of plantain leaves and cocoanut, and a burning wick. As

each woman completes her third round, she stands for a moment at the

western side, facing east, and throws the contents of the plate into

the pit. She then goes to the western gate of the enclosure, and puts

down her plate for an instant while she makes profound salaam to the

goddess ere going away. Now the procession starts out from the temple,

issuing from the northern gate, and for a moment confronts a being so

strange that he demands description. Of the many familiar demons of

the Malayalis, the two most intimate are Kuttichchattan and Gulikan,

who are supposed to have assisted Kali (who is scarcely the Kali of

Brahmanism) in overcoming the Asura, and on the occasion of this

festival these demons dance before her. Gulikan is represented by

the Vannan and Kuttichchattan by the Manutan who have been already

mentioned, and who are under like restrictions with the nine Tiyans. I

saw poor Gulikan being made up, the operation occupying five or six

hours or more before his appearance. I asked who he was, and was told

he was a devil. He looked mild enough, but then his make-up had just

begun. He was lying flat on the ground close by the north-east entrance

of the enclosure, where presently he was to dance, a man painting

his face to make it hideous and frightful. This done, the hair was

dressed; large bangles were put on his arms, covering them almost

completely from the shoulder to the wrist; and his head and neck were

swathed and decorated. A wooden platform arrangement, from which hung

a red ornamented skirt, was fastened to his hips. There was fastened

to his back an elongated Prince of Wales' feathers arrangement, the

top of which reached five feet above his head, and he was made to

look like nothing human. Kuttichchattan was treated in much the same

manner. As the procession issues from the northern gate of the temple,

where it is joined by the elephants, Gulikan stands in the northern

entrance of the enclosure (which he cannot enter), facing it, and a

halt is made for three minutes, while Gulikan dances. The poor old

man who represented this fearful being, grotesquely terrible in his

wonderful metamorphosis, must have been extremely glad when his dance

was concluded, for the mere weight and uncomfortable arrangement of

his paraphernalia must have been extremely exhausting. It was with

difficulty that he could move at all, let alone dance. The. procession

passes round by east, where, at the entrance of the enclosure,

Kuttichchattan gives his dance, round by south to the westward, and,

leaving the enclosure, proceeds to a certain banyan tree, under which

is a high raised platform built up with earth and stones. Preceding

the procession at a distance of fifty yards are the nine men of the

Tiyan caste mentioned already, carrying kalasams on their heads,

and a crowd of women of the same caste, each one carrying a pewter

plate, larger than the plates used when encircling the fire pit,

on which are rice, etc., and the burning wick as before. The plate

and its contents are on this occasion, as well as before, called

talapoli. I could not make out that anything in particular is done

at the banyan tree, and the procession soon returns to the temple,

the nine men and the Tiyan women following, carrying their kalasams

and talapoli. On the way, a number of cocks are given in sacrifice by

people under a vow. In the procession are a number of devil-dancers,

garlanded with white flowers of the pagoda tree mixed with red,

jumping, gesticulating, and shouting, in an avenue of the crowd in

front of the elephant bearing the sword. The person under a vow holds

the cock towards one of these devil-dancers, who, never ceasing his

gyrations and contortions, presently seizes its head, wrings it off,

and flings it high in the air. The vows which are fulfilled by this

rude decapitation of cocks have been made in order to bring about cure

for some ailment. The procession passes through the temple yard from

west to east, and proceeds half a mile to a banyan tree, under which,

like the other, there is a high raised platform. When passing by the

temple, the Tiyan women empty the contents of their plates in the fire

pit as before, and the nine men hand over the arrack in their kalasams

to the temple servants. Let me note here the curious distribution of

the rice which is heaped in the fire pit. Two-thirds of it go to the

four Tiyans who carried the pukalasams, and one-third to the five who

carried the jannakalasams. Returning to the procession, we find it

at the raised platform to the east of the temple. On this platform

have been placed already an ordinary bamboo quart-like measure of

paddy (unhusked rice), and one of rice, each covered with a plantain

leaf. The principal devil-dancer takes a handful of rice and paddy,

and flings it all around. The procession then visits in turn the

gates of the gardens of the four owners of the temple. At each is a

measure of rice and a measure of paddy covered with plantain leaves,

with a small lamp or burning wick beside them, and the devil-dancer

throws a handful towards the house. The procession then finds its

way to a tree to the west, under which, on the platform, is now a

measure of paddy and a lamp. Some Brahmans repeat mantrams, and the

elephant, the priest on his back and the sword in his hand, all three

are supposed to tremble violently. Up to this time the procession

has moved leisurely at a very slow march. Now, starting suddenly, it

proceeds at a run to the temple, where the priest descends quickly from

the elephant, and is taken inside the temple by the Mussad priests. He,

who has been carrying the sword all this time, places it on the sill of

the door of the room in which it is kept for worship, and prostrates

before it. The sword then shakes itself for fifteen minutes, until

the chief priest stays its agitation by sprinkling on it some tirtam

fluid made sacred by having been used for anointing the image of the

goddess. This done, the chief amongst the devil-dancers will, with

much internal tumult as well as outward convolutions, say in the way

of oracle whether the devi has been pleased with the festival in her

honour, or not. As he pronounces this oracular utterance, he falls in

a sort of swoon, and everyone, excepting only the priests and temple

servants, leaves the place as quickly as possible. The sheds which

have been erected for temporary habitation around the temple will be

quickly demolished, and search will be made round about to make sure

that no one remains near while the mystic rite of sacrifice is about

to be done. When the whole place has been cleared, the four owners of

the temple, who have stayed, hand over each a goat with a rope tied

round its neck to the chief priest, and, as soon as they have done so,

they depart. There will remain now in the temple three Mussads, one

drummer (Marayar), and two temple servants. The reason for all this

secrecy seems to lie in objection to let it be known generally that

any sacrifice is done. I was told again and again that there was no

such thing. It is a mystic secret. The Mussad priests repeat mantrams

over the goats for an hour as a preliminary to the sacrifice. Then

the chief priest dons a red silk cloth, and takes in his hand a

chopper-like sword in shape something like a small bill-hook, while

the goats are taken to a certain room within the temple. This room is

rather a passage than a room, as there are to it but two walls running

north and south. The goats are made to stand in turn in the middle of

this room, facing to the south. The chief priest stands to the east of

the goat, facing west, as he cuts off its head with the chopper. He

never ceases his mantrams, and the goats never flinch--the effect

of the mantrams. Several cocks are then sacrificed in the same place,

and over the carcasses of goats and cocks there is sprinkled charcoal

powder mixed in water (karutta gurusi) and saffron (turmeric) powder

and lime-water (chukanna gurusi), the flow of mantrams never ceasing

the while. The Mussads only see the sacrifice--a part of the rite which

is supremely secret. Equally so is that which follows. The carcass

of one goat will be taken out of the temple by the northern door to

the north side of the temple, and from this place one of the temple

servants, who is blindfolded, drags it three times round the temple,

the Mussads following closely, repeating their mantrams, the drummer

in front beating his drum softly with his fingers. The drummer dare

not look behind him, and does not know what is being done. After the

third round, the drummer and the temple servant go away, and the three

Mussads cook some of the flesh of the goats and one or two of the cocks

(or a part of one) with rice. This rice, when cooked, is taken to the

kavu (grove) to the north of the temple, and there the Mussads again

ply their mantrams. As each mantram is ended, a handful of saffron

(turmeric) powder is flung on the rice, and all the time the drummer,

who by this time has returned, keeps up an obligato pianissimo with

his drum, using his fingers. He faces the north, and the priests

face the south. Presently the priests run (not walk) once round the

temple, carrying the cooked rice, and scattering it wide as they go,

repeating mantrams. They enter the temple, and remain within until

daybreak. No one can leave the temple until morning comes. Before

daybreak, the temple is thoroughly swept and cleaned, and then the

Mussads go out, and the five Nambutiris again enter before sunrise,

and perform the ordinary worship thrice in the day, for this day

only. The next morning, the Mussad priests return and resume their

duties. Beyond noting that the weirdness of the human tumult, busy in

its religious effusion, is on the last night enhanced by fireworks,

mere description of the scene of the festival will not be attempted,

and such charming adjuncts of it as the gallery of pretty Nayar women

looking on from the garden fence at the seething procession in the lane

below must be left to the imagination. It will have been noticed that

the Nambutiris hold aloof from the festival; they purify the temple

before and after, but no more. The importance attached to the various

offices of those who are attached to the temple by however slender

a thread, was illustrated by a rather amusing squabble between two

of the Mukkuvans, an uncle and nephew, as to which of them should

receive the silver umbrella from the temple, and bear it to the house

of the goldsmith to be repaired. During the festival, one of them

made a rapid journey to the Zamorin (about fifty miles distant),

paid some fees, and established himself as the senior who had the

right to carry the umbrella.

"An important local festival is that held near Palghat, in November,

in the little suburb Kalpati inhabited entirely by Pattar Brahmans from

the east. But it is not a true Malayali festival, and it suffices to

mention its existence, for it in no way represents the religion of

the Nayar. The dragging of cars, on which are placed the images of

deities, common everywhere from the temple of Jagganath at Puri in

Orissa to Cape Comorin, is quite unknown in Malabar, excepting only

at Kalpati, which is close to the eastern frontier of Malabar.

"Near Chowghat (Chavagat), about 30 miles to the southward of

Calicut, on the backwater, at a place called Guruvayur, is a very

important temple, the property of the Zamorin, yielding a very handsome

revenue. I visited the festival on one occasion, and purchase was made

of a few offerings such as are made to the temple in satisfaction

of vows--a very rude representation of an infant in silver, a hand,

a leg, an ulcer, a pair of eyes, and, most curious of all, a silver

string which represents a man, the giver. Symbolization of the

offering of self is made by a silver string as long as the giver

is tall. Goldsmiths working in silver and gold are to be seen just

outside the gate of the temple, ready to provide at a moment's notice

the object any person intends to offer, in case he is not already in

possession of his votive offering. The subject of vows can be touched

on but incidentally here. A vow is made by one desiring offspring,

to have his hand or leg cured, to have an ulcer cured, to fulfil any

desire whatsoever, and he decides in solemn affirmation to himself

to give a silver image of a child, a silver leg, and so on, in the

event of his having fulfilment of his desire.

"A true Malayali festival is that held at Kottiyur in North Malabar,

in the forest at the foot of the Wynad hills rising 3,000 to 5,000

feet from the sides of the little glade where it is situated. It

is held in July during the height of the monsoon rain. Though it

is a festival for high and low, these do not mix at Kottiyur. The

Nayars go first, and after a few days, the Nayars having done, the

Tiyans, and so on. A curious feature of it is that the people going

to attend it are distinctly rowdy, feeling that they have a right

to abuse in the vilest and filthiest terms everyone they see on the

way--perhaps a few days' march. And not only do they abuse to their

hearts' content in their exuberant excitement, but they use personal

violence to person and property all along the road. They return like

lambs. At Kottiyur one sees a temple of Isvara, there called Perumal

(or Perumal Isvara) by the people, a low thatched building forming

a hollow square, in the centre of which is the shrine, which I was

not permitted to see. There were some Nambutiri priests, who came

out, and entered into conversation. The festival is not held at the

temple, but in the forest about a quarter of a mile distant. This

spot is deemed extremely sacred and dreadful. There was, however,

no objection to myself and my companions visiting it; we were simply

begged not to go. There were with us a Nayar and a Kurichchan, and the

faces of these men, when we proceeded to wade through the little river,

knee-deep and about thirty yards wide, in order to reach the sacred

spot, expressed anxious wonder. They dared not accompany us across. No

one (excepting, of course, a Muhammadan) would go near the place,

unless during the few days of the festival, when it was safe; at all

other times any man going to the place is destroyed instantly. Nothing

on earth would have persuaded the Nayar or the Kurichchiyan to cross

that river. Orpheus proceeding to find his Eurydice, Danté about to

enter the Inferno, had not embarked on so fearful a journey. About

a hundred yards beyond the stream, we came upon the sacred spot,

a little glade in the forest. In the centre of the glade is a circle

of piled up stones, 12 feet in diameter. In the middle of the pile of

stones is a rude lingam. Running east from the circle of the lingam

is a long shed, in the middle of which is a long raised platform of

brick, used apparently as a place for cooking. Around the lingam there

were also thatched sheds, in which the people had lodged during the

festival. Pilgrims going to this festival carry with them offerings of

some kind. Tiyans take young cocoanuts. Every one who returns brings

with him a swish made of split young leaves of the cocoanut palm."

Of the Kottiyur festival, the following account is given in the

Gazetteer of Malabar. "The Nambudiri priests live in a little wayside

temple at Kottiyur, but the true shrine is a quarter of a mile away

in the forest across one of the feeder streams of the Valarpattanam

river. For eleven months in the year, the scene is inconceivably

desolate and dreary; but during the month Edavam (May-June) upwards of

50,000 Nayars and Tiyans from all parts of Malabar throng the shrine

for the twenty-eight days of the annual festival. During the rest of

the year, the temple is given up to the revels of Siva and Parvati,

and the impious Hindu who dares to intrude is consumed instantly to

ashes. The two great ceremonies are the Neyyattam and the Elanirattam,

the pouring of ghee (clarified butter) and the pouring of the milk of

the green cocoanut. The former is performed by the Nayars, who attend

the festival first, and the latter by Tiyans. In May, all roads lead to

Kottiyur, and towards the middle of the month the ghee pourers, as the

Nayar pilgrims are called, who have spent the previous four weeks in

fasting and purificatory rites, assemble in small shrines subordinate

to the Kottiyur temple. Thence, clad in white, and bearing each upon

his head a pot of ghee, they set forth in large bodies headed by a

leader. At Manattana the pilgrims from all parts of Malabar meet,

and thence to Kottiyur the procession is unbroken. However long

their journey, the pilgrims must eat only once, and the more filthy

their language, the more orthodox is their conduct. As many as five

thousand pots of ghee are poured over the lingam every year. After

the Neyyattam ceremony, the Nayars depart, and it is the turn of

the Tiyans. Their preparations are similar to those of the Nayars,

and their language en route is even more startling. Eruvatti near

Kadirur is the place where most of them assemble for their pilgrimage,

and their green cocoanuts are presented gratis by the country people

as an offering to the temple. The Elanirattam ceremony begins at

midnight, and the pilgrims heap up their cocoanuts in front of the

shrine continuously till the evening of the same day. Each Tiyan then

marches thrice round the heap, and falls prostrate before the lingam;

and a certain Nayar sub-caste removes the husks preparatory to the

spilling of the milk. The festival finally closes with a mysterious

ceremony, in which ghee and mantrams play a great part, performed

for two days consecutively by the presiding Nambudiri, and Kottiyur

is then deserted for another year."

"A shrine," Mr. Fawcett continues, "to which the Malayalis, Nayars

included, resort is that of Subramania at Palni in the north-west

corner of the Madura district about a week's march from the confines of

Malabar near Palghat. Not only are vows paid to this shrine, but men,

letting their hair grow for a year after their father's death, proceed

to have it cut there. The plate shows an ordinary Palni pilgrim. The

arrangement which he is carrying is called a kavadi. There are two

kinds of kavadi, a milk kavadi containing milk, and a fish kavadi

containing fish, in a pot. The vow may be made in respect of either,

each being appropriate to certain circumstances. When the time comes

near for the pilgrim to start for Palni, he dresses in reddish orange

cloths, shoulders his kavadi, and starts out. Together with a man

ringing a bell, and perhaps one with a tom-tom, with ashes on his face,

he assumes the rôle of a beggar. The well-to-do are inclined to reduce

the beggar period to the minimum; but a beggar every votary must be,

and as a beggar he goes to Palni in all humbleness and humiliation,

and there he fulfils his vow, leaves his kavadi and his hair, and a

small sum of money. Though the individuals about to be noticed were

not Nayars, their cases illustrate very well the religious idea of

the Nayar as expressed under certain circumstances, for between the

Nayars and these there is in this respect little if any difference. It

was at Guruvayur in November, 1895. On a high raised platform under

a peepul tree were a number of people under vows, bound for Palni. A

boy of 14 had suffered as a child from epilepsy, and seven years ago

his father vowed on his behalf that, if he were cured, he would make

the pilgrimage to Palni. He wore a string of beads round his neck,

and a like string on his right arm. These were in some way connected

with the vow. His head was bent, and he sat motionless under his

kavadi, leaning on the bar, which, when he carried it, rested on his

shoulder. He could not go to Palni until it was revealed to him in a

dream when he was to start. He had waited for this dream seven years,

subsisting on roots (yams, etc.), and milk--no rice. Now he had had

the long-looked-for dream, and was about to start. Another pilgrim

was a man wearing an oval band of silver over the lower portion of the

forehead, almost covering his eyes; his tongue protruding beyond the

teeth, and kept in position by a silver skewer through it. The skewer

was put in the day before, and was to be left in for forty days. He had

been fasting for two years. He was much under the influence of his god,

and whacking incessantly at a drum in delirious excitement. Several

of the pilgrims had a handkerchief tied over the mouth, they being

under a vow of silence. One poor man wore the regular instrument of

silence, the mouth-lock--a wide silver band over the mouth, and a

skewer piercing both cheeks. He sat patiently in a nice tent-like

affair, about three feet high. People fed him with milk, etc., and

he made no effort to procure food, relying merely on what was given

him. The use of the mouth-lock is common with the Nayars when they

assume the pilgrim's robes and set out for Palni; and I have often

seen many of them garbed and mouth-locked, going off on a pilgrimage to

that place. Pilgrims generally go in crowds under charge of a priestly

guide, one who, having made a certain number of journeys to the shrine,

wears a peculiar sash and other gear. They call themselves pujaris,

and are quite au fait with all the ceremonial prior to the journey,

as well as with the exigencies of the road. As I stood there, one

of these pujaris stood up amidst the recumbent crowd. He raised his

hands towards the temple a little to the west, and then spread out

his hands as if invoking a blessing on the people around him. Full

of religious fervour, he was (apparently at any rate) unconscious of

all but the spiritual need of his flock.

"Brief mention must be made of the festival held at Kodungallur

near Cranganore in the northernmost corner of the Cochin State,

as it possesses some strange features peculiar to Malabar, and is

much frequented by the Nayars. I have been disappointed in obtaining

particulars of the festival, so make the following excerpt from

Logan's Manual of Malabar. 'It takes the people in great crowds from

their homes. The whole country near the lines of march rings with the

shouts "Nada-a Nada-a" of the pilgrims to the favourite shrine. Of

what takes place when the pilgrims reach this spot perhaps the less

said the better. In their passage up to the shrine, the cry of "Nada-a

Nada-a" (march, march away) is varied by terms of unmeasured abuse

levelled at the goddess (a Bhagavati) of the shrine. This abusive

language is supposed to be acceptable to her. On arrival at the

shrine, they desecrate it in every conceivable way, believing that

this too is acceptable; they throw stones and filth, howling volleys

of opprobrium at her house. The chief of the fisherman caste, styled

Kuli Muttatta Arayan, has the privilege of being the first to begin

the work of polluting the Bhoot or shrine. Into other particulars it

is unnecessary to enter. Cocks are slaughtered and sacrificed. The

worshipper gets flowers only, and no holy water after paying his

vows. Instead of water, he proceeds outside and drinks arrack or

toddy, which an attendant Nayar serves out. All castes are free to

go, including Tiyars and low caste people. The temple was originally

only a Bhoot or holy tree with a platform. The image in the temple

is said to have been introduced only of recent years.' It is a pity

Mr. Logan is so reticent. My information is that the headman of the

Mukkuvans opens the festival by solemnly making a fæcal deposit on

the image. Here again there is the same strange union of everything

that is filthy, abusive, foul and irreverent, with every mode of

expressing the deepest religious feeling."

Of the cock festival at Cranganore, the following, account is given

by Mr. T. K. Gopal Panikkar [169] in his interesting little book on

Malabar and its folk. "In the midst of its native charms is situated a

temple dedicated to Kali, the goddess who presides over the infectious

diseases, cholera and small-pox. She is a virgin goddess, whom no

quantity of blood will satisfy. The temple is an old-fashioned one,

presenting no striking architectural peculiarities. The priestly

classes attached to it are not, as usual, Brahmins, but a peculiar sect

called Adigals, of whom there are but three families in the whole of

Malabar. The Brahmins are purposely excluded from participation in

the poojah ceremonies, lest their extreme sanctity might increase

the powers of the goddess to a dangerous extent. Poojahs are daily

offered to her. An annual festival known as Bharani, connected with

this goddess, plays a most important part in the religious history of

Malabar. It comes off in the Malayalam month of Meenam (about March

or April). Pilgrimages undertaken to the temple on this occasion

are potent enough to safeguard the pilgrims, and their friends and

relations, from the perilous attacks of cholera and small-pox. Hence

people resort thither annually by thousands from almost all parts

of Malabar; and, the more north you go, the stronger will you find

the hold which the goddess has upon the popular imagination. The

chief propitiatory offering on the occasion is the sacrifice of

cocks. In fact, every family makes a point of undertaking this sacred

mission. People arrange to start on it at an auspicious moment, on

a fixed day in small isolated bodies. Preparations are made for the

journey. Rice, salt, chillies, curry-stuffs, betel leaves and nuts,

a little turmeric powder and pepper, and, above all, a number of cocks

form an almost complete paraphernalia of the pilgrimage. These are all

gathered and preserved in separate bundles inside a large bag. When

the appointed hour comes, they throw this bag on their shoulders,

conceal their money in their girdles, and, with a native-fashioned

umbrella in the one hand and a walking-stick in the other, they

start, each from his own house, to meet the brother pilgrims at

the rendezvous. Here a foreman is selected practically by common

consent. Then commences the vociferous recitation of that series

of obscene songs and ballads, which characterises the pilgrimage

all along. The foreman it is that opens the ball. He is caught up by

others in equally loud and profuse strains. This is continued right up

till the beginning of their homeward journey. Nobody whom they come

across on the way can successfully escape the coarse Billingsgate of

these religious zealots. Even women are not spared. Perhaps it is in

their case that the pilgrims wax all the more eloquently vulgar. A

number of cock's feathers are stuck or tied upon the tip of a stick,

and with this as a wand they begin to dance and pipe in a set style,

which is extremely revolting to every sense of decency. Some of

the pilgrims walk all the distance to the temple, while others go

by boat or other conveyance; but in neither case do they spare any

passer-by. Hundreds of gallons of arrack and toddy are consumed during

the festival. The pilgrims reach the temple in their dirty attire. The

temple premises are crowded to overflowing. The worship of the goddess

is then commenced. The offerings consist of the sacrifice of cocks

at the temple altar, turmeric powder, but principally of pepper,

as also some other objects of lesser importance. A particular spot

inside the temple is set apart for the distribution of what is called

manjal prasadam (turmeric powder on which divine blessings have been

invoked). The work of doling it out is done by young maidens, who are

during the process subjected to ceaseless volleys of vile and vulgar

abuse. Now, leaving out of account the minor ceremonies, we come to

the principal one, viz., the sacrifice of cocks. The popular idea

is that the greater the number of cocks sacrificed, the greater is

the efficacy of the pilgrimage. Hence men vie with one another in

the number of cocks that they carry on the journey. The sacrifice

is begun, and then there takes place a regular scramble for the

sanctified spot reserved for this butchering ceremony. One man holds

a cock by the trunk, and another pulls out its neck by the head, and,

in the twinkling of an eye, by the intervention of a sharpened knife,

the head is severed from the trunk. The blood then gushes forth in

forceful and continuous jets, and is poured on a piece of granite

specially reserved. Then another is similarly slaughtered, and then

as many as each of the pilgrims can bring. In no length of time,

the whole of the temple yard is converted into one horrible expanse

of blood, rendering it too slippery to be safely walked over. The

piteous cries and death throes of the poor devoted creatures greatly

intensify the horror of the scene. The stench emanating from the blood

mixing with the nauseating smell of arrack renders the occasion all the

more revolting. One other higher and more acceptable kind of offering

requires more than a passing mention. When a man is taken ill of any

infectious disease, his relations generally pray to this goddess for

his recovery, solemnly covenanting to perform what goes by the name of

a thulabharum ceremony. This consists in placing the patient in one

of the scale-pans of a huge balance, and weighing him against gold,

or more generally pepper (and sometimes other substances as well),

deposited in the other scale-pan. Then this weight of the substance

is offered to the goddess. This is to be performed right in front

of the goddess in the temple yard. The usual offerings being over,

the homeward journey of the pilgrims is begun. Though the festival

is called Bharani, yet all the pilgrims must vacate the temple on

the day previous to the Bharani day. For, from that day onwards, the

temple doors are all shut up, and, for the next seven days, the whole

place is given over to the worst depredations of the countless demons

over whom this blood-thirsty goddess holds sway. No human beings can

safely remain there, lest they might become prey to these ravenous

demons. In short, the Bharani day inaugurates a reign of terror in

the locality, lasting for these seven days. Afterwards, all the dirt

is removed. The temple is cleansed and sanctified, and again left

open to public worship. The pilgrims return, but not in the same

manner in which they repaired thither. During the backward journey,

no obscene songs or expressions are indulged in. They are to come

back quietly and calmly, without any kind of demonstrations. They get

back to their respective homes, and distribute the sandals and other

pujah substances to their relations and friends who have elected to

remain at home; and the year's pilgrimage is brought to a close."

"The month Karkkatakam," Mr. Fawcett writes, "when the Malayalis say

the body is cool, is the time when, according to custom, the Nayar

youths practice physical exercises. At Payoli in North Malabar, when

I was there in 1895, the local instructor of athletics was a Paravan,

a mason by caste. As he had the adjunct Kurup to his name, it took some

time to discover the fact. Teachers of his ilk are invariably of the

Paravan caste, and, when they are believed to be properly accomplished,

they are given the honorific Kurup. So carefully are things regulated

that no other person was permitted to teach athletics within the amsham

(a local area, a small county), and his womenfolk had privileges,

they only being the midwives who could attend on the Nayar women

of the amsham. His fee for a course of exercises for the month was

ten rupees. He, and some of his pupils, gave an exhibition of their

quality. Besides bodily contortions and somersaults, practiced in

a long low-roofed shed having a sandy floor, there is play with the

following instruments:--watta; cheruvadi, a short stick; and a stick

like a quarter-staff called a sariravadi, or stick the length of one's

body. The watta is held in the right hand as a dagger; it is used to

stab or strike and, in some ingenious way, turn over an opponent. The

total length of the watta is two feet, and of the cheruvadi about

three feet. The latter is squared at the ends, and is but a short

staff. It is held in the right hand a few inches from the end, and

is used for striking and guarding only. The sariravadi is held at

or near one end by one or by both hands. The distance between the

hands is altered constantly, and so is the end of the stick, which is

grasped now by one, now by another end by either hand, as occasion

may require; sometimes it is grasped in the middle. The performance

with these simple things was astonishing. I should say the watta and

the cheruvadi represented swords, or rather that they were used for

initiation or practice in swordsmanship, when the Nayars were the

military element in Malabar. The opponents, who faced each other

with the sariravadi or quarter-staff, stood thirty feet apart, and,

as if under the same stimulus, each kicked one leg high in the air,

gave several lively bounds in the air, held their staff horizontally

in front with out-stretched arms, came down slowly on the haunches,

placed the staff on the ground, bent over, and touched it with the

forehead. With a sudden bound they were again on their feet, and,

after some preliminary pirouetting, went for each other tooth and

nail. The sword play, which one sees during festive ceremonies, such

as a marriage or the like, is done by the hereditary retainers, who

fight imaginary foes, and destroy and vanquish opponents with much

contortion of body, and always indulge in much of this preliminary

overture to their performance. There is always, by way of preliminary,

a high kick in the air, followed by squatting on the haunches, bounding

high, turning, twisting, pirouetting, and all the time swinging the

sword unceasingly above, below, behind the back, under the arm or

legs, in ever so many impossible ways. Nayar shields are made of wood,

covered with leather, usually coloured bright red. Within the boss

are some hard seeds, or metal balls loose in a small space, so that

there is a jingling sound like that of the small bells on the ankles of

the dancer, when the shield is oscillated or shaken in the hand. The

swords are those which were used ordinarily for fighting. There are

also swords of many patterns for processional and other purposes,

more or less ornamented about the handle, and half way up the blade."

"The Nayars," Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar writes, "have a distinct

feudal organisation, and the division of their territories had an

unmistakeable reference to it. The territorial unit was the desam,

presided over by a Dasavazhi. A number of desams adjoining one another

constituted a nadu, which was under the jurisdiction of a chieftain

called the Naduvazhi. Above the Naduvazhis was the Rajah, the highest

suzerain in the country. In course of time, each nadu split itself up

into a certain number of taras, over the affairs of which a Karanavan,

or elder, presided. An assembly of these Karanavans constituted the six

hundred--an old socio-military organisation of the Nayars in mediæval

times. These six hundred are referred to in two places in the second

Syrian Christian document, which bears the date 925 A.D. In a South

Travancore inscription, dated 371 M.E., the same organisation is

referred to as Venattarunuru, or the six hundred of Venad, and one

of their duties evidently related to the supervision of the working

of temples and charitable institutions connected therewith. As Venad

was divided into eighteen districts in ancient days, there might have

been altogether eighteen six hundred in the country. The Naduvazhis

possessed considerable authority in all social matters and possessed

enough lands to be cultivated by their Kudiyans. A feudal basis was

laid for the whole organisation. Large numbers served as soldiers in

times of war, and cultivated their lands when the country was quiet. In

modern times, none of them take to military service in Travancore,

except those employed as sepoys in the Nayar Brigade."

Concerning the organisation of the Nayars, Mr. Logan writes that they

were, "until the British occupied the country, the militia of the

district (Malabar). This name implies that they were the 'leaders'

of the people. Originally they seem to have been organised into

six hundreds, and each six hundred seems to have had assigned to it

the protection of all the people in a nad or country. The nad was

in turn split up into taras, a Dravidian word signifying originally

a foundation, the foundation of a house, hence applied collectively

to a street, as in Tamil teru, in Telugu teruvu, and in Canarese and

Tulu teravu. The tara was the Nayar territorial unit of organisation

for civil purposes, and was governed by representatives of the caste,

who were styled Karanavar or elders. The six hundred was probably

composed exclusively of those Karanavar or elders, who were in some

parts called Mukhyastans (chief men), or Madhyastans (mediators), or

Pramanis (chief men), and there seem to have been four families of them

to each tara, so that the nad must have originally consisted of one

hundred and fifty taras. This tara organisation of the protector caste

played a most important part in the political history of the country,

for it was the great bulwark against the tyranny and oppression of the

Rajas. The evidence of the Honourable East India Company's linguist

(interpreter, agent) at Calicut, which appears in the diary of the

Tellicherry Factory under date 28th May, 1746, deserves to be here

reproduced. He wrote as follows: 'These Nayars, being heads of the

Calicut people, resemble the parliament, and do not obey the king's

dictates in all things, but chastise his ministers when they do

unwarrantable acts.' The parliament referred to must have been the

kuttam (assembly) of the nad. The kuttam answered many purposes when

combined action on the part of the community was necessary. The Nayars

assembled in their kuttams whenever hunting, or war, or arbitration,

or what not was in hand, and this organisation does not seem to have

been confined to Malabar, for the koot organisation of the people of

South Canara gave the British officers much trouble in 1832-33. In

so far as Malabar was concerned, the system seems to have remained

in an efficient state down to the time of the British occupation,

and the power of the Rajas was strictly limited. Mr. Murdoch Brown,

of Anjarakandi, who knew the country well, thus wrote to Mr. Francis

Buchanan in the earliest years of the present (nineteenth) century

regarding the despotic action of the Rajas when constituted,

after the Mysorean conquest the revenue agents of the Government of

Haidar Ali. 'By this new order of things, these latter (the Rajas)

were vested with despotic authority over the other inhabitants,

instead of the very limited prerogatives that they had enjoyed by

the feudal system, under which they could neither exact revenue from

the lands of their vassals, nor exercise any, direct authority in

their districts.' And again, 'The Raja was no longer what he had

been, the head of a feudal aristocracy with limited authority, but

the all-powerful deputy of a despotic prince, whose military force

was always at his command to curb or chastise any of the chieftains

who were inclined to dispute or disobey his mandates.' [170] From

the earliest times, therefore, down to the end of the eighteenth

century, the Nayar tara and nad organization kept the country from

oppression and tyranny on the part of the rulers, and to this fact

more than to any other is due the comparative prosperity, which

the Malayali country so long enjoyed, and which made Calicut at one

time the great emporium of trade between the East and the West. But,

besides protection, the Nayars had originally another most important

function in the body politic. Besides being protectors, they were

also supervisors or overseers, a duty which, as a very ancient deed

testifies, was styled kanam--a Dravidian word derived from the verb

kanuka (to see, etc). Parasu Raman (so the tradition preserved in

the Keralolpatti runs) separated the Nayars into taras, and ordered

that to them belonged the duty of supervision (lit. kan = the eye),

the executive power (lit. kei = the hand, as the emblem of power),

and the giving of orders (lit. kalpana, order, command), so as to

prevent the rights from being curtailed, or suffered to fall into

disuse. The Nayars were originally the overseers or supervisors of

the nad, and they seem to have been employed in this capacity as the

collectors of the share of produce of the land originally reserved for

Government purposes. As remuneration for this service, and for their

other function as protectors, another share of the produce of the soil

seems to have been reserved specially for them. It be well worth the

study of persons acquainted with other districts of the Presidency

to ascertain whether somewhat similar functions to these (protection,

and supervision) did not originally appertain to the Kavalgars of Tamil

districts and the Kapus in the Telugu country, for both of these words

seem to have come from the same root as the Malayalam kanam. And it

is significant that the Tamil word now used for proprietorship in

the soil is kani-yatchi, to which word the late Mr. F. W. Ellis in

his paper on Mirasi Rights assigned a similar derivation."

The occupation of the Nayars is described by Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar as

"comprising all kinds of worldly pursuits. So late as the end of the

eighteenth century, there were with the then Maharaja of Travancore

a hundred thousand soldiers, consisting of Nayars and Chovas, armed

with arrows, spears, swords and battle-axes. The chief occupation of

the Nayars is agriculture. Cultivation of a slipshod, time-honoured

type is the forte of the Nayar, for which he has always found time

from times of old, though engaged in other occupations as well. In the

Velakali, a kind of mock fight, which is one of the items of the utasom

programme in every important temple in Malabar, the dress worn by the

Nayars is supposed to be their ancient military costume. Even now,

among the Nayars who form the Maharaja's own Brigade, agriculture, to

which they are enabled to attend during all their off-duty days, goes

largely to supplement their monthly pay. Various other occupations,

all equally necessary for society, have been, according to the

Keralavakasakrama, assigned to the Nayars, and would seem to have

determined their original sub-divisions. They are domestic servants in

Brahman and Kshatriya houses and temples, and deal in dairy produce,

as well as being engaged in copper-sheet roofing, tile-making, pottery,

palanquin-bearing, and so on. But these traditional occupations are

fast ceasing under the ferment of a new civilisation. In the matter of

education, the Nayars occupy a prominent position. Almost every Nayar

girl is sent to the village school to learn the three R's, quite as

much as a matter of course as the schooling of boys. This constitutes

a feature of Malabar life that makes it the most literate country in

all India, especially in respect of the female sex. After Ramanujam

Ezhuttachchan developed and enriched the Malayalam language, numerous

Asans or village teachers came into existence in different parts of

Malabar. After a preliminary study of Malayalam, such as desired

higher, i.e., Sanskrit education, got discipled to an Ambalavasi

or a Sastri. Even to-day the estimable desire to study Sanskrit is

seen in some Nayar youths, who have readily availed themselves of the

benefit of the local Sanskrit college. In respect of English education,

the Nayars occupy a prominent position. The facility afforded by the

Government of Travancore for the study of English is being largely

availed of by Nayars, and it is a matter deserving to be prominently

recorded that, in recent years, several Nayar girls have passed the

Matriculation examination of the University of Madras."

It is noted, in the Gazetteer of Malabar, that "the Nayars as a class

are the best educated and the most advanced of the communities in

Malabar (excepting perhaps the Pattar Brahmans, who are not strictly

a Malayalam class), and are intellectually the equals of the Brahmans

of the East Coast. Many of them have risen to the highest posts in

Government, and the caste has supplied many of the leading members

of the learned professions."

Nayi (dog).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba.

Nayinar.--Nayinar, Nayanar, or Nainar, has been recorded as a section

of Vellalas, who are thought to be descended from Jains who were

converted to Hinduism, and as a title of Jains, Kaikolans, Pallis,

and Udaiyans. Nayanikulam occurs as a synonym of Boya. The word Nayinar

is the same as Nayaka, meaning lord or master, and the Saivite saints,

being religious teachers, are so called, e.g., Sundara Murti Nayanar.

Nayinda.--Recorded, in the Mysore Census Report, 1901, as the name of

a caste, which follows the hereditary occupation of barber, and also

of agriculture. "They are," it is there said, "members of the village

hierarchy. They are paid, like the Agasa (washerman), in kind for

their services. They are also fiddlers, and have the exclusive right

of wind instruments. They are known as Kelasiga or Hajam. They are

both Saivites and Vaishnavites. A section of them wear the lingam,

and follow Lingayetism. They are known as Silavanta. These people

are largely in requisition at feasts, marriages, etc., when they

form the music band." Kelasi is the name of a Canarese barber caste,

and Hajam is a Hindustani word for barber.

Nedungadi.--This name, denoting a settlement in Nedunganad in the

Walluvanad taluk of Malabar, has been returned as a sub-caste of

Nayars and Samantas.

Nekkara.--A small class of washermen in South Canara. The women

only are said to do the washing, while the men are employed as

devil-dancers.

Nellika (Phyllanthus Emblica).--An illam of Tiyan.

Nellu (paddy, unhusked rice).--A gotra of Kurni.

Nemilli (peacock).--An exogamous sept of Boya and Balija.

Nerali (Eugenia Jambolana).--An exogamous sept of Gangadikara Holeya.

Nerati.--Nerati or Neravati is a sub-division of Kapu.

Nese.--An occupational term, meaning weaver applied to several of

the weaving castes, but more especially to the Kurnis. It is noted,

in the Madras Census Report, 1901, that "in the inscriptions of Raja

Raja the Chola king, about the beginning of the eleventh century,

the Paraiyan caste is called by its present name. It had then two

sub-divisions, Nesavu (the weavers) and Ulavu (the ploughman)."

Netpanivandlu (neyyuta, to weave).--Recorded by the Rev. J. Cain

[171] as a name for Mala weavers.

Nettikotala.--In a note on the Nettikotalas or Neththikotalasi,

Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao writes that they correspond to the Kalladi

Siddhans of the Tamil country. The name means those who cut their

foreheads. They are mendicants who beg from Gavara Komatis, whom they

are said to have assisted in days of old by delaying the progress of

Raja Vishnu Vardhana. (See Komati.) When their dues are not promptly

paid, they make cuts in their foreheads and other parts of the body,

and make blood flow.

Neyige.--The silk and cotton hand-loom weavers of the Mysore Province

are, in the Census Report, 1891, dealt with collectively under the

occupational name Neyige (weaving), which includes Bilimagga, Devanga,

Khatri, Patvegar, Sale, Saurashtra (Patnulkaran), Seniga and Togata.

Neytikkar.--Weavers of coir (cocoanut fibre) mats in Malabar.

Neyyala.--The Neyyala are a Telugu fishing caste found chiefly in

Vizagapatam and Ganjam, for the following note on whom I am indebted

to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao. The name is derived from the Telugu neyyalu,

meaning fried rice or cholam (Sorghum vulgare), which is made by female

members of the caste, especially during the harvest season, into balls

with jaggery (crude sugar). These are carried about the country by

the men for sale to those engaged in reaping the crop and others. As

payment, they receive from, the reapers a portion of the grain which

they are cutting. A further occupation of the caste is fishing with

konti vala, or koyyala vala i.e., nets supported on a row of bamboo

sticks, which are placed in shallow water, and dragged by two men.

The Naga (cobra) is reverenced by the caste. A Brahman officiates at

marriages, during which the sacred thread is worn. The remarriage of

widows is permitted, provided that the woman has no children by her

first husband. Divorce is not allowed. The dead are burnt, and the

chinna (little) and pedda rozu (big day) death ceremonies are observed.

As a caste, the Neyyalas do not drink intoxicating liquor, and eat

only in Brahman houses. Their usual title is Ayya.

Neyye (clarified butter).--An occupational sub-division of Komati.

Nila (blue).--An exogamous sept of Medara.

Nilagara (indigo people).--The name of a class of dyers, who are,

in the Mysore Census Report, 1901, included in the Kumbara or potter

caste.

Nili (indigo).--An exogamous sept of Padma Sale and Togata.

Nirganti.--Recorded, in the Mysore and Coorg Gazetteer, as a regulator

and distributor of water to irrigated lands. He is usually a Holeya

by caste.

Nirpusi (wearers of sacred ashes).--Recorded, at times of census,

as a sub-division of Pandya Vellalas. Nirpusi Vellala is described,

in the Gazetteer of the South Arcot district, as a name current

in the South Arcot district meaning Vellalas who put on holy ash,

in reference to certain Jains, who formerly became Saivites taking

off their sacred threads, and putting holy ashes on their foreheads.

Nityadasu.--Nityadasu, or Nityulu, meaning immortal slaves, is a name

by which some Mala Dasaris style themselves.

Nodha.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a very small

caste of hill cultivators and earth-workers in the Oriya country.

Nokkan.--The Nokkans, who often go by the name of Jadipillais

(children of the caste), are a class of mendicants, who beg from

members of the Palli caste. The word Nokkan is said to mean 'he who

looks'. The Nokkans make periodical visits to villages where Pallis

live, and receive from them a small fee in money. They attend at Palli

marriages, and, during processions, carry flags (palempores) bearing

devices of Hanuman, tigers, Agni, etc., which are made at Kalahasti.

The Nokkans claim fees from the Pallis, because one of their ancestors

helped them. The legend runs as follows. During the reign of a Palli

king at Conjeeveram, a car, bearing the idol of the god, stood still,

and could not be moved. A human sacrifice was considered necessary,

but no one would offer himself as a victim. A Nokkan came forward, and

allowed his only daughter, who was pregnant, to be sacrificed. Pleased

at his behaviour, the king ordered that the Pallis should in future

treat the Nokkans as their Jadipillais. Some Nokkans say that they

were presented with copper-grants, one of which is reputed to be in

the possession of one Nokka Ramaswami of Mulavayal village in the

Ponneri taluk of the Chingleput district.

In the course of their rounds, the Nokkans repeat the story of the

origin of the Pallis, one version of which runs as follows. Two

Asuras, Vathapi and Enadhapi, who were ruling at Ratnagiripatnam,

obtained at the hands of Siva, by means of severe tapas (penance),

the following boon. No child should die within their dominions, and

the Asuras should be invincible, and not meet their death at the hands

of uterine-born beings. The Devatas and others, unable to bear the

tyranny of the Asuras, prayed to Brahma for rescue. He directed them

to the Rishi Jambuvamuni, who was doing penance on the banks of the

river Jumna. This Rishi is said to have married a woman named Asendi,

who was born from the cheeks of Parvati. Hearing the request of the

Devatas, the Rishi lighted the sacred fire, and therefrom arose a

being called Rudra Vanniyan, and forty other warriors, including

Nilakanta, Gangabala, and Vajrabahu. The Pallis are descended from

these fire-born heroes. (See Palli)

Nokkans wear the sacred thread, and carry with them a big drum and

a gourd pipe like that used by snake-charmers.

Noliya.--A synonym used by Oriya castes for the Telugu Jalaris.

Nonaba.--A territorial sub-division of Vakkaliga. The name is derived

from Nonambavadi, one of the former great divisions of the Tanjore

country.

Nottakaran.--The office of village Nottakaran, or tester, has been

abolished in modern times. It was generally held by a goldsmith,

whose duty was to test the rupees when the land revenue was being

gathered in, and see that they were not counterfeit.

Nuchchu (broken rice).--A gotra of Kurni.

Nukala (coarse grain powder).--An exogamous sept of Padma Sale.

Nulayan.--In the Madras Census Report, 1901, ninety-six individuals

are recorded as belonging to a small caste of Malayalam fishermen

and boatmen. The Nulayans are found in Travancore, and were returned

in the census of Malabar, as the two small British settlements of

Anjengo and Tangacheri in Travancore are under the jurisdiction of

the Collector of Malabar.

Nune (oil).--An occupational sub-division of Komati.

Nunia (nuno, salt).--A sub-division of Odiya.

Nurankurup.--An occupational name for Paravans settled in Malabar,

whose employment is that of lime-burners (nuru, lime).

Nurbash.--Recorded, at the census, 1901, as a synonym of Dudekula. A

corruption of nurbaf (weaving).

Nuvvala (gingelly: Sesamum indicum).--An exogamous sept of Kamma

and Medara. Gingelly seeds, from which an oil is extracted, "form an

essential article of certain religious ceremonies of the Hindus, and

have therefore received the names of homa-dhanya or the sacrificial

grain, and pitri-tarpana or the grain that is offered as an oblation

to deceased ancestors." (U. C. Dutt.) During the death ceremonies of

some Brahmans, libations of water mixed with gingelly seeds, called

tilothakam, and a ball of rice, are offered daily to two stones

representing the spirit of the deceased.

Nyayam (justice).--An exogamous sept of Padma Sale.

O

Occhan.--The Occhans are a class of temple priests, usually officiate

as pujaris at Pidari and other Amman (Grama Devata) temples. They

are for the most part Saivites, but some belong to the Vadagalai or

Tengalai Vaishnava sects. Some of the pujaris wear the sacred thread

when within the temple. Their insignia are the udukkai, or hour-glass

shaped drum, and the silambu, or hollow brass ring filled with bits

of brass, which rattle when it is shaken. In the Chingleput district,

some Occhans act as dancing-masters to Devadasis, and are sometimes

called Nattuvan.

The name Occhan is derived from the Tamil ochai, meaning sound, in

reference to the usual mode of invoking the Grama Devatas (village

deities) by beating on a drum and singing their praises. It has been

suggested that Occhan is a contracted form of Uvacchan, which occurs

in certain old inscriptions. [172] Of these, the oldest is dated

Sakha 1180 (A.D. 1258), and refers to the tax on Uvacchas. Another

inscription, in which the same tax is referred to, is dated Sakha 1328

(A.D. 1406). In both these inscriptions, Uvacchan has been interpreted

as referring to Jonakas, who are a class of Muhammadans. This is one

of the meanings given by Winslow, [173] who also gives "a caste of

drummers at temples, Occhan."

In the northern districts, the Occhans are divided into five

sections, called Marayan, Pandi, Kandappan, Periya or Pallavarayan,

and Pulavan. Marayan is also the name of temple priests in Travancore,

on whom the title Occhan is bestowed as a mark of royal favour by

the Travancore sovereigns. [174] The Occhans have many titles, e.g.,

Archaka or Umai Archaka, Devar, Parasaivan, Mudaliar, Vallabarayan,

Pusali, Pulavar, and Kamban. Of these, the last two are said to be

derived from the Tamil epic poet Kamban, who is traditionally believed

to have belonged to the Occhan caste. There is a legend that Kamban was

on his way to the residence of a king, when he heard an oil-monger,

who was driving his bulls, remonstrate with them, saying "Should you

kick against each other because the poet Kamban, like the Occhan he is,

hums his verse?" On hearing this, Kamban approached the oil-monger,

and went with him to the king, to whom he reported that he had been

insulted. By order of the king, the oil-monger burst forth into verse,

and explained how his bulls had taken fright on hearing Kamban's

impromptu singing. Kamban was greatly pleased with the poet oil-monger,

and begged the king to let him go with honours heaped on him.

In the southern districts, more especially in Madura and Tinnevelly,

it is usual for an Occhan to claim his paternal aunt's daughter

in marriage. In the northern districts, a man may also marry his

maternal uncle's or sister's daughter. Brahman Gurukkals officiate

at marriages. In their puberty, marriage, and death ceremonies, the

Occhans closely follow the Pallis or Vanniyans. The dead are burnt,

and Brahmans officiate at the funeral ceremonies.

The caste is an organised one, and there is usually a headman, called

Periyathanakaran, at places where Occhans occur.

Oda vandlu (boatmen).--A synonym of Mila, a fishing caste in Ganjam

and Vizagapatam. Some prosperous Milas have adopted Oda Balija as

their caste name. (See Vada.)

Odan.--An occupational name of a class of Nayars, who are tile-makers.

Odari.--The Odaris or Vodaris are Tulu-speaking potters in the South

Canara district. Those who have abandoned the profession of potter call

themselves Mulia, as also do some potters, and those who are employed

as pujaris (priests) at bhuthasthanas (devil shrines). In many cases,

the headman combines the duties of that office with those of pujari,

and is called Mulia. Otherwise his title is Gurikara.

The Canarese potters in South Canara, in making pots, use the ordinary

wheel, which is rotated by means of a long stick. The wheel of the

Odaris is more primitive, consisting of a small disc, concave above,

made of unburnt clay, fitting by means of a pebble pivot into a pebble

socket, which is rotated by hand.

Like other Tulu castes, the Odaris worship bhuthas, but also reverence

Venkataramana.

In their marriage ceremonial, the Odaris follow the Bant type. At the

betrothal, the headmen or fathers of the contracting couple exchange

betel, and the party of the future bridegroom give a ring to the

people of the bride-elect. The marriage rites are completed in a

single day. A bench is placed within the marriage pandal (booth), and

covered with clothes brought by the Madivali (washerman caste). The

bridegroom is conducted thither by the bride's brother, and, after

going round three times, takes his seat. He is generally preceded by

women carrying lights, rice and fruits before him. The lamp is hung

up, and the other articles are deposited on the ground. One by one,

the women throw a grain of rice, first over the lamp, and then a few

grains over the head of the bridegroom. Then the barber comes, and,

after throwing rice, shaves the face of the bridegroom, using milk

instead of water. The bride is also shaved by a barber woman. The

pair are decorated, and brought to the pandal, where those assembled

throw rice over their heads, and make presents of money. Their hands

are then united by the headman, and the dhare water poured over them

by the maternal uncle of the bride.

An interesting rite in connection with pregnancy is the presentation

of a fowl or two to the pregnant woman by her maternal uncle. The

fowls are tended with great care, and, if they lay eggs abundantly,

it is a sign that the pregnant woman will be prolific.

The dead are either buried or cremated. If cremation is resorted to,

the final death ceremonies (bojja) must be celebrated on the eleventh

or thirteenth day. If the corpse has been buried, these ceremonies

must not take place before the lapse of at least a month.

Odde.--The Oddes or Voddas, who are commonly called Wudders, are

summed up by Mr. H. A. Stuart [175] as being "the navvies of the

country, quarrying stone, sinking wells, constructing tank bunds, and

executing other kinds of earthwork more rapidly than any other class,

so that they have got almost a monopoly of the trade. They are Telugu

people, who came originally from Orissa, whence their name. Were

they more temperate, they might be in very good circumstances, but,

as soon as they have earned a small sum, they strike work and have

a merry-making, in which all get much intoxicated, and the carouse

continues as long as funds last. They are very ignorant, not being

able even to calculate how much work they have done, and trusting

altogether to their employer's honesty. They are an open-hearted,

good-natured lot, with loose morals, and no restrictions regarding

food, but they are proud, and will only eat in the houses of the

higher castes, though most Sudras look down upon them. Polygamy and

divorce are freely allowed to men, and women are only restricted from

changing partners after having had eighteen. Even this limit is not

set to the men."

Women who have had seven husbands are said to be much respected,

and their blessing on a bridal pair is greatly praised. There is a

common saying that a widow may mount the marriage dais seven times.

In the Census Report, 1871, the Oddes are described as being "the

tank-diggers, well-sinkers, and road-makers of the country who live in

detached settlements, building their huts in conical or bee-hive form,

with only a low door of entrance. They work in gangs on contract,

and every one, except very old and very young, takes a share in the

work. The women carry the earth in baskets, while the men use the

pick and spade. The babies are usually tied up in cloths, which are

suspended, hammock fashion, from the boughs of trees. They are employed

largely in the Public Works Department, and in the construction and

maintenance of railways. They are rather a fine-looking race, and

all that I have come across are Vaishnavites in theory, wearing the

trident prominently on their foreheads, arms, and breasts. The women

are tall and straight. They eat every description of animal food,

and especially pork and field-rats, and all drink spirituous liquors."

Of the Oddes, the following brief accounts are given in the Nellore,

Coimbatore, and Madura Manuals:--

Nellore.--"These people are the tank-diggers. They sometimes engage in

the carrying trade, but beyond this, they only move about from place

to place as they have work. The word Vodde or Odde is said to be a

corruption of the Sanskrit Odhra, the name for the country now called

Orissa, and the people are ordinarily supposed to have emigrated from

the Uriya country. Besides Telugu, they are said to speak a peculiar

dialect among themselves; and, if this should turn out to be Uriya,

the question might be regarded as settled. The laborious occupation

of the men tends to develop their muscles. I have seen some very fine

men among the tribe."

Coimbatore.--"Numerous, owing to the hard nature of the subsoil and the

immense and increasing number of irrigation wells, which demand the

labour of strong men accustomed to the use of the crowbar, pick-axe,

and powder. They are black, strong, and of good physique, highly paid,

and live on strong meat and drink."

Madura.--"An itinerant caste of tank-diggers and earth-workers. They

are Telugus, and are supposed to have come southward in the time

of the Nayyakkans. Possibly Tirumala sent for them to dig out his

great teppakulam, and assist in raising gopuras. They are a strong,

hard-working class, but also drunken, gluttonous, and vicious. And

but little faith can be placed in their most solemn promises. They

will take advances from half a dozen employers within a week, and

work for none of them, if they can possibly help it."

In Mysore numbers of Oddes are now permanently settled in the outskirts

of large towns, where both sexes find employment as sweepers, etc.,

in connection with sanitation and conservancy. Some Oddes are, at

the present time (1908), employed at the Mysore manganese mines. The

tribe is often found concerting with the Korachas, Koramas, and

other predatory classes in committing dacoities and robberies, and it

has passed into a proverb that they would rather bear any amount of

bodily torture than confess or disclose the truth regarding the crimes

attributed to them. Some Oddes have settled down as agriculturists

and contractors, and some are very prosperous. For example, there are

a few Oddes near Kuppam in the North Arcot district, whose credit

is so good that any rich merchant would advance them large sums of

money. A wealthy Odde, worth nearly a lakh of rupees, worried my

assistant for half an anna, wherewith to purchase some betel leaf. It

is recorded by Bishop Whitehead, [176] in the diary of a tour in the

Nizam's Dominions, that, at Khammamett, "the Waddas who have become

Christians have for some time past possessed land and cattle of their

own, and are well-to-do people. One of the headmen, who was presented

to me after service, said that he had 80 acres of land of his own."

Some of the timber work in the Nallamalai hills, in the Kurnool

district, is done by Oddes, who fell trees, and keep bulls for dragging

the timber out of the forests. Under the heading "Uppara and Vadde

Vandlu," the Rev. J. Cain gives [177] the following account of the

distribution of wages. "The tank-diggers had been paid for their work,

and, in apportioning the share of each labourer, a bitter dispute

arose because one of the women had not received what she deemed her

fair amount. On enquiry it turned out that she was in an interesting

condition, and therefore could claim not only her own, but also a

share for the expected child."

A legend is current to the effect that, long ago, the Oddes were

ordered to dig a tank, to enable the Devatas and men to obtain

water. This was done, and they demanded payment, which was made in

the form of a pinch of the sacred ashes of Siva to each workman,

in lieu of money. When they reached home, the ashes turned into

money, but they were not satisfied with the amount, and clamoured

for more. The god, growing angry, cursed them thus: "What you obtain

in the forests by digging shall be lost as soon as you reach high

ground." Parvati, taking pity on them, asked Siva to give them large

sums of money. Whereon Siva, hollowing out a measuring-rod, filled

it with varahans (gold coins), and gave it to the maistry. He also

filled a large pumpkin with money, and buried it in a field, where the

Oddes were working. The measuring-rod was pawned by the maistry for

toddy. The Oddes, noticing the raised mound caused by the burying of

the pumpkin, left it untouched to show the depth that they had dug. A

buffalo, which was grazing in a field close by, exposed the pumpkin,

which the Oddes, not suspecting its contents, sold to a Komati.

According to another legend, the Oddes were employed by God, who had

assumed a human form, and was living amongst them. On one occasion,

God had to perform a certain ceremony, so he gave the Oddes an advance

of three days' pay, and ordered them not to worry him. This they failed

to do, and were accordingly laid under a curse to remain poor for ever.

A further legend is current among the Oddes to the effect that, when

Siva and Parvati were walking one sultry day upon the earth, they

got very hot and thirsty. The drops of perspiration which fell from

Siva were changed by him into a man with a pick and crowbar, while

those falling from Parvati turned into a woman carrying a basket. The

man and woman quickly sunk a well, with the cooling waters of which

the god and goddess refreshed themselves, and in gratitude promised

the labourers certain gifts, the nature of which is not now known,

but neither was satisfied, and both grumbled, which so incensed Siva

that he cursed them, and vowed that they and their descendants should

live by the sweat of their brows.