SURNAMES OF OCCUPATION (COUNTRY).
I now come to the consideration of occupations generally, and to this I
think it will be advisable to devote two chapters. One reason for so
doing, the main one in fact, is that they seem naturally to divide
themselves into two classes—those of a rural character, very numerous at
that time on account of agricultural pursuits being so general, and
those of a more diverse and I may say civilized kind, bearing upon the
community’s life—literature and art, dress, with all its varied
paraphernalia, the boudoir and the kitchen. In considering the former,
the character of our surnames will give us, I imagine, by no means a bad
or ineffective picture of the simplicity of our early rural life, its
retirement, and even calm. In shadowing forth the latter, we shall be
enabled to see what were the available means of that age, and by the
very absence of certain names to realise how numberless have been the
resources that discovery has added at a more recent period. It will be
well, too, to give two entire chapters to these surnames, as being
worthy of somewhat further particularity than the others. They betray
much more of our English life that has become obsolete. Local names, as
I have said already, while they must ever denote much of change, denote
the changes more especially of Nature herself, which are slow in
general, and require more than the test of four or five centuries to
make their transitions apparent. Personal or Christian names vary almost
less than these. The Western European system is set upon the same
foundation, and whatever has been peculiar to separate countries has
long since, by the intermingling of nations, whether peaceful or
revolutionary, been added to the one common stock. Some indeed have
fallen into disuse through crises of various kinds. A certain number,
too, of a fanciful kind, as we have already seen, have been added within
the last two centuries, but these latter have not of course affected our
surnames. Nicknames, which form so large a proportion of our
nomenclature, remain much the same; for a nation’s tongue, while
receiving a constant deposit and throwing off ever a redundant
phraseology, still, as a rule, does not touch these; they are taken from
the deeper channel of a people’s speech. But the fashion and custom of
living is ever changing. New wants spring up, and old requirements
become unneeded; fresh resources come to hand, and the more antique are
at once despised and thrown aside. In a word, invention and discovery
cast their shafts at the very heart of usage. Thus it is that we shall
have such a large number of obsolete occupations to recount—occupations
which but for our rolls even the oldest and most reliable of our less
formal writings would have failed to preserve to us.
It is quite possible for the eye to light upon hamlets in the more
retired nooks and crannies of England that have undergone but little
change during even the last six centuries, hamlets of which we could say
with Goldsmith:—
How often have I paused on every charm,
The sheltered cot, the cultivated farm,
The never-failing brook, the busy mill,
The decent church that topped the neighbouring hill,
The hawthorn bush, with seats beneath the shade,
For talking age and whispering lovers made.
I have seen, or I at least imagined I have seen, such a picture as this;
but if there be, this of all times is that in which we must be prepared
for a revolution. Our railways are every day but connecting us with the
more inaccessible districts, following as they do the curves of our
valleys, winding alongside our streams, like nature and art in parallel.
As they thus increase they bear with them equally increased facilities
for carrying the modernized surroundings and accessories of life on
this, on that, and on every hand. Thus usage is everywhere fast giving
way before utility, and thus in proportion as art and invention get
elbow-room, so does the primitive poetry of our existence fade from
view. We can remember villages—there are still such—around which time
had flung a halo of so simple aspect, villages whose steads were grouped
with so exquisite a quaintness, so utterly and beautifully irregular, so
full of unexpected joints and curves, and all so thatched, and
embrowned, and trellised, that with the loss of them we have lost a
pastoral. There may be indeed a certain poetry in model villas of
undeviating line and exact altitude; there may be a beauty in an
erection which reminds you in perpetuity of the great Euclidian truth
that a straight line is that which lies evenly between its extreme
points, but at times it puts one in sober mood to think all the touches
of a past time are to fade away, and these be in their stead. How
different the tale nomenclature tells us of former rusticity and simpler
tastes.
The early husbandman required but little decorative refinement for his
homestead. To keep out the cold blast and the driving rain, to have a
niche by the fireside comfortable and warm, this was all he asked or
wished for. His roof was all but invariably composed of thack or thatch,
and every village had its ‘thatcher.’ Busy indeed would he be as the
late autumn drew nigh, and stack and stead must be shielded from the
keen and chilling winter. The Hundred Roll forms of the surname are
‘Joan le Thaccher’ and ‘Thomas le Thechare;’ the Parliamentary Writs
‘John le Thacher;’ while the more modern directory furnishes us with
such changes rung upon the same as ‘Thatcher,’ ‘Thacker’[235] (still a
common provincialism for the occupation), and ‘Thackery,’ or
‘Thackeray,’ or Thackwray.’[236] These latter are of course but akin to
the old ‘John le Fermery,’ or ‘Richard le Vicary,’ the termination added
being the result of popular whim or caprice. Our ‘Readers’ had less to
do with book lore than we might have supposed, being but descendants of
the mediæval ‘William le Redere,’[237] another term for the same kind of
labour. The old ‘Hellier,’ or ‘Helier,’ carries us back to a once
well-known root. To ‘hill,’ or ‘hele,’ was to cover, and a ‘hilyer’ was
a roofer.[238] Sir John Maundville says with regard to the Tartars, ‘the
helynge of their houses, and ... the dores ben alle of woode;’ and John
of Trevisa speaks of the English ‘whyt cley and red’ as useful ‘for to
make crokkes and other vessels, and barned tyyl to _hele_ with houses
and churches.’ Gower, too, uses the word prettily, but perfectly
naturally, when he says—
She took up turves (turfs) of the lond,
Withouten help of mannes hond,
All heled with the grene grass.[239]
Amongst other of the many forms that still survive surnominally we have
‘Hillyer,’ ‘Hillier,’ ‘Hellier,’ ‘Hellyer,’ and the somewhat unpleasant
‘Helman’ and ‘Hellman.’ Earlier instances may be found in the Hundred
Rolls in such entries as ‘Robert le Heliere’ or ‘Will. Heleman.’ Our
‘Tylers’ are well and quaintly represented in the early rolls. One
mediæval spelling of this good old-fashioned name is ‘Tyghelere’ (Adam
le Tyghelere, P.W.), while such forms as ‘le Tuglur,’ ‘le Tuler,’ or ‘le
Tewler,’ as representatives of the Norman-French vocabulary, meet us on
every hand. Whether any of their descendants have had the courage to
reproduce any of these renderings I cannot say. I do not find any in our
directories. Our ‘Smiths’ have not been quite so qualmish. With the
tylers we may fitly introduce our ‘Shinglers,’ they who used the stout
oaken wood in the place of burnt clay. Churches were oftentimes so
covered. Mr. Halliwell quotes the following somewhat sarcastic couplet:—
Flouren cakes beth the schingles alle
Of cherche, cloister, boure, and halle.
Piers Plowman, too, speaks similarly of Noah’s Ark as the ‘shyngled
ship.’[240] All these names have, occupatively speaking, now become
obsolete, or nearly so; our ‘Slaters,’ or ‘Sclaters,’ or ‘Slatters,’
having usurped the entire position they were formerly content to share
with their humbler brethren.[241]
In the majority of the above names we shall find the Saxon to be in all
but whole possession of the field. The fact is, the roof and its
appurtenances were little regarded for a long period by our early
architects, if we may give such a grand term to those who set up the
ordinary homestead of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. There
were no chimneys even in the residences of the rich and noble. A hole in
the roof, or the window, or the door, one of these, whether in the homes
of the peer or the peasant, was the outlet for all obnoxious vapours.
With the Normans, however, came a great increase of refinement in the
masonry and wooden framework of which our houses are composed. Such
names as ‘Adam le Quarreur,’ or ‘Hugh le Quareur,’ ‘Walter le Marbiler,’
or ‘Geoffrey le Merberer,’ ‘Gotte le Mazoun,’ or ‘Walter le Masun,’ or
‘Osbert le Machun’ represent a cultivation of which the earlier settled
race, if they knew something, did not avail themselves in their merely
domestic architecture. Two of these occupations are referred to by
‘Cocke Lorelle,’ when he speaks of—
Masones, male-makers, and merbelers.[242]
‘Henry le Wallere,’ whose sobriquet was ennobled later on by one of our
poets, is the only entry I can set by these as belonging to the Saxon
tongue.[243] It is the same with the Norman ‘Amice le Charpenter’ and
‘Alan le Joygnour.’ While the former framed the more solid essentials,
the very name of the latter infers a careful supervision of minutiæ, of
which only a more refined taste would take cognizance. The descendants
of such settlers as these still hold the place they then obtained, and
are unchanged otherwise than in the fashion of spelling their name.
Of the plaster work we have a goodly array of memorials, the majority of
which, of course, are connected with a higher class work than the mere
cottager required. The ordinary term in use at present for a maker of
lime is ‘limeburner.’ It is quite possible that in our ‘Limebears’ or
‘Limebeers’ we have but a corruption of this. Such sobriquets as ‘Hugh
le Limwryte’ and ‘John le Limer’ give us, however, the more general
mediæval forms. The latter is still to be met with among our surnames.
But these are not all. We have in our ‘Dawbers’ the descendants of the
old ‘Thomas le Daubour,’ or ‘Roger le Daubere,’ of the thirteenth
century. ‘Cocke Lorelle,’ whom I have but just quoted, mentions among
other workmen—
Tylers, bryckeleyers, hardehewers;
Parys-plasterers, daubers, and lymeborners.
Our ‘Authorised Version’ when it speaks of ‘the wall daubed with
untempered mortar,’ still preserves their memorial, and our ‘Plasters’
and ‘Plaisters’ are but sturdy scions of many an early registered ‘Adam
le Plastier,’ ‘Joanna le Plaisterer,’ or ‘John le Cementarius.’ The last
of this class I would mention is ‘Robert Pargeter’ or ‘William
Pergiter,’ a name inherited by our ‘Pargiters’ and ‘Pargeters.’ This was
an artisan of a higher order. He laboured, in fact, at the more
ornamental plaster work. In the accounts of Sir John Howard, A.D. 1467,
is the following entry:—‘Item, the vj day of Aprylle my master made a
covenaunt with Saunsam the tylere, that he schalle pergete, and whighte
and bemefelle all the new byldynge, and he schalle have for his labore
xiijs. ivd.’[244] It is used metaphorically, but I cannot add very
happily, in an old translation of Ovid—
Thus having where they stood in vaine complained of their wo,
When night drew neare they bad adue, and eche gave kisses sweete
Unto the parget on their side, the which did never meete.
‘Roger le Peynture’ or ‘Henry le Peintur,’ ‘Ralph le Gilder’ and ‘Robert
le Stainer,’ were engaged, I imagine, in the equally careful work of
decorating passage and hall within, and all have left offspring enough
to keep up their perpetual memorial. Thus, within and without, the house
itself has afforded room for little change in our nomenclature, though
the artisans themselves have now a very different work to perform to
that of their mediæval prototypes. The increase of wealth and a
progressive culture have not merely taught but demanded a more careful
and refined workmanship in the details of ordinary housebuilding. We may
readily imagine, however, even in this early day, how little the simple
bondsman, or freer husbandman, had to do with such artisans as even then
existed. I do not find, at least the exceptions are of the rarest, that
these workmen dwelt in the more rural districts at all. Their names are
to be met with in the towns, where the richer tradespeople and burgesses
were already beginning to copy the fashions and habits of life of the
higher aristocracy.
We have already noticed the ‘town’—how it originally denoted but the
simple farmstead with its immediate surroundings, then its gradual
enlargement of sense as other steads increased and multiplied around it.
We have also seen how the old ‘ham’ or home gathered about it such
accessions of human abodes as converted it in time into one of those
village communities, so many of which we still find in the outer
districts, almost, as I have said, unaltered from their early
foundation. It was in these various homesteads dwelt the peasantry.
There might be seen our ‘Cotmans’ and ‘Cotters’ (‘Richard Coteman,’ A.,
‘Simon le Cotere,’ F.F.), the descendants, doubtless, of the ‘cotmanni’
of Domesday Book. Similar in origin and as humble in degree would be our
now numerous ‘Cotterels’ or ‘Cottrels’ (‘William Coterel,’ M., ‘Joice
Cotterill,’ Z.), till a comparatively recent period an ordinary
sobriquet of that class of our country population. A curious memorial of
a past state of life abides with us in our ‘Boardmans,’ ‘Boarders,’
‘Bordmans,’ and ‘Borders.’ They were the tenants of lands which their
lord kept expressly for the maintenance of his table, the rental being
paid in kind. Hence our old English law-books speak familiarly of
bord-service, or bord-load, or bord-land. The term board in this same
sense still lingers on the common tongue, for we are yet wont to use
such phrases as bed and board, or a frugal board, or a board plentifully
spread. A determinate, as distinct from an unfixed service, has left its
mark in our ‘Sockermans,’ ‘Suckermans,’ and ‘Sockmans,’ they who held by
socage, or socmanry, as the old law-books have it. Under this tenure, as
a condition of the meagre rental, the stout-hearted, thick-limbed rustic
was to be ready, as his lord’s adherent, to stand by him in every
assault, either as archer, or arbalister, or pikeman—that is, fealty was
to eke out the remaining sum which would otherwise have been due. But
there were of these Saxon husbandmen some under no such thraldom,
however honourable, as this, and of these freeholders we must set as the
highest our ‘Yomans’ and ‘Yeomans.’ This term, however, became an
official one, and it is doubtful to which aspect of the word we are to
refer the present owners of the name. It is possible both features may
have had something to do with its origination. How anxious they who had
been redeemed, or who had been born free, though of humble
circumstances, were to preserve themselves from a doubtful or suspected
position such names as ‘Walter le Free’ or ‘John le Freman’ will fully
show. We find even such appellatives as ‘Matilda Frewoman’ or ‘Agnes
Frewyfe,’ in the latter case the husband possibly being yet in bondage.
In our ‘Frys,’ a sobriquet that has acquired much honour of late years
and represented in mediæval rolls by such entries as ‘Thomas le Frye’ or
‘Walter le Frie,’ we have but an obsolete rendering of ‘free.’[245]
These, as we see, are all Saxon—but Norman equivalents are not wanting.
Our ‘Francoms’ or ‘Francombs’ and ‘Frankhams,’ names by no means
uncommon in our existing registers, are but Anglicised dresses worn by
the posterity of such registered folk as ‘Henry le Franchome,’ or
‘Reginald le Fraunchome,’ or ‘Hugh le Fraunch-humme.’ ‘William le
Fraunk,’ too, or ‘Fulco le Franc,’ can boast many a hale descendant in
our ‘Franks;’ and ‘Roger le Franklyn’ or ‘John le Fraunkelyn’ in our
‘Franklins,’ a name from henceforth endeared to Englishmen as that of
our gallant but lost Arctic hero. From Chaucer’s description of one such
we should deem the ‘franklin’ to have been of decidedly comfortable
position, a well-to-do householder, in fact.
Withouten bake mete never was his house,
Of fish and flesh, and that so plenteous,
It snowed in his hous of mete and drinke
Of all deintees that men coud of thinke:
After the sondry sesons of the yere,
So changed he his mete and soupere.
But we are not without vestiges of the baser servitudes of the time, and
in this category we must set the great bulk of the agricultural classes
of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. The descendants of the old ‘Ivo
le Bondes’ and ‘Richard le Bondes’ are still in our midst, and to judge
merely from their number then and now enrolled, we see what a familiar
position must that of personal bondage have been.
Of alle men in londe
Most toileth the bonde,
says an old rhyme.[246] Still more general terms for those who lay under
this miserable serfdom were those of ‘Knave’ or ‘Villein.’ ‘Walter le
Knave’ or ‘Lambert le Vilein’ or ‘Philip le Vylayn’ are names registered
at the time of which we are speaking. The odium, however, that has
gradually gathered around these sobriquets has caused them to be thrown
off by the posterity of those who first acquired them as simple bondmen.
Indeed, there was the time when, as I shall have occasion to show in a
succeeding chapter, our forefathers could speak of ‘Goodknaves’ and
‘Goodvilleins.’ Feudal disdain of all that lay beneath chivalric
service, however, has done its work, and we all now speak, not merely as
if these terms implied that which was mean and despicable in outward
condition, but that which also was morally depraved and vile. ‘Geoffrey
le Sweyn’ or ‘Hugh le Sweyn,’ however, by becoming the exponent of
honest rusticity, has rescued his sobriquet from such an ill-merited
destiny, and has left in many of our ‘Swains’ a token of his mediæval
gallantry. ‘John le Hyne’ or ‘William le Hyne’ (found also as Hind), as
representative of the country labourer, is equally sure of perpetuity,
as the most cursory survey of our directories will prove.[247] Of the
‘Reve’ in the ‘Canterbury Tales,’ we are told:—
There was no bailif, nor herd, nor other hine
That he nor knew his sleight, and his covine.
In the ‘Townley Mysteries,’ too, the word occurs. In the account of the
reconciliation betwixt Jacob and Esau the former is made to say:—
God yeld you, brother, that it so is,
That thou thy hyne so would kiss.
In the rural habitations we have mentioned, then dwelt these various
members of the lower class community.
The sobriquets we have just briefly surveyed, however, are of a more
general character. We must now, and as briefly, scan some of those which
in themselves imply the particular service which as rustic labourers
their first owners performed, and by which the titles were got. This
class is well represented by such a name as ‘Plowman.’ Langland, when he
would take from a peasant point of view a sarcastic survey of the low
morality of his time, as exemplified in the English Church ere yet she
was reformed, could fix upon no better sobriquet than that of ‘Piers
Plowman,’ and has thus given a prominence to the name it can never lose.
What visions of homely and frugal content we discern in the utterance of
such a surname as this; what thoughts of healthy life, such as are
becoming rarer with each returning year—
For times are altered—trade’s unfeeling train
Usurp the land, and dispossess the swain.
It was with him at early dawn would issue forth our ‘Tillyers’ or
‘Tillmans,’ to help him cleave the furrow. A little later on we might
have seen our ‘Mowers’ and ‘Croppers’[248] hanging up their scythes and
sickles, as the autumn, in richly clad garb, passed slowly by. Then
again in due season busy enough would be the ‘Dyker,’ now spelt
‘Dicker,’[249] and the ‘Dykeman’ or ‘Dickman.’ With what an enviable
appetite would these eat up to the last relic their rasher of bacon and
black bread, and quaff their home-brewed ale, a princely feast after the
hard toil of draining the field. To dike was merely to dig, the root
being the same. Of the kindly plowman Chaucer says—
He would thresh, and thereto dike and delve,
For Christ’s sake, for every poor wight,
Withouten hire, if it lay in his might.
The Malvern dreamer, too, speaks in the same fashion of ‘dikeres and
delvers,’ and among other characters introduces to our notice ‘Daw the
Dykere,’ ‘Daw’ being, as I have already shown, but the shorter David.
Our ‘Drayners,’ I need not add, were but his compeers in the same
labour. Perhaps one of the most beautiful features that help to make up
a truly English rural landscape is the hedgerows, following the windings
of our lanes, and mazy bypaths skirting our meadows. England is
eminently a land of enclosures. Still all this has been the result of
progressing time. If our pinder be now an obsolete officership it is
because the lines of appropriation have become more clearly marked. It
is only thus we can understand the importance of his position in every
rural community four or five hundred years ago. No wonder, then, our
‘Hedgers’ and ‘Hedgmans’ are to be found whose ancestors were once
occupied in setting up these pretty barriers. An old song of James I.’s
day says:—
Come all you farmers out of the country,
Carters, ploughmen, _hedgers_, and all;
Tom, Dick, and Will, Ralph, Roger, and Humphrey,
Leave off your gestures rusticall.[250]
If stakes or pales were used, it is to our ‘Pallisers’ and obsolete
‘Herdleres’ our forefathers looked to set them up. The former term I
have but come across once as an absolute surname, but such entries as
‘Robert Redman, palayser,’ or ‘James Foster, palycer,’ are to be met
with occasionally, and at once testify to the origin of the term as
found in our existing registers. ‘Pallister,’ too, is not obsolete;
strictly speaking, the feminine form of the above. I find it written
‘Pallyster’ and ‘Palyster’ in an old Yorkshire inventory. But there is
one more term belonging to this group which I am afraid has disappeared
from our family nomenclature—that of ‘Tiner,’ he who tined or mended
hedges. A ‘John le Tynere’ occurs in the Parliamentary Writs. We are
reminded by Verstigan’s book on ‘Decayed Intelligence’ that ‘hedging and
tining’ was a phrase in vogue not more than 200 years ago. Mr. Taylor,
in his ‘Words and Places,’ connects our ‘tine’ in the ‘tines of a stag’s
horns’ or ‘the tines of a fork,’ with the same root implying a ‘twig.’
In our old English forest law a ‘tineman’ was an officer very similar to
the ‘hayward,’ the only apparent difference being that he served by
night. The two terms are exactly similar in sense. We are not without
relics, too, of our former means and methods of enriching the glebe.
Even here several interesting memorials are preserved to us.
‘Marler,’[251] ‘Clayer,’ and ‘Chalker’ (‘Alice le Marlere,’ A., ‘Thomas
le Chalker,’ A., ‘Simon le Clayere,’ A.), still existing, remind us how
commonly the land was manured with marl and other substances of a
calcareous nature. Trevisa, writing upon this very subject, says—‘Also
in this land (England), under the turf of the land, is good marl found.
The thrift of the fatness drieth himself (itself) therein, so that even
the thicker the field is marled, the better corn will it bear.’[252] An
old rhyme says:—
He that marles sand may buy land;
He that marles moss shall suffer no loss;
But he that marles clay throws all away.
An interesting surname of this class is that of ‘Acreman,’ or, as it is
now generally spelt, ‘Acherman,’ ‘Akerman,’ or ‘Aikman,’ for it is far
from being of modern German introduction, as some have supposed. In the
Hundred Rolls and elsewhere it appears in such entries as ‘Alexander le
Acherman,’ ‘Roger le Acreman,’ ‘Peter le Akerman,’ and ‘John le
Akurman.’ His was indeed a common and familiar sobriquet, and we are but
once more reminded by it of the day when the _acre_ was what it really
denoted—the ager, or land open to tillage, without thought of definite
or statute measure. Indeed, it is quite possible the term was at first
strictly applied thus, for a contemporaneous poem has the following
couplet:—
The foules up, and song on bough,
And acremen yede to the plough.
If this be the case the surname is but synonymous with ‘Plowman’ and
‘Tillman,’ already referred to.
A curious name is found in the writs of this period, and one well worthy
of mention, that of ‘Adam le Imper.’ An ‘imp,’ I need scarcely remind
the reader, was originally a ‘scion’ or ‘offshoot,’ whether of plants or
animals, the former seemingly most common, to judge from instances. That
nothing more than this was intended by it we may prove by Archbishop
Trench’s quotation from Bacon, where he speaks of ‘those most virtuous
and goodly young imps, the Duke of Suffolk and his brother.’[253]
Chaucer says that of
feble trees their comen wretched imps—
and ‘Piers Plowman’ uses the word still more explicitly—
I was some tyme a frere
And the conventes gardyner
For to graffen impes,
he says. This latter quotation explains the surname. ‘Imper,’ doubtless,
simply differed from ‘Gardiner’ or ‘Gardner’ in that he was more
particularly engaged in the grafting of young shoots.
From the consideration of the last we may fitly turn to the subject of
fruits. There can be no doubt that in early days, so far at least as the
south, and more particularly the south-west of England was concerned,
the vine was very generally cultivated by the peasantry, and the wine
made therefrom, however poor it might be, used by them. So early as
Domesday Survey a ‘Walter Vinitor’ lived in Surrey, and a century or two
later such names as ‘Symon le Vynur,’ or ‘William le Viner,’ or ‘Roger
le Vynour,’ the ancestry of our ‘Viners,’ show that the vine-dresser’s
occupation was not yet extinct. We have long left the production of this
beverage, however, to the sunnier champaign lands of the Continent, and
are content by paying a higher price to get a richer and fuller juice.
Our ‘Dressers’ may either belong to this or the curriers’ fraternity. An
old poem, which I have already had occasion to quote, says—
In tyme of harvest merry it is enough,
Pears and apples hangeth on bough,
The hayward bloweth merry his horne,
In every felde ripe is corne,
The grapes hongen on the vyne,
Swete is trewe love and fyne.
We have here the mention of pears and apples. The cultivation of these
by our ‘Orcharders,’ or ‘de la Orchards,’ or ‘de la Apelyards,’ was a
familiar occupation, and ‘le Cyderer,’[254] and ‘le Perriman,’ or
‘Pearman,’ and ‘le Perrer,’ testify readily as to the use to which they
were put. The home-made drinks of these early days were almost all
sweet. Such decoctions as mead, piment, or hippocras, in the absence of
sugar, were mingled with honey. We can at once understand, therefore,
what an important pursuit would that be of the bee-keeper.[255] Not
merely did the occasional husbandman possess his two or three hives, but
there were those who gave themselves up wholly to the tendence of bees,
and who made for themselves a comfortable livelihood in the sale of
their produce. Many of our surnames still bear testimony to this.
‘Beman,’ or ‘Beeman,’ or ‘Beaman,’ will be familiar to all, and
‘Honeyman’ is scarcely less common. In an old roll of 1183 we have the
name Latinised in such an entry as ‘Ralph Custosapium.’ But not merely
honey, but spices of all kinds were also infused into these various
drinks, whether of wine or ale. We have a well-drawn picture of this in
Piers Plowman’s vision where ‘Glutton’ comes across Beton the Brewstere,
and the latter bidding him good-morrow, says—
‘I have good ale, gossib,’ quoth she,
‘Glutton, wilt thou assaye?’
‘Hast thou aught in thy purse,’ quoth he;
‘Any hote spices?’
‘I have pepir, and peonies,’ quoth she,
‘And a pound of garleck,
And a farthing-worth of fenel-seed
For fastyng dayes.’
Such an array of hot ingredients as this poor Glutton could not resist,
and instead of going to Mass he turned into the tavern, and having
supped
A galon and a gille,
of course got uproariously drunk. Thus we see how natural it is we
should come across such names as ‘Balmer,’ or ‘le Oyncterer,’ or ‘le
Hoincter,’ as it is also registered, or ‘le Garlyckmonger,’ in our early
records. The first still exists. The second does not, but the cumbersome
and ungainly appearance of the last affords sufficient excuse for its
absence. It is quite possible, however, that our ‘Garlicks’ are but a
curtailment of it, and this is the more likely, as such forms as ‘Henry
le Garleckmonger,’ or ‘Thomas le Garlykmonger,’ are commonly found, and
evidently represented an important occupation. The Normans, like the
Saxons, loved a highly stimulative dish, and garlic sauce went to
everything; bird, beast, fish, all alike found their seasoning in a
concoction of which this acrid and pungent herb was the chief
ingredient. ‘Roger le Gaderer,’ or as we should now say ‘Gatherer,’ has
left no descendant, but he may be mentioned as representing a more
general term for many of the above.
In the woodlands and its open glades and devious windings, where several
of these herbalists I have mentioned would be often found, we shall see,
too, other frequenters. It would be here, subject to the condition of
agistment and pannage, our ‘Swinnarts,’ or swineherds, tended their
hogs. It would be here by the hazel bank and deeper forest pathways our
‘Nutters’ and ‘Nutmans’ would be found, as the autumn began to set in,
and browner and more golden tints to fleck the trees and hedgerows. It
would be here, as the chills of early winter drew on, and the fallen
leaves lay strewn around, our ‘Bushers’ or ‘Boshers’ (relics of the old
‘John le Busscher’ or ‘Reginald le Buscher’), and our more Saxon ‘Thomas
le Woderes,’ ‘Robert Wudemongers,’ and ‘Alan le Wodemans’ (now
‘Woodyers’ and ‘Woodmans’), would be occupied in gathering the refuse
branches for firing purposes—here our ‘Hewers’ (once found as ‘Ralph le
Heuer’) and more specific ‘Robert le Wodehewers,’[256] our ‘Hackers’ and
‘Hackmans,’ would be engaged in chopping timber, perchance for building
purposes, perchance for our ‘Ashburners,’[257] to procure their potash
from. Oftentimes, no doubt, would these various frequenters of the
woodland boscage be roused from their rude labours to watch as the
hornblower (now ‘Hornblow’) awoke the shrill echoes, the lordly chase
sweep through the glade till it was hidden by the embrasures of the
forest, or the darkening twilight, or the bending hill.
One single glance backward over the names we have so far recorded in
this chapter, and one thing will be obvious—their all but entirely Saxon
character. Our agriculture terms, whether with regard to the work itself
or the labourer, belong to the earlier tongue. There is nothing
surprising in this. While in the nomenclature of trade we find the
superior force and energy of the Norman temperament struggling with and
oftentimes overcoming the more sober humour of the conquered race, in
the country and all the pursuits of the country the latter was far ahead
of its rival. It was better versed in agricultural pursuits, and ever
retained them in its own hands. At the same time, as we well know, this
very detention was but the mark of its defeat and the badge of its
slavery. It was a victory where, nevertheless, all is lost. Wamba the
jester, in ‘Ivanhoe,’ if I may be excused such a trite illustration,
reminds us that our cattle, while in the field, and under the
guardianship of the enslaved Saxon, were called by the Saxon terms of
‘ox,’ ‘sheep,’ and ‘calf,’ but served upon the tables of their lords
became Norman ‘beef,’ ‘mutton,’ and ‘veal’—that is, while the former
_fed them_, the latter it was that _fed on them_. Thus in the same way,
if those homely pursuits which attached to the tilling of the soil, the
breeding of cattle, the gathering in and the storing of the harvest—if
these maintained the terms which belonged to them ere the Conquest, they
are so many marks of serfdom. Provided the supply on his board was only
profuse enough, the proud baron troubled himself little as to the
supplier, or how or under what names it was procured. See how true this
is from our nomenclature. There is a little word which has dropped from
our lips which once played an important part in our vocabulary—I mean
that of ‘herd’—not as applied to the flock, but the keeper. We still use
it familiarly in compounds, such as _swineherd_ or _shepherd_, but that
it once had a separate existence of its own is proved by the many
‘Heards,’ or ‘Herds,’ or ‘Hurds,’ that still abound surnominally in our
midst; relics as they are of the ‘John le Hirdes,’ or ‘Alice la Herdes,’
or ‘Robert le Hyrdes,’ of our olden records. Chaucer so uses it. We now
speak of our Lord as the ‘Good Shepherd.’ He, however, gives us the
simpler form where St. Urban is made to say—
‘Almighty Lord, O Jesu Christ,’ quoth he,
‘Sower of chaste counsel, herd of us all.’
Thus again, in the ‘Townley Mysteries’ the angel who visited the
shepherds as they kept their flocks by night is represented as arousing
them by saying—
Herkyn, hyrdes, awake!
See now the many compounds of which this purely Saxon word is the root.
Are we in the low-lying pastures. In our ‘Stotherds’ and ‘Stothards,’
our ‘Stoddarts’ and ‘Stoddards,’ still clings the remembrance of the old
_stot_ or bullock-herd; in our ‘Yeatherds’ (as in our ‘Yeatmans’), the
heifer herd; and in our ‘Cowards,’ far from being so pusillanimous as
they look, the homely ‘cowherd.’ In ‘William and the Werfolf’ we are
told—
It bifel in that forest
There fast byside,
There woned (dwelt) a wel old churl
That was a couherde.
Nor are these all. In our ‘Calverts’ and ‘Calverds’ we are reminded of
the once well-known ‘Warin le Calveherd,’ or ‘William le Calverd,’ as I
find him recorded; in our ‘Nuttards’ the more general but now faded
‘neteherd’ or ‘noutherd,’[258] and in our obsolete ‘John Oxenhyrds’ and
‘Peter Oxherds,’ the familiar ox. Are we in the grazing paddock. In our
‘Coultherds,’ ‘Coulthards,’ and ‘Coultards’ (‘John Colthird,’ W. 9), not
to mention our ‘Coultmans’ and ‘Coltmans,’ we have ample trace of their
presence. Are we again on the bleak hill-side. The sheep have given us
our ‘Shepherds,’ the rams our ‘Wetherherds’ (now generally written
‘Weatherheads’), the kids our ‘Gottards,’ not to say some of our
‘Goddards,’ memorials of the once common goatherd. Are we under the
woodland pathways where the beech-nuts abound. There, too, the herd was
to be found, for in our ‘Swinnarts,’ ‘Hoggarts,’ and ‘Sowards’ we are
not without a further token of his usefulness. In three instances I have
found ‘herd’ connected with the winged creation. In the _Parliamentary
Writs_ occurs ‘William le Swonherde,’ in the _Corpus Christi Guild_
(Surt. Soc.), ‘Agnes Gusehyrd’ and ‘Joan Gusehyrd,’ and in the _Hundred
Rolls_ ‘Henry le Rocherde,’ _i.e._, rook-herd.[259] ‘Swanherd’ reminds
us that swans were an important article of diet in early times. In 1482
an Act was passed forbidding any but freeholders (and they only if they
had lands of the annual value of five marks) to have marks or games of
swans. (‘Stat. Realm,’ vol. ii. p. 447.)
It will have already become clear to the reader that this term ‘herd’
played no unimportant part in the vocabulary of the thirteenth and
fourteenth centuries. But even now we have not done. For instance, our
‘Stobbarts’ and ‘Stubbards’ are manifestly descendants of such a name as
‘Alice Stobhyrd’ or ‘Thomas Stobart,’ the owners of both of which are
set down in the Black Book of Hexham Priory in company with ‘John
Stodard,’ ‘William Oxhyrd,’ and ‘Thomas Schipherde.’[260] I should have
been in some difficulty in regard to the meaning of this ‘stob’ or
‘stub’ had not Mr. Halliwell in his dictionary of archaic words given it
as an old rural term for a bull. This surname, therefore, is
satisfactorily accounted for. I cannot be quite so positive with regard
to our ‘Geldards’ and ‘Geldarts,’ but I strongly suspect their early
ancestor was but a _confrère_ of the swineherd or hogherd, ‘gelt,’ or
‘geld,’ as a porcine title, being a familiar word to our forefathers of
that date. Our ‘Gattards’ and ‘Gathards,’ too, may be mentioned as but
mediævalisms for the goatherd, ‘Gateard’ and ‘Gatherd’ being met with in
North English records contemporaneously with the above. Such a sobriquet
as ‘Adam le Gayt,’ while it may be but a form of the old ‘wayt’ or
watchman, is, I imagine, but representative of this northern
provincialism. It occurs locally in ‘William de Gatesden’ or ‘John de
Gatesden,’ both found in the Parliamentary Writs. With two more
instances I will conclude. In our ‘Hunnards’ still lives the memory of
‘Helyas le Hunderd,’ the old houndsman, while in ‘Richard le Wodehirde’
or ‘William le Wodehirde’ we have but another, though more general,
sobriquet of one of those many denizens of the forest I have already
hinted at. How purely Saxon are all these names! What a freshness seems
to breathe about them! What a fragrance as of the wild heather and
thyme, and all that is sweet and fresh and free! And yet they are but so
many marks of serfdom.
I have just incidentally referred to the swineherd. It is difficult for
us, in this nineteenth century of ours, to conceive the vast importance
of this occupation in the days of which we are writing. Few avocations
have so much changed as this. Hog-tending as a distinct livelihood is
well-nigh extinct. Time was, however, when the rustic community lived
upon bacon, when the surveillance of swine was a lazy, maybe, but
nevertheless an all-important care. We still speak of a ‘flitch of
bacon,’ a term which, while etymologically the same as ‘flesh,’ shows
how to the early popular mind that article represented the sum total of
_carnal_ luxuries. Our use of the word ‘brawn’ is of an equally
tell-tale character. Every one knows what we mean by brawn. Originally,
however, it was the flesh of any animal. Chaucer says—
The Miller was a stout carl for the nones,
Full big he was of brawn, and eke of bones.
When, however, the wild boar had been brought down, and salted, and put
aside for winter use, how natural that to the housewife it should
engross this general sense. It is to the importance this
unsavoury-looking animal held in the eyes of early rustics we must
attribute the fact of so many names coming down to us connected with its
keep. As I have just hinted, such sobriquets as ‘John le Swineherd’ or
‘Nicholas le Hogherd’ were common enough in the country parts, our
‘Swinnarts’ and ‘Hoggarts’ being witnesses. The sowherd remains in our
‘Sowards,’ and is as Saxon as the others. The same tongue is strong
again in our ‘Pigmans’ ‘Sowmans,’ ‘Hogmans,’ and still more secluded
‘Denyers’ and ‘Denmans.’ The Norman, however, is to be accredited with
our many ‘Gilbert le Porchers’ and ‘Thomas le Porkeres,’ by which we may
see that when daintily served up under the name of ‘pork’ it was not
disdained on the baron’s table. Lastly, we may mention our early ‘Philip
le Lardiners’ and ‘Hugh le Lardiners,’ names that in themselves suggest
to us the one purpose of the herdsman, the fattening of his charge. They
would be found generally, therefore, neath the fastnesses of the forest,
where the
Oak with his nuts larded many a swine,
and where the mast and beech-nuts abounded, the chief pannage, it would
seem, of that day.[261] Higher up, as far indeed as the bleak and barren
wolds, the shepherd cared for and tended his flock. His was a common
occupation, too, as our nomenclature shows. Evidently he was as prone in
those days to the oaten reed as the poets of all ages have loved to
depict him, for it is to his Norman-introduced name of ‘Berger’ we owe
the ‘bergeret,’ or pastoral ode. The song indeed, so called, has died
away from our ears, but ‘Berger,’ or ‘Bercher,’ as it was often written,
still lives, and may carry us back for a moment to these wholesomer
times.
Nor, if we approach more closely to the farmyard enclosure, are we
without memorials. The _farm_ of old, as applied to the soil, was of
course that piece of land which was rented for agricultural purposes,
and I doubt not the chief of the old ‘Robert le Fermers’ and ‘Matilda le
Fermeres’ represent this more confined sense. ‘Farmer,’ whether
colloquially or in our registers, is the modern form. Udal, however,
maintains the more antique dress, when he says, ‘And that the thyng
should so be, Chryst Hymself had signyfied to fore by the parable of the
husbandmen or fermers.’
While ‘herd,’ as a root-word, implied the tendance of cattle in the
meadows and woods and on the hillsides, ‘man,’ I suspect, was equally
significative of their guardianship in the stable and the yard. Thus if
the ‘_cowherd_’ was in the field, the ‘_cowman_’ would be in the stall.
We may here, therefore, set our familiar ‘Cowmans,’ ‘Bullmans,’
‘Heiffermans,’ and ‘Steermans,’ or ‘Stiermans.’[262] One or two
provincialisms, I imagine, have added also to this stock. Mr. Lower
thinks our ‘Twentymans’ to be derived from ‘Vintenarius,’ a captain of
twenty. This may be so, but I suspect the more correct origin will be
found in ‘twenterman’ or ‘twinterman,’ he who tended the ‘_twenters_’ or
‘_twinters_,’ the old and once familiar ‘two-winter,’ or, as we now
generally say, ‘two-year-old.’ If the ‘steer,’ the ‘heifer,’ the ‘cow,’
and the ‘bull’ gave a sobriquet to the farm labourer, why not this? As a
farmyard term it occurs in every provincial record of the fifteenth and
even sixteenth century. Thus, to quote but one instance, I find in a
will dated 1556 mention made of ‘6 oxen, item, 18 sterres (steers),
item, 11 heifers, item, 21 twenters, item, 23 stirks.’ (Richmondshire
Wills, p. 93.) An inventory of the same date includes ‘3 kye, item, one
whye.’ This latter term was equally commonly used at this period for a
‘heifer.’ Our ‘Whymans’ and ‘Wymans’ will, we may fairly surmise, be
their present memorial. ‘Cowman,’ mentioned above, was met by the Norman
‘Vacher,’ such entries as ‘John le Vacher’ or ‘Walter le Vacher’ being
common, and as ‘Vacher,’ or more corruptly ‘Vatcher,’ it still abides in
our midst. ‘Thomas le Stabeler,’ or ‘William le Stabler,’ too, are yet
with us; but descendants for ‘Thomas le Milkar’ or ‘William le Melker’
are, I fear, wanting. A Norman representative for these latter is found
in the Parliamentary Writs in the case of ‘John le Lacter.’ There is the
smack of a kindred labour in the registered ‘Thomas le Charner,’ for I
doubt not his must have been but an antique dress of ‘Churner.’ Another
form is found in an old Richmondshire will dated 1592, where mention is
made of ‘Robert Chirner’ and his sister ‘Jane Chirner.’ As an additional
proof that his occupation was such as I have surmised, I may add that in
the same record in the valuation of household property the _churn_ is
spelt _chirne_. (Richmondshire Wills, p. 235, note.) The most
interesting sobriquet of this class, and the one which has left the most
memorials, is found in such mediæval names as ‘Cecilia le Day,’ or
‘Christiana la Daye,’ or ‘Stephen le Dagh.’ A ‘day’ was a dairyman, of
which word it is but another form. Chaucer, in one of the most charming
of his descriptions, tells us of a poor widow, how that she—
Since that day that she was last a wife
In patience led a ful simple life,
For litel was her cattle, and her rent:
By husbandry of such as God her sent
She found herself and eke her doughtren two.
————
Her board was served most with white and black,
Milk and brown bread, in which she found no lack,
Singed bacon, and sometimes an egg or twey,
For she was as it were a maner _dey_.[263]
The present representatives of this name are met with in the several
forms of ‘Deye,’ ‘Daye,’ ‘Day,’ ‘Dayman,’ and the more unpleasantly
corrupted ‘Deman.’
It is quite evident, judging from the places of abode in which we find
our early ‘Fishers’ and ‘Fishermans,’ that it is to followers, though
professional, of the quaint and gentle-minded Izaac Walton we owe our
many possessors of these names, rather than to the dwellers upon the
coast, although both, doubtless, are represented. Such entries as
‘Margaret le Fischere,’ or ‘Henry le Fissere,’ or ‘Robert le Fiscere’
are very common. This latter seems a sort of medium between the others
and such a more hard form as ‘Laurence le Fisker.’ The finny species
themselves gave us such sobriquets as ‘John le Fysche’ or ‘William
Fyske,’ and both ‘Fish’ and ‘Fisk’ still exist amongst us. The Norman
angler is seen in ‘Godard le Pescher’ or ‘Walter le Pecheur,’ while
‘Agnes le Pecheresse’ bespeaks the fact that even women did not disdain
the gentle art.
But the moment we hint of the village streamlet we are thrown upon a
subject vast indeed—the mill and the miller. He was emphatically, you
see, _the_ miller. Even now, in these busy grasping days, when we have
cotton mills and saw mills, silk mills and powder mills, mills for this
and mills for that, still it never occurs to us, when we talk of the
miller, that any one could possibly mistake our meaning. And well may it
be so, for it is with him we entwine pleasant remembrances of the
country, the wheel, the stream, the lusty dimpled trout; with him we
associate all of comfortable, peaceful content. A white jacket and a
white cap, with a black coat for Sundays—how black it would look to be
sure—a bluff, good-humoured face, a friendly nod, and a blithe
good-morrow, up early and to bed betimes, and his memoir is written, and
a very pleasant memoir, too, with a moral to boot for discontented folk,
would they but see it. The old word for mill was ‘milne,’ hence we still
have the earlier form, ‘Milnes’ and ‘Milner’ being nearly as familiar to
us in that respect as ‘Mills’ and ‘Miller.’ Besides these we have
‘Milman’ and ‘Milward,’ who once, no doubt, acted as custodian, the
modern ‘man on the premises,’ in fact.[264] The ancestry of all these is
proved by such registered forms as ‘John le Mellere,’ ‘William le
Melner,’ ‘Robert le Milleward,’[265] ‘John del Mill,’ or ‘Thomas atte
Milne,’ all of which are found scattered over our earlier rolls.[266]
Our ‘Threshers’ and ‘Taskers’ (Benedict le Tasker,’ H.R.) busied
themselves in urging the flail. I have only lit upon the latter term
once as in ordinary colloquial use. Burton in the preface to his
‘Anatomy’ says—‘many poor country-vicars, for want of other means, are
driven to their shifts,’ and ‘as Paul did, at last turn taskers,
maltsters, costermongers, graziers, etc.’[267] Our ‘Winners,’ shortened
from ‘Winnower,’ winnowed the grain with the fan; our ‘Boulters’ or
‘Bulters,’[268] ‘Siviers’ and ‘Riddlers,’ (‘Geoffrey le Boltere,’ A.,
‘William Rydler,’ Z., ‘Ralph le Siviere,’ A.), still more carefully
separated the flour from the bran. How beautifully Shakespeare presses
this into his imagery many will remember, where Florizel speaks of—
The fanned snow that’s bolted
By the northern blasts twice o’er.
Our Bible translators, too, must have yet been familiar with the simpler
process of this earlier time when they rendered one of the prophet’s
happier foretellings into the beautiful Saxon we still possess:—‘The
oxen likewise, and the young asses that ear the ground shall eat clean
provender, which hath been winnowed with the shovel and with the fan.’
The manufacture or use of the fan wherewith to purge the flour made our
‘Walter le Vanners,’ ‘Simon le Fanneres,’ ‘Richard atte Vannes,’ or
‘William atte Fannes,’ familiar names at this time. In Cocke Lorelle’s
Bote, we find among other craftsmen—
Barbers, bokebynders, and lymners;
Repers, _faners_, and horners.
We must not forget, too, our ‘Shovellers’ and more common ‘Showlers,’
‘showl’ being ever the vulgar form. It was for no purpose of rhyme, only
the word is so used where we are asked—
‘Who’ll dig his grave?’
‘I,’ said the owl; ‘with my spade and showl
I’ll dig his grave.’
With these many reminders, it is not likely that either the miller or
his men are likely to become soon forgotten.
The smithy, of course, was an inseparable adjunct to the small
community. The smith, unlike the wright, was engaged upon the harder
metals, the latter being incidentally described to us by Chaucer when he
says of one of his personages in the Reeves Story, that—
He was a well good wright, a carpenter.
Looking at the many compounds formed from these two roots, we find that
in the main this distinction is maintained. Let us take the wright
first. We have but just mentioned ‘Ralph le Siviere,’ or ‘Peter le
Syvyere.’ For him our ‘Sivewrights’ were manifestly occupied, to say
nothing of the farmer’s wife. The farmer himself would need the services
of our ‘Plowwrights’ (‘William le Plowritte,’ A., ‘William le
Ploughwryte,’ M.), and would he carry his produce safely to the distant
market or fair he must needs have a good stout wain, for the track
athwart the hillside was rough and uneven, and here therefore he must
call into requisition the skill of our many ‘Wheelwrights,’ or
‘Wheelers,’ ‘Cartwrights’ and their synonymous ‘Wainwrights.’[269]
Adding to these ‘Boatwright,’ or ‘Botwright,’ ‘Shipwright,’ and the
obsolete ‘Slaywright,’ the old loom manufacturer, we see wood to have
been the chief object at least of the wright’s attention. But we have
other names of a different character. ‘Limewright’ or ‘Limer’ (‘Hugh le
Limwryte,’ A., ‘John le Limer,’ A.) ceases to maintain this distinction,
so do our ‘Glasswrights,’ equivalent to our ‘Glaziers’ or ‘Glaishers’
(‘Thomas le Glaswryghte,’ X., ‘Walter Glasenwryht,’ W. ii., ‘William
Glaseer,’ Z.).[270] ‘Le Cheesewright,’ or ‘Chesswright,’ like
‘Firminger’ and ‘Casier,’ brings us once more into the scullery, and
‘Breadwright’ into the kitchen. ‘Alwright’ is doubtless but the old
‘alewright,’ and ‘Goodwright,’ which Mr. Lower deems to be a maker of
goads, I cannot but imagine to be simply complimentary, after the
fashion of many others which I shall mention in another chapter. Our
‘Tellwrights’ or ‘Telwrights’ have given me much trouble, and though at
first I did not like it, I think Mr. Lower’s suggestion that they have
arisen from the Pauline occupation of tent-making is a natural one.
‘Teld’ was the old English word for a tent. In the metrical Anglo-Saxon
Psalter the fourteenth psalm thus commences—
Lord, in thi teld wha sal wone (dwell)?
In thi hali hille or wha reste mone (shall)?
We still speak of a ‘tilt’ when referring to the cover of a cart or
wagon, or to any small awning of a boat. It is quite possible,
therefore, that the name has originated in the manufacture of such
canopies as these. Admitting this, I would merely suggest ‘Tilewright’
as requiring but little corruptive influence to bring it into the forms
in which we at present find the word.[271] Should this be the case, we
must place it with ‘le Tyler,’ of whom we have but recently spoken.
‘Arkwright’ I mention last as being worthy of more extended notice. In
this is preserved the memory of a once familiar and all-important piece
of cabinet furniture—that of the old-fashioned ark. Much store was set
by this long years ago by the north-country folk, as is shown by the
position it occupies in antique wills, often being found as the first
legacy bequeathed.[272] Shaped exactly like the child’s Noah’s ark, it
seems to have had a twofold character. In one it was simply a meal-bin.
Thus in the ‘Tale of a Usurer’ we are told:—
When this corn to the kniht was sold,
He did it in an arc to hold,
And opened this arc the third day.
In the other it was more carefully put together. The trick of its secret
spring, known only to the housewife and her lord—sometimes I dare say,
only to the latter—it contained all the treasure the family could boast.
Here were kept what parchments they possessed; here lay stored up fold
on fold of household linen, venerated by the female inmates nearly as
much as the grandmothers themselves, whose thrifty fingers had woven it
in days long past and gone. We see thus that upon the whole the wright
_wrought_ his manufacture out of his own more specific material, seldom,
at any rate, poaching upon the preserves of his friend the smith. The
smith worked in iron and the metals. This good old Saxon name, with the
many quaint changes that have been rung upon it, deserves a whole
chapter to itself. How then can we hope to do justice to it in a few
sentences? We do not know where to begin, and having once begun, the
difficulty at once arises as to where we can end. How few of us reflect
upon the close connexion that exists between the anvil and the smith
himself, and yet it is because he _smote_ thereupon that he got his
name. As old Verstigan has it:—
From whence comes Smith, all be he knight or squire,
But from the smith that forgeth at the fire?
Putting in all the needs which in this agricultural age his occupation
would be necessary to supply, still we could scarcely account for the
enormous preponderance he has attained over other artisans, did we not
remember that his services would also be required in the production of
warlike implements. Sword and ploughshare alike would be to his hands.
Chaucer speaks of:—
The smith
That forgeth sharpe swords on the stith.
Between and including the years 1838 and 1854 there were registered as
born, or married, or dead, no less than 286,307 Smiths. Were we indeed
to put into one community the persons who bear this name in our land, we
should have a town larger than Leeds, and scarcely inferior in size and
importance to that of the capital of the midland counties.
The smith is often spoken of colloquially as the blacksmith, a title
which, while it has not itself a place in our nomenclature, reminds us
of others that have, and of a peculiar custom of earlier days. The word
‘blacksmith’ dates from the days of ‘Cocke Lorelle’s Bote,’ and it is
quite evident that at that time it was customary for the smith to have
his name compounded with sobriquets according to the colour of the metal
upon which he spent his energies. Thus the former ‘Thomas Brownesmythe’
evidently worked in copper and brass, ‘William le Whytesmyth’ in
tinplate, ‘John Redesmith’ in gold, a ‘Goldsmith’ in fact; ‘Richard
Grensmythe’ in I am not sure what, unless it be lead; and ‘John
Blackesmythe’ in iron. The last is the only one I fail to discover as
now existing among our surnames—a circumstance, however, easily
accounted for from the settled position the simple ‘Smith’ himself had
obtained as an artificer of that metal. But these are not the only
compounds. Our ‘Smiths’ are surrounded with connexions of not merely
every hue, but every type. Thus ‘Arrowsmith,’ already alluded to with
its contracted ‘Arsmith,’ tells its own tale of archery service;
‘Billsmith’ and ‘Spearsmith’ remind us of the lances, or rather lance
heads, that did such duty in the golden days of Agincourt and Poictiers.
Of a more peaceful nature would be the work of our ‘Nasmyths,’ like our
‘Naylors,’ mere relics of the old nailsmith. Closely connected with
them, therefore, we may set our ‘Shoosmiths,’[273] but Saxon
representatives of the Norman-introduced ‘Farrier.’ The surname still
clings chiefly to the north of England, where the Saxon, retaining so
much more of its strength and vigour than in the south, preserved it as
the occupative term for centuries. Springtide and the approach of
sheep-washing would see our ‘Sheersmiths’ busy, while the later autumn
would have its due effect upon the trade of our ‘Sixsmiths’ and
‘Sucksmiths,’ pleasant though curiously corrupted memorials of the old
sicklesmith, or ‘Sykelsmith,’ as I find the name spelt. The bucklesmith
(‘John le Bokelsmythe,’ X.), whose name is referred to in the poem I
have but recently quoted, has similarly and as naturally curtailed
himself to ‘Bucksmith.’[274] Our ‘Bladesmiths’ fashioned swords, being
found generally in fellowship with our ‘Cutlers’ and obsolete
‘Knyfesmythes.’ Our ‘Locksmiths,’ of course, looked to the security of
door, and closet, and cupboard;[275] while our ‘Minsmiths’ (‘John le
Mynsmuth,’ M.), for I believe they are not as yet quite obsolete, hard
at work in the mint smithy, forged the coin for the early community. As,
however, I shall have occasion to refer to him again I shall merely cite
him, and pass on.[276] But we may see from the little I have said that
the smith never need fear obsoletism. Apart from his own immediate
circle, he is surrounded by many, if not needy, yet closely attached
relatives. We must not forget, however, that the Norman had his smith,
too, and though the Saxon, as we have thus seen, has ever maintained his
dignity and position, still our early rolls are not without a goodly
number of ‘Adam le Fevres,’ ‘Richard le Fevers,’ or ‘Reginald le
Feures,’ and their cognate ‘Alan le Ferons’ and ‘Roger le Feruns.’
Representatives of all these, minus the article, may be readily met with
to-day in any of the large towns of our country.
We may take this opportunity of saying a word about lead, inasmuch as
the uses to which it was put made the manufacturer therein familiar to
rural society. The leadbeater, in fact, was all-important to the
farmer’s wife and the dairy, for the vessels which held the milk, as it
underwent its various processes until it was turned out into butter,
were commonly his handiwork. Such names as ‘Gonnilda le Leadbetre,’ or
‘Reginald le Ledbeter,’ we find in every considerable roll, and our
modern ‘Leadbeaters,’ ‘Ledbetters,’ ‘Leadbitters,’ ‘Lidbetters,’ and
probably ‘Libertys,’ are but their descendants. That mixture of lead
with brass or copper which went by the term of ‘latten’ or ‘laton’ has
left in our ‘Latoners’ and ‘Latners’ a memorial of the metal of which
our old country churchyard tablets were made, not to say some of the
household utensils just referred to. We find even more costly and
ornamental ware manufactured of this, for among other relics preserved
by the pardoner, Chaucer tells us:—
He had a gobbet (piece) of the sail
That seint Peter had, when that he went
Upon the sea, till Jesu Christ him hent.
He had a cross of laton, full of stones,
And in a glass he had pig’s bones.
Such a name then as ‘Thomas le Latoner’ or ‘Richard le Latoner’ would be
well understood by our forefathers.
But we must not wander. In nothing does our nomenclature bequeath us a
more significant record than in that which relates to the isolation of
primitive life. We who live in such remarkable days of locomotive
appliance cannot possibly enter into the difficulties our forefathers
had to encounter in regard to intercommunication. An all but impassable
barrier separated our villages from the larger and distant towns. The
roads, or rather, not to dignify them by such a term, the tracks,[277]
were sometimes scarce to be recognised, everywhere rough and dangerous.
Streams, oftentimes much swollen, must be forded. Where bridges existed
our ‘Bridgers’ and ‘Bridgemans’ took the king’s levy; where none were to
be found our ‘Ferrimans’ rendered their necessary aid. The consequent
difficulties with regard to conveyance were great. The larger of the
county towns carried on but an uncertain and irregular communication,
while the remoter villages were wholly dependent either on the
travelling trader or peddler, or on the great fair, as it came round in
its annual course. What a stock of goods would be laid in by the
bustling wife, and the farmer himself on this latter occasion! Imagine
them starting forth to lay in a supply for a whole year’s wants. No
wonder the good, sound cob and the stout wagon it drew are remembered in
our surnames. Of the importance of the former such names as ‘Horsman,’
if it be not official, and ‘Palfreyman,’ or ‘Palfriman,’ not to mention
‘Asseman,’ are good witnesses. Such entries as ‘Agnes le Horsman,’ or
‘Roger le Palefreyour,’ or ‘John le Palfreyman’ are familiar to every
early register. Our ‘Tranters’ and ‘Traunters’ are but relics of the old
‘Traventer,’ he who let out posthorses. In process of time, however, he
got numbered among the many itinerant peddlers or carriers, of whom I
shall speak shortly. Bishop Hall, in one of his Satires, says—
And had some traunting chapman to his sire,
That trafficked both by water and by fire,
Our ‘Corsers’[278] or ‘Cossers,’ too, little altered from the former ‘le
Corsour,’ represent, as did the obsolete ‘Horsmonger,’ the dealer in
horseflesh. Another branch of this occupation is represented by our
‘Runchemans,’ ‘Runcimans,’ or ‘Runchmans.’ They dealt in hackney-horses,
‘rounce’ or ‘rouncie’ being the then general term for such. Chaucer’s
‘Shipman’ was mounted upon one—
For aught I wot, he was of Dertemouth,
He rode upon a rouncie, as he couthe.
It was, however, a term applied in common to all manner of horses, and
it is quite possible the names given above must be classed simply with
‘Horseman’ and such like. Brunne, in describing Arthur’s Coronation,
mentions among other his gifts—
Good palfreys he gave to clerks
Bows and arrows he gave archers,
Runces good unto squiers.[279]
In such grand-looking entries as ‘William le Charreter,’ or ‘John le
Caretter,’ or ‘Andrew le Chareter,’[280] we should now scarce recognise
the humble ‘Carter,’ but so is he commonly set down in the thirteenth
century, our ‘cart’ itself being nothing more than the old Norman-French
‘charette,’ so familiarized to us by our present Bible version as
‘chariot.’ This in the edition of 1611 even was spelt after the old
fashion as ‘charet.’ Our ‘Charters’ are evidently but relics of the
fuller form, a ‘John le Charter’ appearing in the Parliamentary
Writs.[281] ‘Char,’ the root of ‘charet,’ still remains with us as
‘car.’ In ‘Cursor Mundi’ it is said—
Nay, sir, but ye must to him fare,
He hath sent after thee his chare.
Gower, too, has the word—
With that she looked and was war,
Doun fro’ the sky ther cam a char,
The which dragons aboute drew.
This was used by people of rank as a fashionable vehicle for purposes of
pleasure; oftentimes, too, by ladies.[282] Corresponding with the other,
the driver of such was ‘John le Charer’ or ‘Richard le Charrer,’ the
present existing forms in our directories being ‘Charman’ and
‘Carman.’[283] ‘Cartman,’ I need not add, is also found as well as
‘Carter.’ All these terms, however, are from the Norman vocabulary. The
Saxon word in general use was ‘wagon’ or ‘wain,’ the conductor of which
now dwells in our midst as ‘Wagoner’ or ‘Wagner,’ and ‘Wainman’ or
‘Wenman.’ ‘Charles Wain’ or the ‘Churls Wain’ is the name that
constellation still bears, and which has clung to it, in spite of the
Norman, since the day, a thousand years and more, that the Saxon so
likened it. As in the case of so many other double words representative
of our twofold language, these two separate terms have come now to
denote their own specialty of vehicle, and it is even possible that so
early as the day in which ‘le Wainwright’ and ‘le Cartwright’ took their
rise this distinction had already begun to exist. It is thus our English
language has become so rich, this sheep-and-mutton redundancy of which
Walter Scott in his ‘Ivanhoe’ has so well reminded us. ‘Richard le
Drivere’ or ‘John le Drivere’ of course must be placed here, not to
mention an ‘Alice le Driveress,’ who figures in the Hundred Rolls.
Of such consequence was it that the horse-gear should be carefully put
together that it occupied the full attention of several different
artisans. Such names as ‘Benedict le Sporier,’ or ‘Alan le Lorymer,’ or
‘Nicholas le Lorimer,’ are found in every considerable roll of the
period, and they still exist. The one of course looked to the rowel, the
other to the bit. ‘John le Sadeler’ needs little explanation, his
posterity being still alive to speak in his behalf. The old
Norman-introduced word for a saddle was ‘sell,’ and that it lingered on
for a considerable period is shown by Spenser’s use of it, where he
says—
And turning to that place, in which whyleare
He left his loftie steed with golden sell,
And goodly gorgeous barbes.
Every mediæval roll has its ‘Warin le Seler’ or ‘Thomas le Seller.’[284]
The pack-saddle was of such importance that it required a special
manufacturer, and this it had in our now somewhat rare ‘Fusters’ or
‘Fewsters.’[285] In his ‘Memorials of London,’ Mr. Riley mentions a
‘Walter Polyt, fuyster’ (p. xxii.). A fuster was, strictly speaking, a
joiner employed in the manufacture of the saddle-bow, that is, the
wooden framework of the old saddle. It is derived from the French
‘fust,’ wood, and that from the late Latin ‘fustis.’ Our ‘Shoosmiths,’
as I have before hinted, made the horseshoe, while ‘John le Mareshall,’
or ‘Ranulph le Marescal,’ or ‘Osbert le Ferrur,’ or ‘Peter le Ferrour,’
fitted it to the foot. The modern forms are simple ‘Marshall,’ and
‘Ferrier,’ or ‘Ferrer.’ In the ‘Boke of Curtasye’ it is said—
For eche a hors that ferroure schalle scho,
An halpeny on day he takes hym to.
Nothing could be more natural than that the shoeing-forge should become
associated with the doctoring of horseflesh, but it is somewhat strange
that when we now speak of a farrier we recognise in this old term[286]
simply and only the horse-leech. So full of changes are the lives of
words, as well as places and people.
A curious insight into mediæval travel is presented to our notice in our
‘Ostlers’ and ‘Oastlers’ and ‘Oslers,’ relics of such old registries as
‘Ralph le Hostiler’ or ‘William le Ostiller.’ This term, once applied,
as it rightly should, to the ‘host’ or ‘hosteller’ himself, has now
become confined to the stableman, thus incidentally reminding us how
important this part of the hostel duties would be at such a time as I am
endeavouring to describe. The idea of the hosteller being one whose
especial office it was to tend that which was their sole means of
locomotion, thus in time resolved itself into a distinct name for that
branch of his occupation.[287] The old ‘Herberjour’ gave lodging, whence
it is we get our ‘arbour.’ Our kings and barons in their journeys always
kept an officer so termed, whose duty it was to go before and prepare
and make ready for their coming. Owing to the large number of household
attendants for whom lodging was required, this was an important and
responsible duty. Thus has arisen our ‘harbinger,’ so often poetically
applied to the sun as heralding the approach of day. The older spelling
is preserved in the ‘Canterbury Tales,’ where it is said—
The fame anon throughout the town is born,
How Alla King shal come on pilgrimage,
By herbergeours that wenten him beforn.
It is, however, as applied to lodging-house keepers our many enrolled
‘Herbert le Herberjurs,’ ‘Roger le Herberers,’ ‘William le Herbers,’ or
‘Richard le Harebers,’ are met with, and I doubt not our ‘Harbers’ and
‘Harbours’ are their offspring. In this sense the word is used by our
mediæval writers in all its forms, whether verb, or adjective, or
substantive. Tyndale’s version of Romans xii. 13 is, ‘Be ready to
harbour,’ where we now have it ‘given to hospitality.’ Bishop Coverdale,
speaking of the grave, says—‘_There_ is the harborough of all flesh;
there lie the rich and the poor in one bed’ (_Fruitful Lessons_). He
adds also, in another place, that Abraham was ‘liberal, merciful, and
harborous’—_i.e._, ready to entertain strangers (_The Old Faith_).
Bradford, too, to give but one more quotation, prays God may ‘sweep the
houses of our hearts, and make them clean, that they may be a worthy
harborough and lodging for the Lord’ (_Bradford’s Works_). Market
Harborough still preserves this old word and its true sense from being
forgotten. With the bearers, therefore, of the above names we may ally
our ‘Inmans’ and ‘Taverners.’ The latter term is frequently found in
early writings, and was evidently in ordinary use for the occupation—
Ryght as of a tavernere
The grene busche that hangeth out
Is a sygne, it is no dowte,
Outward folkys for to telle
That within is wyne to selle.
While, however, the tavern has undergone but little change, the inn has.
With our present Bible an inn is ever a lodging, and this was once the
sole idea the term conveyed. It was not for casual callers by day, but
for lodgers by night. Thus Chaucer in his ‘Knight’s Tale’ uses the verb—
This Theseus, this duk, this worthy knight,
When he had brought them into his cite,
And ynned them, everich (each) at his degre
He festeth them.
Until the fair or wake came on, as I have said, the community in the
more retired nooks and corners of the country depended entirely on the
mounted merchant. He it was who conveyed to them the gossip of the time.
He it was, or one of his _confrères_, that brought them everything which
in those days went under the category of small luxuries. The more lonely
parts of the highway were infested by robbers. Hence the pack-horsemen
and other mounted traders generally travelled in company, with jingling
bell and belted sword—a warning to evil-minded roadsters. This was all
the more necessary as they but seldom kept to the main thoroughfare. A
straight line between the adjacent hamlets best describes their course.
Such local terms as ‘Pedlar’s Way,’ or ‘Pedder’s Way,’ or ‘Copmansford,’
still found in various parts of the country, are but interesting
memorials of the direct and then lonely route these itinerant traders
took in passing from one village to another. The number of these
roadsters we cannot otherwise speak of than as that of a small army.
Many of them, so far as our nomenclature is concerned, are now obsolete,
but not a few still survive. Amongst those of a more general character
we find ‘Sellman’ or ‘Selman.’[288] From the old verb ‘to pad,’ which is
still used colloquially in many districts, for the sober and staid pace
the pack-horsemen preserved, we get our ‘Padmans’ and ‘Pedlers,’ or
‘Pedlars,’ once inscribed as ‘William le Pedeleure’ or ‘Thomas le
Pedeler.’ It is of kin to ‘path.’ We still talk of a ‘footpad,’ who not
more than two centuries ago would also have been spoken of as a
‘padder.’ So late as 1726 Gay, in one of his ballads, says—
Will-a-wisp leads the traveller a-gadding
Through ditch and through quagmire and bog,
No light can e’er set me a-padding
But the eyes of my sweet Molly Mogg.
Perchance of similar origin, but more probably from the old ‘ped,’ the
basket they carried, are our ‘Pedders,’ ‘Peddars,’ and ‘Pedmans.’
‘Martin le Peddere’ or ‘Hugh le Pedder’ or ‘William Pedman’ was a common
entry at this time. On many parts of the English coast a fish-basket is
still familiarly known as a ‘ped,’ and Mr. Halliwell, I see, quotes from
another writer a statement to the effect that in Norwich, up to a recent
day, or even now, an assemblage whither women bring their small wares of
eggs, chickens, and other farm produce for sale, is called a
‘ped-market.’ It is likely, therefore, that with these we must ally
‘Godewyn le Hodere’ or ‘John le Hottere,’ who derived their sobriquets,
I doubt not, from the fact of their carrying their _hods_ or panyers on
their backs, just as masons do now those wooden trays for mortar which
bear the same name.[289] Their very titles remind us that our ‘Huckers,’
‘Hawkers,’ and ‘Hucksters,’ relics of the old ‘William le Huckere,’
‘Simon le Hauckere,’ or ‘Peter le Huckster,’ were from the first good at
haggling and chaffering wherever a bargain was concerned. Our ‘Kidders,’
the ‘William le Kyderes’ of the fourteenth century, were of a similar
type, whatever their origin, which is doubtful. Probably, however, we
must refer them to the ‘kid’ or ‘kit,’ the rush-plaited basket they
carried their goods in. We still speak of ‘the whole kit of them,’
meaning thereby the collective mass of any set of articles.[290] This
view is strengthened—we might almost say proved—by the fact of a ‘Robert
Butrekyde’ being found in the Hundred Rolls of this period. This would
be a sobriquet given to some one from the basket he was wont to bear to
and from the country market where he carried on his calling. Later on we
find it used for a large mug or bowl. In the ‘Farming Book of Henry
Best,’ written in 1641, we find it said—‘Some will cutte their cake and
putte (it) into the creame, and this feast is called the creame-potte or
creame-kitte’ (p. 93). The kidder’s usual _confrère_ was the ‘Badger’—up
to the seventeenth century an ordinary term for one who had a special
licence to purchase corn from farmers at the provincial markets and
fairs, and then dispose of it again elsewhere without the penalties of
engrossing. It is generally said the sobriquet arose from the habits of
the four-legged animal of that name in stealing and storing up the
grain. The more probable solution, however, is that it is but a
corruption of ‘baggager,’ from his method of carriage.
But we must not forget in our list of early English strolling merchants
that the wandering friars themselves were oftentimes to be met with
bearing treasure wherewith to tempt the housewife, and no bad
bargainers, if we may accept the statement made against them by an old
political song:—
There is no pedler that pak can bere,
That half so dere can selle his gere,
Than a frere can do;
For if he give a wyfe a knyfe
That cost but penys two,
Worthe ten knyves, so may I thrive,
He wyl have ere he go.[291]
Our ‘Tinklers’ and ‘Tinkers,’ like our more northern ‘Cairds,’ seem to
have been scarcely removed in degree from the strolling gipsies. They
acquired their name from the plan they adopted of heralding their coming
by striking a kettle, a plan of attracting attention more euphoniously
practised by our bellmen, with whom we are still familiar. Such names as
‘Alice Tynkeller’ in the fourteenth century, or ‘Peter le Teneker’ found
in the thirteenth century, show how early had this method been adopted
and the sobriquet given.[292] Last, but not least, come our ‘Chapman’ or
‘Copeman’[293] and ‘Packman.’[294] The former is sometimes met with as
‘Walter’ or ‘John le Chepman,’ which at once reminds us of his origin,
that of the ‘cheap-man,’ or ‘cheap-jack,’ as we should now style him.
The old ‘cheaping,’ or ‘chipping,’ a market-place, still lingers locally
in such place-names as ‘Chipping-Norton,’ or ‘Chipping-Camden,’ or the
local surname ‘Chippendale;’ and the verb ‘to chop’—_i.e._, to purchase,
I believe, is not yet extinct amongst us. The once common phrase for
selling and exchanging was ‘chopping and changing.’ Coverdale uses it.
Speaking of Christ driving out the money-changers from the Temple, he
says, ‘The Temple was ordained for general prayer, thanksgiving, and
preaching, and not for chopping and changing, or other such like things’
(_The Old Faith_). Thus the term ‘chapman’ would be no unmeaning one to
our forefathers. But we must give him a paragraph to himself.
The chapman, you must know, was a great man. According to more modern
usage, he had a fixed residence, but we may still see him at times,
after the olden fashion, travelling about in a large booth-like
conveyance or rumble. This vehicular mode of transit set him far above
the rank of ordinary footpads. He was a sort of pedlar in high life, in
fact, and if his position was lofty, his abilities were generally equal
to a performance of its duties. O the sensation his arrival caused! The
village green was instantly instinct with life. From impossible nooks
and crannies surged forth a small army of all ages. Hoarded pennies or
twopennies were drawn forth from cherished hiding-places, and flinty
maternal pockets were for the nonce assailed with comparative success.
To the young folks it was the next best thing to Punchinello, the
chapman was so funny. Besides, he had so many things wherewith to tempt
their juvenile fancy. What was there he had not? Everything that could
under any lax code of fancy possibly or impossibly come under the
all-expansive term of hardware was crowded within the magic recesses of
that chapman’s van. Dolls and dishes, scissors and hats, cornplasters
and cosmetics, lollipops in the shape of soldiers, and lollipops in the
shape of windmills issued forth in a succession as insinuating to the
purse as it was tempting to the imagination. And what a man was Jack
himself; he had a joke for everyone, a frown for none. His face was an
ever-changing picture, bluffed by the wind and burnt by the sun; still
it was ever cheery withal, now demure, half waggish, half impudent, anon
all benevolence as he details the merits of his latest painless
corn-suppressing plaster, and assures the gaping swains that his sole
object in life, since the happy moment when he first became acquainted
with its virtues, has been to carry through the world the blissful
tidings to suffering man. All this, he adds, with reckless impudence,
has been done at a great personal pecuniary sacrifice; but an approving
conscience, and the blessings showered upon his head by the recipients
of his generosity, have been his ample reward. Of course they sell like
wildfire, and the profits are enormous.[295]
Our ‘Packmans,’ ‘Paxmans,’ and perhaps ‘Packers,’ were, as a rule, the
village commissioners.[296] What a simple and homely state of life do
their names suggest. No half-hourly omnibus, or still more frequent
train, whisked off the bustling housewife to the big town—now some
sleepy old place with grass-grown streets, and half a century behind the
times, where ‘news much older than the ale goes round’—but then the
thrifty emporium of cheese and butter and such like stores, and great in
the eyes of country bumpkins. No; if you visited the town in those days
you must make a day of it. And the mistress knew better than do this.
Leave her dairy, forsooth—what would become of the cream if she left
Malkin to forget her work, and talk with Giles the cowboy behind the
stable door all morning? She leave, indeed! Of course she could not, so
there was the pack-horseman, who for a trifling commission went to and
from the market for her and her neighbours. As he returned in the cool
of the evening, when the sun was low and work over, you might see him
pausing awhile at the door of the farmsteads, long after he has given
the mistress her store, and, more slily, Malkin her ribbon. He is in no
hurry now, for he is telling the country folk all the news; how the
great world is wagging, and how there has been a great battle with the
Frenchers some six or eight weeks ago (news, good or bad, did not travel
fast in those days). The Frenchmen are looked upon by the simple rustics
as the very impersonification of iniquity, they being under a sort of
impression that a Frenchman is a being who defies God and man alike, and
would think no bones of eating you up. At once the packman is plied for
a full, true, and particular account of the battle, and he, there being
none to gainsay his description, and with an eye probably to the good
wife’s best ale, which, as he well knows from experience, will be
brought forth with a freedom of hospitality proportionate to the horror
of the details, fills up a bloody tale with sundry touches of a most
tragic character, while the country folk gape in wide-mouthed terror,
and the old grandmother cries ‘Lord, ha’ mercy on us!’ His face is lost
to sight once more in the ale jug, and then he passes on to other
steads, where a similar scene and a similar reward await his thirsty
soul. Another name in evident use for the packman was that of ‘Sumpter,’
‘Martin le Someter’ or ‘William le Sumeter’ being common entries at this
time. We are still familiar with the term as applied to the mule or
horse that carried the baggage, but in a personal sense it has long been
extinct,[297] saving in our directories, where as ‘Sumpter’ and ‘Sumter’
it is by no means seldom met with. How large a load these animals were
required to bear we may picture to ourselves from a verse found in
‘Percy’s Reliques’—
But, for you have not furniture
Beseeming such a guest,
I bring his owne, and come myselfe,
To see his lodging drest.
With that two sumpters were discharged,
In which were hangings brave,
Silke coverings, curteins, carpets, plate,
And all such turn should have.
But useful as were all these various itinerants, it was at the great
yearly wakes or fairs, held in commemoration of the church dedication,
that the housekeepers round laid in their greatest store. The term
‘wake’ denotes ‘a watching,’ because of the vigil observed during the
night preceding the festival itself. Indeed ‘wake’ and ‘watch’ were for
centuries synonymous words.[298] Wicklyffe translates Mark xii.
37—‘Forsooth, that that I say to you, I say to all, Wake ye.’[299] Thus
it is that our ‘Wakemans’ are but memorials of the old village guardian
or night watchman, while our ‘Wakes’ can boast a title dating so far
back as the time when ‘Hereward the Wake,’ or Watchful, was fighting the
last battle of the down-trodden and oppressed Saxon.[300] These fairs
were by no means for mere pleasure-seekers, as we might imagine from
such a term as ‘church-ale,’ or judging by the aspect of such festivals
in the present day. They had an end to answer, and an important end, and
in early times they fulfilled it. It was here the farmers round brought
their produce, ready to sell their wool for good sound money, or to
exchange it for commodities of which they stood in need. It was here the
foreign trader came to purchase sheep-fells and other skins, soon, by
transmission abroad, to be worked up by Flemish hands into good
broadcloth, and retransmitted again to London or provincial marts.
Edward the Confessor obtained a sum of 70_l._, an immense amount at such
a time as this, from the tollage at a fair held in Bedfordshire. Of many
celebrated fairs, those of Smithfield on St. Bartholomew’s Day (which
still exists as a kind of perpetual one), York, Winchester, and Ely seem
to have been the most frequented. That in the Isle of Ely was kept up on
and for some days after the feast of St. Awdrey, or Audrey, the
corrupted name of St. Etheldreda, which as a surname our ‘Awdreys’ still
preserve. This seems to have become specially noted for its sale of
trinkets, toys, and cheap and gay laces—so much so that in course of
time ‘tawdry,’ or St.-Awdry, ware became the colloquial and general term
for such. Drayton we even find using the word substantively when he
says:—
Of which the Naiads and blue Nereids make
Them tawdries for their neck.[301]
Of the still greater one held at Winchester, we find Piers the Plowman
speaking:—
To Wye and to Winchester
I went to the fair,
With many manner merchandise,
As my master me hight:
But it had been unsold
These seven years,
So God me help,
Had there not gone
The grace of guile
Among my chaffer.
The ‘Wife of Bath,’ too, has a word to say upon this subject. Says she:—
I governed them so wel after my lawe,
That eche of them ful blissful was and fawe
To bringen me gay thinges fro the feyre.
What a picture does all this present to our eye. We can see the circular
stand of booths belting the rails of the quaint belfried edifice,
sometimes, I am afraid, the sacred precincts within.[302] Behind these
we may note how busy are our ‘le Stallers’ and ‘le Stallmans,’ now found
also as ‘Stalman;’ not to say our ‘Stallards,’ that is, stall-wards, and
obsolete ‘le Vendours.’ No infliction too severe can be made upon their
readiness to please. Elbowing and chaffering and good-humoured haggling
are the order of the day. Here the stupid, happy swain, with his
be-ribboned sweetheart tucked under his arm, is buying their little
stock wherewith to start life; here the child is made blissful with a
trumpet, and the hoary-headed rustic gets a warmer cap for his crown.
Here, too, it is that the chapman and other of his _confrères_, as I
have already hinted, are buying in their varied commodities. All alike
are well catered for. When we talk of ‘packing up our duds,’ few of us,
I imagine, are aware that we are using a word of most familiar import in
long generations gone by. A ‘dud’ then was a coarse, patched linen gown,
gaudy in colour, made up in fact of variegated pieces of this material.
Hence he who sold such cheap, flashy goods at a fair, any old fripperer
in truth, was styled a ‘dudder’ up to comparatively recent times, and
the booth itself a ‘duddery.’ ‘Duderman’ and ‘Dudder’ (now obsolete),
‘Dudman’ and ‘Dodman,’ are all, I doubt not, but interesting memorials
of this once flourishing lower class trade. Such names as ‘Thomas
Dudman’ or ‘Ralph Deuderman’ greet us occasionally in the olden rolls.
‘William Fairman,’[303] found in the Parliamentary Writs, would be, I
suppose, a more general vendor. He has not a few descendants.
But while bartering and the purchase and sale of these varied household
commodities occupied no small amount of attention, such a sober mode of
passing the fairtide was very far from being the intention of the
younger and gayer portion of the assemblage; nor was there, indeed, any
lack of that which could feed or give zest to their relish for
amusement, though it was not always of the most innocent nature. Our
‘Champions’ and ‘Campions’ are but relics of the old ‘William le
Champion,’[304] or ‘Katerine le Chaumpion,’ a sobriquet which would
easily affix itself to some sturdy and swarthy rustic who had thrown his
adversary in the wrestling ground. This has ever been a popular sport
amid our more rural communities. The Miller, Chaucer says:—
Was a stout carl for the nones,
Ful bigge he was of braun, and eke of bones,
That proved wel, for over all ther he came,
At wrestling he would bear away the ram.
In an old poem I have already quoted, the mother warns her daughter:—
Go not to the wrestling, nor shooting the cock,
As it were a strumpet or a giglot.[305]
Doubtless such a sobriquet as ‘Richard le Fytur,’ that is ‘Fighter,’
would be but representative of the same. The country folks were not
slow, too, to copy their masters, and in the friendly joust the former,
‘Thomas le Justere’ or ‘Robert le Justure,’ would brace himself amid the
excited ring to unseat his fellow-swain, affording much sport to the
on-looking wags.
By the maypole you may see the conjuror, or ‘Wiseman,’ as he was
generally termed, battening himself upon the superstitious minds of the
assembled hinds. In the Hundred Rolls he figures as ‘Wysman’ and
‘Wyseman.’ A little further on our ‘Players’ would be enacting their
mummery. The great crowd there in the corner are watching the showman
with his dancing bear, a yearly treat the younger holiday-seekers always
appreciated. What a change has come over our English habits with regard
to this animal. Dancing was the least cruel of the sports connected with
it. Time was when every noble of position had his bears and his
bearward, when even royalty could boast a master of the king’s bears,
and when as a pastime the bear-baiting took an easy pre-eminence in the
eyes of all holiday folk. A skit on the Earl of Warwick, banished to the
Isle of Man, written 1399, says:—
A bereward found a rag:
Of this rag he made a bag:
He dude in gode entent.
Thorwe the bag the bereward is taken;
All his beres have hym forsaken.
Thus is the berewarde schent.[306]
In one of our earlier rolls I find several names that bear relation to
this familiar sport. Of such are ‘Geoffrey Bearbaste’ and ‘Alexander
Bearbait.’ More common to us in the present day, however, are the
descendants of the more simple ‘Berward’ (‘Michael le Berward,’ H.R.)
and ‘Bearman,’ or ‘Berman’ (‘Ralph Bareman,’ H.R.). In ‘Cocke Lorelle’s
Bote’ mention is made of—
Jenkyne Berwarde of Barwyche.
Whether ‘Jenkyne’ was a mythic personage, or whether any of our present
‘Berwards’ are his lineal issue, I cannot pretend to say.[307] Any way,
however, the name would be common enough then. Bull as well as bear
baiting, I need not say, was a popular pastime with our forefathers. We
still talk of bulldogs. Probably our ‘Bullards’ could formerly have told
us something about this. Fit rival to these latter, you may see the
‘Cockman,’ or, as he was more generally termed, the ‘Cocker,’ matching
his birds in the adjacent pit. The author of the ‘Townley Mysteries’
does not give the cocker a good character—at least he places him in very
bad company—
These dysars, and these hullars,
These cokkers, and these bullars,
And alle purse cuttars,
Be welle ware of these men.
Among other instances the Hundred Rolls furnish us with ‘Simon le
Cockere’ and ‘William le Koker.’
Professional dancers, I need scarcely say, were seldom absent from the
mediæval festival. Tripping it lightly to some Moorish round, we may see
such folk as ‘Harvey le Danser’ or ‘Geoffrey le Hoppere,’ inciting the
younger villagers to follow their example. The latter name, which occurs
frequently at this time, reminds us that our modern slang term ‘hop’ has
but restored the ancient use of this word. Our Prayer-Book version of
the Psalms still employs the verb in the verse, ‘Why hop ye so, ye high
hills?’[308]—and Chaucer, in picturing the merry ’prentice, says—
At every bridale would he sing and hoppe;
He loved bet the taverne than the shoppe.
The feminine ‘hoppestere,’ which he also uses, does not sound quite so
euphonious. In the ‘Pardoner’s Tale,’ among other of the dissolute folk
in Flanders, are mentioned ‘tombesteres’—
And right anon in comen tombesteres
Fetis and smale, and yonge fruitesteres.
These, I doubt not, were female dancers, and performers of such bodily
gyrations and flexions as mountebanks are still skilled in. The
masculine form is found in such an entry as ‘William le Tumbere,’ whom
we should now, so far as his professional tricks were concerned, term a
tumbler.
All this time the mirth of music is at its loudest, though it is
somewhat hard to separate the tones of the various rival minstrels.
There is a trio in one corner by the tavern door there, discoursing
sounds which are certainly equal, if not superior, to the Teutonic bands
of more modern days. Indeed, with regard to the latter, I am beginning
to suspect the conjecture of a friend of mine to be perfectly true—that
they are German convicts shipped off, with cracked and second-hand
trumpets, by the Commissioners of Police to save their keep. It is,
however, right perhaps that the country which sends us the best should
also have the option of sending us the worst music in the world. The
trio we may see here, at any rate, have one advantage—that of their
poetic mediæval costume. The first we may notice is the ‘Fiddler,’
represented by such men as ‘Robert Fyffudlere,’ or ‘John le Fythelere,’
or the Latinized ‘Rulard Vidulator.’ This last reminds us that it is now
also written ‘Vidler.’ He of course played on the violin, for I must not
say ‘fiddle,’ it is far too Saxon, for modern cultivated days. The Clerk
of Oxenforde seems to have been superior to the generality of later
university men, for he had—
Liefer have at his beddes head
A twenty bokes, clothed in black or red,
Of Aristotle and his philosophie,
Than robes riche, or fidel, or sautrie.
Certainly time effects wonderful changes. But I doubt whether even he
would have found much profit, not to say pleasure, in the study of
Aristotle, or any other philosopher, had he been subjected to the daily
practice of a well-scraped viol in an adjacent dormitory,[309] the
author of which could boast but one tune in his repertoire, and was
determined that every one should know it. After the Fiddler—Saxon or no
Saxon, I’ll stick to it for the nonce—comes the ‘Piper’ with his reedy
stop, and next to him the ‘Taborer’ beating his drum with such rare
effect as to make him the very idol of the youngsters. Spenser calls him
the ‘tabrere,’ which form, as well as ‘Tabrar,’ Tabberer,’ ‘Tabor,’ and
‘Taber,’ still exists in our nomenclature.
I saw a shole of shepherds out go,
Before them yode a lusty tabrere,
That to the merry hornpipe plaid,
Whereto they danced.
Such entries as ‘Arnold le Pyper,’ or ‘Robert le Pipere,’ or ‘William le
Tabourer,’ or ‘John le Taburer,’ are of frequent occurrence in mediæval
rolls.
The pipe, the tabor, and the trembling crowd,
is the order of the gentle author of the ‘Faerie Queen;’ so having
disposed of the two former, the ‘Crowder’ with his six-stringed viol
duly engages our attention next, though he ought more correctly to have
been yoked with the ‘Fiddler.’ ‘Crouth’ was but another form of the same
word. An old Saxon Psalter thus renders Psalm cl. 4—
Loves him in crouth and timpane,
Loves him in stringes and organe.
Wicklyffe, too, translates Luke xv. 25 as follows:—‘But his eldre sone
was in the feeld, and whaune he cam and neighede to the hous he herde a
symfonye and a crowde.’[310] Like our ‘Harpers’ and more northern
‘Bairds,’ the ‘Crowder’ or ‘Crowther’ (for as surnames both forms exist)
was oftentimes blind, and thus gained the ear of an audience, if not
appreciative, at least sympathetic. Seldom, indeed, did he leave
cottage, or hall festival, or fair, without a guerdon, and a kind word
to boot; for while customs fade out and die, pity, thank God, knows
neither change of season nor chance of time. Mediæval forms of the above
may be found in ‘Richard le Cruder’ or ‘Thomas le Crowder.’ But we have
yet several more surnames to mention which prove the once great
popularity of this latter class of instrument. ‘German le Lutrere’ and
‘John le Leuter’ have left no descendants, I think.[311] The more common
term was lutanist, but of this I have found no instance. While the lute
had generally ten strings, and was struck by the hand, the viele or viol
had six, was of stronger make, and was played with a bow. It seems to
have been a favourite instrument in the thirteenth and fourteenth
centuries, for such registrations as ‘Benedict le Viler,’ ‘Nicholas le
Vylour,’ ‘Wyot le Vilur,’ or ‘Jacob le Vielur,’ occur with tolerable
frequency at that period. Another Norman-introduced word was that of
‘gigue,’ or ‘gig.’ This, however, seems to have differed from the others
in being of the very roughest manufacture, and made specially for
professional dancers. These ‘giguers’ were extremely popular at rural
festivals of any kind. At one and the same instant they would be
tripping it round on the ‘light fantastic toe,’ singing some not too
select verses, accompanying themselves on their sturdy instrument, and
yet would have a hand to spare for a trifle if you should offer it. If
you doubted it you had but to try them. It is thus we have got our
‘jig,’ our ‘gigot,’ or leg of mutton, too, being so called from its
resemblance thereto. The surnominal form is found in such entries as
‘Walter le Gigur,’ or ‘Alexander le Gygur,’ but I doubt whether either
is represented now. The last of this class of instrumentalists we may
mention is ‘William le Sautreour,’ he who struck the ‘gay sawtrye,’ as
Chaucer terms it. The more correct form of the word was ‘psaltery.’ It
was specially used as an accompaniment for the voice, hence it is freely
used in this sense in the Authorized Version. I do not doubt myself that
some of our ‘Salters’ are but a change rung on the mediæval ‘Sawtrer.’
The ‘Fluter,’ I believe, has left no descendants, but in ‘Nicholas le
Floutere’ he was to be met with at this date, and, I need not say, would
be as familiar as he would be acceptable on such an occasion as this.
The lusty young Squire was so musical that—
Singing he was, or floyting alle the day,
He was as freshe as is the month of May.
There is one name I must mention here, that of ‘Peter le Organer,’[312]
perhaps connected with ‘Orger’ of the same date. The owner of this more
modern-looking term may either have been organist at some monastery or
abbey-church, or he may have played upon the portable regal, in which
latter case he too might possibly have been seen here. But ‘organ’ was a
very general term. In the old psalters it seems to have been used for
nearly every species of instrument. We should scarcely speak now of
‘hanging up our “organs” upon the willows,’ but so an old version of the
Psalms has it. Did we not know they were a modern invention we might
have been inclined to suspect ‘le Organer’ to have been but a strolling
performer upon the ‘hurdy-gurdy.’ That, however, was an infliction
mercifully spared to our forefathers. In concluding this brief survey of
mediæval music, I cannot, I think, do better than quote, as I have done
partially once before, Robert de Brunne’s account of the coronation of
King Arthur, wherein we shall find many, if not most, of the
professional characters I have been mentioning familiarly spoken of. He
says—
Jogelours weren there enow
That their quaintise forthe drew:
Minstrels many with divers glew (glee)
Sounds of bemes (trumps) that men blew,
Harpes, pipes, and tabours,
Fithols (fiddles), citolles (cymbals), sautreours,
Belles, chimès and synfan
Other enow and some I cannot name.
Songsters that merry sung,
Sound of glee over all rung;
Disours enow telled fables:
And some played with dice at tables.
But we are not without traces of the troubadour. The simple vocalist, a
strolling professionalist, too, in many instances, remains hale and
hearty in our ‘Glemans,’ ‘Gleemans,’ and ‘Glemmans,’ not to mention our
‘Sangsters.’ Amid such lulls as might intervene, we should hear them at
the popular festivals bidding for favour with their old-fashioned
stories of ‘hawk and hound,’ and ‘my ladyes bower,’ set, no doubt, to
airs equally _à la mode_. A contemporary poet tells us their song
Hath been sung at festivals
On ember eves, and holy-ales.
The recitation of these stories seems to have been a peculiarly popular
profession. Our ‘Rhymers’ oftentimes showed their skill in the art of
rhythmical narration by weaving the exploits they described into
extempore verse.[313] The ‘Juggler’ or ‘Joculator,’ originally a
minstrel or ‘jester,’ something akin to the clown of later days, became
by-and-by more celebrated for his skill in legerdemain than loquacity,
and now little else is understood by the word. Almost every baron, and
even the king himself, had his favourite jester; but it was an art put
to the most corrupt purposes, and ‘Jagge the Jogelour’ is set in very
low company by Piers Plowman. Certainly his jokes were of the lewdest
description, even for the rough times in which he lived. His voice, too,
was sufficiently elevated, if we may trust the account given in the
‘Romance of Alexander,’ for—
No scholde mon have herd the thondur,
For the noise of the taboures,
And the trumpours, and the jangelours.
The ‘Dissour,’ the old Norman ‘diseur,’ similar in character to the
rhymer and the juggler, seems to have left no memorial, saving it be in
our ‘Dissers;’[314] neither can I trace ‘le Tregetour’ later than the
fifteenth century. Every footprint of his professional existence,
indeed, is now faded from our view. And yet there was the day when none
could be more familiar than he. The Hundred Rolls record not merely
‘Symon le Tregetor,’ but ‘William le Tregetur’ also, while ‘Maister John
Rykele’ is spoken of by Lydgate as ‘sometime Tregitour of noble Henrie,
King of Engleland.’ Chaucer, too, mentions sciences
By which men maken divers apparences,
Such as these subtil tregetoures play.
For oft at feasts have I wel heard say
That tragetoures, within an halle large
Have made come in a water and a barge
And in the halle rowen up and down:
while in another place he speaks of seeing
Coll Tragetour
Upon a table of sicamour
Play an uncouth thing to tell;
I saw him carry a wind-mill
Under a walnut-shell;
with other equally marvellous feats. Thus we see that the art of
legerdemain was not neglected at this time.
I doubt whether any relics we possess so completely convey to our minds
the radical changes which have swept across the face of our English
Commonwealth as do these lingering surnames. They remind us of the
invention of printing, of the spread of literature, and of the slow
decay thereby of the professions they represented. They tell us of a
changed society, they tell us of a day of rougher cast and looser
trammels; they tell us of a life around which the lapse of intervening
years has thrown a halo of so quaint aspect that we all but long, in our
more sentimental moods, to be thrown back upon it again. Placing these
tell-tale names by the life of the present, we see what a change has
passed over all. Let us hope this change denotes progress. In some
respects it assuredly does: progress in the settlement of our common
rights and duties, progress in civilization and order, progress in
mental culture, progress in decorum. Still we may yet ask, with all this
has there been any true progress? The juggler, ’tis true, with his
licentious story, and the dissolute tragetour, both are gone—they would
be handcuffed now, and put in gaol. This speaks something for a higher
cultivation. But, after all, may not this be a mere outside refinement—a
refinement to meet the requirements of an age in which the head is
educated more than the heart—a refinement which may be had in our
shops—the refinement, in fact, of the lowest of God’s endowed creatures,
that of the exquisite? This is, indeed, an artificial age, and it warns
us to see to it whether we are hypocrites or no; whether our life is
entirely external or the reverse; whether it is all shell and no kernel,
all the outside cup and platter, and within naught save extortion and
excess. That mortal shall have attained the highest wisdom who, in the
light of the world to come, shall have seen to the cleansing of that
which is within, and if that, if the heart be cleansed, then the
external life will as naturally, as it will of necessity, be pure.
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