And now they dug up a new angle. It seemed that out in Santa Monica,

Don Douglas and his engineers were studying a new twin-engined

bomber and were leaning toward the idea that, in order to reduce

the drag and improve the air flow over the wings, the engines,

instead of being mounted outside in the cowls, should be completely

housed in the wings. To meet this requirement, the engine must be

flat, in the form of a pancake. Our own studies contemplated a

twenty-four-cylinder job, and such an arrangement demanded liquid

cooling. Under tremendous pressure from Wright Field, where, of

course, the purse strings were held, Pratt and Whitney reluctantly

agreed to go ahead. Similarly, Wright Aero accepted the inevitable.

This was the situation in the summer of 1937, when, with Chance

Vought Aircraft just beginning to round out into an effective team,

I was put out of commission by an automobile crack-up that took me

out of active service for several months. Coming home after dark in a

driving rain from a day of trout fishing at the East Haddam Fish and

Game Club, some thirty miles from Hartford, I was smacked so hard by

a speeding motorist that my new convertible was reduced to a heap of

junk. Only through kind providence was I spared the same fate.

Out of the hospital, I moved from Chance Vought over to the head

office at Pratt and Whitney, to undertake a new program. Here I set

up a small research department and, with a tight little organization,

began collecting all the facts and many fancies, with a view to

shaping a new course.

As the brains of this organization I selected John Lee of Vought. The

designer of the radical SB2U monoplane dive bomber, John had employed

his scientific mind to the company’s great practical advantage. He

would require at least a year to assemble a body of information

that might prove of value in approaching our problem. The time had

come for someone, free from administrative responsibilities, to

make a considered estimate of the new situation out of which policy

decisions might be reached. Of one thing we were sure: there is a

definite limit to the number of design projects any one engineering

department can handle. The sure way in which to break down even the

best organization is to overload it.

In order to get John Lee and his crew started on their study, I

set for them the task of making a coldblooded analysis of the

liquid-cooled air-cooled controversy. To this end they were to

design, from the ground up, a series of single-seat fighters, each

of which was to utilize each engine to best advantage. We were not

interested in proving a case for either engine, but in ascertaining

for ourselves, without prejudice, which engine was best suited to the

job. We chose the single-seat fighter because this was the type in

which the liquid-cooled appeared to best advantage. John Lee’s job

was to design a whole family of fighters, orthodox or unconventional,

and from this collection make a factual analysis that would resolve

our problem for us.

Meanwhile I would make the grand tour of the industry, calling on

everyone who might have an idea or an opinion to contribute to our

study. Out of such a tour we might gather a few valuable ideas, and

hopefully indicate to our customers our own deep interest in their

problems. I would approach the matter with an open mind, collect

detailed notes of my interviews, and assemble them in such form as

would best indicate the thinking of the whole industry on our problem.

And so, while John Lee assembled a handful of selected assistants,

I set out on my tour. At Bethpage, Long Island, I interviewed Roy

Grumman and Jake Schwoble and visited their shops. Roy, the president

of the company, was also its leading engineer—then a rather common

situation in aviation—while Jake, a hard-hitting shopman, was more or

less the business manager. Here was a competent pair surrounded by an

able team, doing a smart job, as we in Vought so well knew through

competing with them.

At Seversky’s (now Republic’s) plant at Farmingdale, Long Island,

I was impressed by the sharp contrast between the two Russians,

Seversky and Sikorsky. Both were White Russian refugees, both had

left their native land, where they were no longer welcome even to

live, much less create airplanes, and both had found in free America

a climate under which they could employ their talents. Alex P. de

Seversky, ably supported by clever engineers led by Kartveli, was a

power in the fighter field and, as an ardent advocate of air-cooled

engines, had backed Pratt and Whitney exclusively.

On arrival at the Naval Aircraft Factory, Philadelphia, I found

many old friends and associates of my days in BUAERO. The factory,

in compliance with some legislation that required them to produce a

certain percentage of all production, as a so-called “yardstick to

private industry,” had undertaken to manufacture Wright Whirlwind

engines under license. The management had little sympathy with

the idea—any such yardstick must be a rubber one—and what with

interferences by local politicos and the usual complications inherent

in government manufacture, the project had bogged down.

At Glenn L. Martin’s plant down near Baltimore, I had a good visit

with the old-timer sometimes described as “the dean of the airplane

industry.” A conservative when it came to design, Glenn had pioneered

in volume production processes, and on the financial side had taken

numerous risks that proved intelligent. And for all his ups and

downs, he had lost none of his zeal for commercial aviation, even

though he had lost his shirt as had Sikorsky and Boeing, building

Clippers for Pan American Airways.

A visit to BUAERO brought recollections of exciting days under

Admiral Moffett and emphasized his inimitable qualities. By now the

Engine Section, having lost its sense of direction, had begun to

waver in the air-cooled versus liquid-cooled conflict, and no longer

wielded its old influence.

From Washington’s hazy atmosphere I moved out to the clearer skies

of the Pacific Northwest. At Boeing, Claire Egtvedt, though reduced

by indifferent health to acting in an advisory capacity, still kept

his unimpaired view of the fundamentals of aviation. His orderly,

considered estimate of the engine problem was more than worth the

trip west; besides, it was stimulating to yarn about the good old

days.

Phil Johnson’s departure from Boeing had left a big vacuum. Having

been banished from the American transport scene, he had undertaken to

create his newest masterpiece, Trans-Canada Airlines. Phil had once

told me a story about how he had got his first job with Boeing. While

still a student in aeronautics at the University of Washington, he

had chanced to be alone in the office of the head of the department

at the moment when Bill Boeing had called on the telephone to inquire

the name of a likely student to fill a job in his new factory. Phil,

answering the ring, had promptly replied, “P. G. Johnson!”

Proud of his Scandinavian origin, he delighted in springing a pet

question, “What is dumber than a dumb Swede?” His answer, “A smart

Irishman.”

Down in Los Angeles, where a big segment of the airplane business,

attracted by the physical and economic climate, had set up shop,

I found Don Douglas at his old stand in Santa Monica, Dutch

Kindleberger in a new shop at Inglewood, Jack Northrup in a new

establishment at Hawthorne, and Bob Gross at our old flying field at

Burbank. These men, though competitive and individualistic, and as

different one from the other as night from day, were all animated by

the same enthusiasm for aviation and zeal for its advancement.

Don Douglas, conservative as to design, skillful in production,

long on timing, and alert as to customer service, had done one of

aviation’s outstanding jobs. His company, like the others, remained

pretty much a one-man show, managed by engineers with good judgment

and a limitless capacity for work. Don’s was a well-balanced show,

founded on sound character, far-sighted vision, and Scotch thrift.

“Dutch” Kindleberger, of North American, a journeyman engineer

specializing in military aircraft, delighted in personally contriving

ingenious labor-saving devices. A salty citizen, he once summed

up the case for the airplane, “There never has been an airplane

designed and built that wasn’t full of bugs. And you can’t delouse an

airplane with insecticide. Instead you pick them out the hard way,

like hunting fleas on a woolly dog, and when you finally get the one

that is making his nose twitch, it is probably biting him under the

tail!”

“Dutch,” to my shocked surprise, had shifted his allegiance to

liquid-cooled engines and was even then mocking up a new power plant

installation that threatened serious competition for Pratt and

Whitney. However, I remembered that Dutch knew how to give a customer

what he wanted, and the Army was his principal customer.

Bob Gross, who had bought Lockheed for a song, had succeeded in

giving Don Douglas real competition in air transports. While tending

to depreciate his own efforts, he managed an aggressive outfit that

placed a high premium on speed. Jack Northrup, having launched a new

company, was bubbling with enthusiasm for his newest project, a big

bomber designed along the lines of his earlier flying-wing. Always

unorthodox, yet extremely practical, he was most helpful to me with

my problem.

Following my Los Angeles visit, I flew down to San Diego to look up

Reuben Fleet of Consolidated Aircraft, an enterpriser who had lost

none of his enthusiasm for, and skill at, making an honest dollar. By

this time the Navy had become San Diego’s major industry and FLEET

AIR filled the skies with formations of carrier aircraft.

Out of this tour around the country, I not only collected every

man’s point of view as to power plants, but got an interesting

cross-section of the industry as a whole. One-man shows for the most

part, they were managed by engineer executives, a combination hard

to beat when manufacturing was involved. In contrast with the rather

studied approach we had in United, they were bold and forthright.

Averaging then somewhat under forty-five years of age, they

compressed into brief business careers the whole history of aviation.

In a brief span of two decades, they had created a whole new

technology, and this had been accomplished in the face of many

vicissitudes. Through doing business largely with a few customers

like the government or the airlines, they had developed an outlook

quite at variance with that of industries dealing with large numbers

of individual customers. As an important segment of the national

security, it was natural that they should look upon their profession

more as a public service, and thus develop an appreciation of public

relations. At a time when new enterprises had been almost interdicted

by the unfavorable economic climate and they had been singled out for

attack, they had still gone on, with youthful self-reliance, with

rugged independence, and a competitive spirit, to exploit the freedom

of their homeland and create a new art.

And out of my swing around the circuit, I reached clear conclusions

with respect to my own problem, aircraft power plants. I had heard

nothing to shake my convictions as to the superiority of air-cooled

radials. On the contrary, I had heard much to confirm them. If the

Air Corps still wanted a source of supply for liquid-cooled engines,

they should look elsewhere than Hartford. Furthermore, even if Pratt

and Whitney could create the world’s best liquid-cooled engine

as well as the best air-cooled, it would do little good. The two

required different tools, different production processes, in fact

separate factories, and we already had our hands full with our own

job.

This added up to the fact that in trying to do both jobs we were

compromising our ability to discharge our responsibility with respect

to air-cooling. We must get back on the beam at the first favorable

opportunity and devote our resources to continuing to build the best

air-cooled engines in the world.

CHAPTER TWENTY-THREE

A Yankee Peddler

In the spring of 1938, Tom Hamilton, our United Aircraft

representative in Europe, came home on one of his periodic visits,

to bring himself up to date on new products and to let us in on the

low-down in his territory. Ordinarily a buoyant optimist, Tom was

much depressed by the developments in Germany. Adolf Hitler had got

him down.

Tom had first taken over the European territory at my suggestion

back in the early ’thirties. His aviation interests had always been

predominantly commercial. While he had built propellers for both Army

and Navy at his Hamilton Aero Manufacturing Company, in Milwaukee,

he had built only commercial aircraft at his other establishment,

the Hamilton Metalplane Company, of the same place. His “Hamilton

Metalplane,” a high-wing metal monoplane with a single Pratt and

Whitney Hornet engine, had been used extensively by Canadian bush

flyers and The Isthmian Airways had operated them with signal success

across the Isthmus of Panama. This plane, according to Tom, had been

the prototype from which the Ford Trimotor had evolved.

At the time Tom had first gone abroad there appeared little

likelihood of any real business for United in Europe. European

aircraft were considered by Europeans to be vastly superior to the

American, and their strong nationalism caused them to prefer to buy

at home in support of their own industries. But there was one item in

which we had attained leadership—metal aircraft propellers—and even

though we might not sell the articles themselves, I thought we might

dispose of the right to manufacture under our foreign patents for a

good price. The money would come in handy in the development of the

controllable-pitch propeller.

Tom had therefore gone abroad as a direct representative of the three

companies under my management, Hamilton-Standard, Sikorsky Aviation,

and Chance Vought Aircraft. Vought, of course, had nothing to offer

at the moment. Upon arrival in Europe, Tom set up headquarters in

Paris and laid the groundwork for his business. As a Yankee peddler,

Tom displayed all the initiative and enterprise that characterized

the American in a foreign land, but combined it with a rare knack

of adapting himself to the customs of the country. In character and

outward appearance he became quite continental. He set himself up

in the George V Hotel in Paris, showed an aptitude for meeting and

impressing the right people, and gave to his business entertainment

the personal touch of a naturally warm-hearted individual. He exuded

the confidence in American products that derived from deep conviction

born of intimate knowledge of aircraft production and aeronautical

engineering, and undertook the apparently hopeless task of

penetrating the European market because he was certain that American

production techniques could compete against European cheap hand

labor. He had seen the automotive industry succeed in penetrating

foreign trade barriers to the benefit of both American industry and

American labor, and was confident American aviation could duplicate

the feat.

He had not done too well with our propeller license—it took Raycroft

Walsh and the controllable-pitch propeller to turn that trick—and

when Fred Rentschler visited Europe after a year or so, Tom had

to put on his best selling vest to keep Fred from closing out the

office. Tom finally won out by suggesting that he give up his salary

and continue on a commission basis.

In the interim between the long Armistice and Hitler’s renewal of

the World War, commercial air transport flourished on the Continent.

International competition was reminiscent of the earlier struggle

for control of the sea; one nation relied on private initiative, the

other sought to capitalize air commerce through government ownership.

Earlier in the struggle for sea power, Britain had defeated France

through private enterprise. France, under the brilliant Colbert,

had staked everything on government support of monopolistic trade

associations or guilds. When, finally, Colbert had called in the

industrialists to ask what more he might do to help them, they had

responded in unison, “_Laissez nous faire!_” (Leave us alone).

But now Britain, having concentrated authority over civil air

transport in a separate ministry wholly dominated by an air force

steeped in the Douhet doctrine, had abandoned private enterprise,

and, following the drift toward state ownership, had put commercial

aviation under government control. The effect of this had been

clearly set forth in the so-called “Cadman Report,” the Report of the

British Committee of Inquiry into Civil Aviation, published in March,

1938, which stated unequivocally that, except on Empire routes, that

country was backward in civil air transport.

This statement, of course, took cognizance of the rapid progress in

America where, following the development of the air-cooled engine,

the controllable-pitch propeller, the Boeing and Douglas transports,

the Sikorsky boats, and Lindbergh’s epic flight, commercial aviation

had flourished. These products now became Tom Hamilton’s stock in

trade and he peddled them most successfully to independent customers

whose decisions were dictated by economic considerations rather than

those of national prestige.

When Tom visited Hartford, we often gathered at the close of a

business day before the fireplace in our basement recreation

room. Its walls were hung with Indian curios and colored prints

of Indian warriors, while the corner posts of the fireplace nook

boasted accurate replicas of Alaskan totem poles carved under Tom’s

supervision and decorated by him. Both of us having been raised in

the Pacific Northwest, at a time when pioneers still lived to recount

tales of their many enterprises, we had absorbed some of their spirit.

The curious turn of events in England, where the most enterprising

nation of modern times seemed to have fallen on evil days, came in

for much discussion. Tom had accumulated a number of ideas while

traveling abroad. For one thing, England, having acquired great

wealth, seemed bent on holding onto it, preferably without having

to work. Her desire for economic security reflected a human trait

that accompanies maturity. Her government, always responsive to

business influence, had gradually abandoned free trade in exchange

for monopolies and cartels. Meanwhile business had exploited labor

as a commodity, a fact disclosed by the character of her industrial

cities. The High Street led upwind by way of wide avenues to

cultivated gardens; the crooked lane to the workers’ cottages wound

past bleak habitations blackened by factory smoke. Ultimately, labor

in revolt had replaced the business monopoly with one of its own.

Labor leaders, having acquired power, became its prisoners. Unless

they wielded their power for the material benefit of the workers they

represented, someone else would either force them to action or grab

their jobs. In time these labor monopolists would feel the force of

government in the form of a dictatorship or government monopoly. With

the nationalization of industry, initiative and enterprise were sure

to be stifled; all incentive would be lost. Tom had witnessed this in

France without dreaming it could spread to England. With the vital

spark extinguished, the body politic must decay. It always had. Yet

while watching the creeping paralysis in England, Tom observed that

certain nations continued to exercise their initiative.

In Holland, for instance, where the Dutch, though defeated by the

English fleet, had gone on to expand ocean commerce to create an

empire in the Indies, the perception of their statesmen and merchants

had suffered no obscuration. As far back as October 7, 1918, a month

before the Armistice, the Dutch had pioneered with what was to become

the world-famous K.L.M. and K.N.I.L.M., outstanding services on the

continent of Europe extending to the Dutch East and West Indies. The

Scandinavian countries, which behind the sure shield of the Grand

Fleet had expanded their sea power, now linked their homeland with

the rest of the Continent and with London, and made plans for their

forthcoming service to the Americas. In Norway, Bernt Balchen, the

well-known explorer, tied the efforts in with American products; in

Sweden, Aktiebolaget Aerotransport standardized on American aircraft

like the Douglas DC-3.

Similarly, the Belgians, always an enterprising people, covered

Europe and reached out for the Congo with their “Sabena.” In Italy,

the tendency was to use domestic types like the Savoia-Marchettis,

but the Italians purchased technical information and took licenses

to build American products. In Poland, the Polish Airlines “LOT”

operated an extensive service using American equipment. A Jugoslav

service covered the capitals of Europe. Finland connected Helsinki

with Berlin.

The Germans, after getting the restrictions of the Versailles

Treaty lifted, moved rapidly to make up lost ground. Junkers

began to manufacture its version of the Boeing 247, and Bavarian

Motoren Werke, builders of one of the best in-line liquid-cooled

engines extant, took a license to manufacture the Pratt and Whitney

Hornet. Junkers took a license to manufacture the Hamilton-Standard

propeller, but later abandoned it in favor of their own “V.D.M.” The

German Lufthansa, equipped with aircraft derived from the American

technologies, spread over Europe and reached out to the far comers of

the world, like South America.

In France, which we now recognize as a casualty of World War I, the

world’s strongest air force was dissipated by storing war surplus

aircraft and neglecting a living industry. In fact, the French

industry, suffering from subversive activities, declined to the point

where the government could conveniently nationalize it and, to all

intents and purposes, strangle it. French air transport suffered from

the internal dissensions which were rife at the time, but Air France

attempted to write its name in history with aircraft predominantly of

American conception.

In England, even the Empire routes suffered in competition with

American aircraft. Thus when Pan American was ready to initiate the

Bermuda-Azores-Lisbon transatlantic service, with the new Sikorsky

S-42 Clippers, the British delayed granting landing rights in

Bermuda to Pan American until they could build a plane of their own,

undertaken after Mr. Sikorsky had read a paper before the Royal

Aeronautical Society outlining the novel features in his design

and setting down its measured performance. During this delay, Pan

American shifted its attention to the far Pacific and, using the same

Sikorsky Clippers, pioneered the air route to Hawaii and the Orient.

The activity associated with the growth of world air transport

provided Tom with just the opportunity he had foreseen. Furthermore,

after the American air-mail contracts had been canceled and the

American long-term program had broken down, the business Tom had

brought to United enabled us to keep our heads above water. Revenue

from the sale of technical information provided us with funds with

which to keep in the forefront of technological progress. And though

we did not realize it, that morning when Tom came home from Europe,

his efforts would later provide the sustenance which would save Pratt

and Whitney and its organization for a decisive contribution to the

coming World War II. It was the war clouds from the cold front in

Europe that depressed Tom’s buoyant spirit.

“This man Hitler,” he said, “is the world’s evil genius.” We were

sitting in my office in East Hartford trying to plan our moves in a

game of blind-man’s buff.

“You people over here,” Tom went on, “tend to discount him because

he wears a Charlie Chaplin moustache. But, believe me, he is no

tramp. He knows Germans like a book and gives them just the sort of

leadership they eat up. It reminds you of the old picture of the

donkey with a carrot in front of him and a lash behind him. Hitler

knows how to hold out the carrot with one hand and pop the whip with

the other.”

Slipstream: the autobiography of an air craftsman · 第 18 / 29 段