The decree makes some allusion to the damages sustained by recent

incursions of the Barbarians into the Roman empire, and to its actual

pacific state. It contains repeated reflections on the avarice of

forestallers, who frustrate the bounty of nature; refers to the plenty

which generally reigns in Asia; directs that those engaged in the

traffic of provisions shall never exceed the subjoined prices in time

of scarcity; and denounces capital punishment against such as shall

infringe the decree which is promulgated to the whole world—called

_our_ world: the decree being as usual in the first person. There is

no mention however made of the Emperor’s name, but there are some

expressions which seem to indicate that his reign had already been of

some length. For the following reasons I am inclined to think it was a

decree of the Emperor Theodosius. It appears by the tailor’s work at the

end of the catalogue, that silken garments were in very common use. Now

it is known that, as late as the reign of Aurelian, they were still very

rare and expensive; and that their use was confined almost entirely to

women[522]. The only successors of Aurelian, whose length of reign and

stability of power were suited to the language of the Inscription, are

Diocletian, Constantine, and Theodosius. As Diocletian arrived at the

empire only ten years after the death of Aurelian, it cannot be supposed

that the use of silk had in his time become so common as the Inscription

indicates. Constantine chiefly triumphed over his Roman rivals; but the

victories of Theodosius over the Goths, who under Valens had overrun

all Thrace, were the peculiar pride and characteristic of the reign of

Theodosius. Ammianus, who wrote his History in that reign, observes

that the use of silken garments, formerly confined to the nobility, had

then become common among the lower classes[523]; a state of customs

which appears to be in exact conformity with the prices of the tailors’

work in silk in the Inscription, as well as with the classification of

those articles of dress among the other garments used by the common

people of that age—namely, the rough coat, or birrhus; the caracallis,

or hooded cloke, which soon afterwards became the dress of the monks;

the Gallic breeches, and the socks. The late date of the Inscription is

shown by its barbarous style, and the use of several words not found in

earlier Latin; but that which declares its age more strongly, perhaps,

than any other peculiarity, is the very reduced value of the drachma

or denarius, in its exchange for the necessaries of life. It is true

that the prices in the decree are given as a maximum; but the value of

the denarius must have very greatly diminished from that which it bore

in the two first centuries of the Roman Empire, when butchers’ meat

was about 2 denarii the pound, and middling wheat from 3 to 6 denarii

the modius[524],—before, under any circumstances contemplated by the

Roman government, it could have been equivalent to an oyster, or the

hundredth part of a lean goose. It appears from the coins of the early

Byzantine Emperors, that great liberties were at that period taken with

the weight of the denarius, and that it varied greatly between the time

of Constantine and that of the final division of the Empire; but its

diminution of value seems from this inscription to have been much greater

than has hitherto been supposed[525].

The Inscription cannot well be referred to a later time than that of

Theodosius, as under his sons the Empire was again oppressed by the

Barbarians; and after the final separation of the Empire, which took

place in their reign, the use of the Latin language was gradually laid

aside in the acts of government of the Eastern Empire.

It would be difficult to deduce any inference as to the date of the

Inscription from the form of the letters; more especially as the Harleian

MS. of Sherard, in which it is preserved, is only the copy of a copy. The

characters seem to have been executed by a Greek engraver, and to have

been left unfinished, so that the S resembles a Greek gamma, and the A a

lambda. The following is a specimen of the characters, as nearly as they

can be represented by printed types.

ETΓEMPERPRɅECEPTORMETUΓIUΓTIΓΓI

MUΓOFFICIORUMΙNUENITUREΓΓEMODE

RATORPLɅCEΤΓIQUIΓCONTRɅFORMAM

ΓTATUTIΗUIUΓCONUIXUΓFUERITɅUDE

NTIɅCɅPITɅLIPERICULOΓUBICIETUR

Et semper præceptor metus justissimus invenitur esse moderator. Placet

si quis contra formam statuti hujus convictus fuerit audentia capitali

periculo subjicietur.

The following is the list of provisions with their prices. It is very

possible that Mr. W. Bankes may have procured a more complete copy of the

Inscription, and a longer list.

It should be observed that the denomination of coin, here expressed by an

asterisk, is in the original denoted by the usual sign of the denarius,

namely X with a transverse line, or an asterisk with six points. The sign

of quantity here expressed by _ƒ_, which nearly resembles the note in the

original, is probably _S_ for sextarius, with a transverse line; but it

may be worthy of remark, that this note is not commonly found in ancient

manuscripts like the asterisk for drachma or denarius.

Conditi ital _ƒ_ unum * viginti quatuor[526]

Apsinthi ital _ƒ_ unum * viginti

Rhosati[527] ital _ƒ_ unum * viginti

Item olei

Olei floris[528] ital _ƒ_ unum * viginti quatuor

Olei sequentis ital _ƒ_ unum * viginti qua....

Olei cibari[529] ital _ƒ_ unum * duodecim

Olei raphanini[530] ital _ƒ_ unum * octo

Aceti ital _ƒ_ unum * sex

Liquaminis[531] primi ital _ƒ_ unum * se......

Liquaminis secundi ital _ƒ_ unum * decem

Salis F M̊[532] unum * centum

Salis conditi[533] italicum _ƒ_ unum * o......

Mellis optimi ital _ƒ_ unum * cu.......

Mellis secundi ital _ƒ_ unum * vig....

Mellis fœnicini[534] ital _ƒ_ unum * octo

Item carnis

Carnis porcinæ ital po[535] unum * duodecim

Carnis bubulæ ital po unum * octo

Carnis caprinæ sive vervecinæ ital po unum * ......

Vulvæ[536] ital po unum * viginti quattuor

Suminis[537] ital po unum * viginti

Ficati[538] optimi ital po unum * sedecim

Laridi optimi ital po unum * sedecim

Pernæ optimæ petasonis sive Menapicæ vel Ceritanæ[539] ital po

unum * viginti

Marsicæ[540] ital po unum * viginti

Adipis recentis ital po unum * duodecim

Axungiæ ital po unum * duodecim

Ungellæ—quattuor et Aqualiculum[541] pretio quo distrahitur

Isicium[542] porcinum unciæ unius * duod....

Isicia bubula ital po unum * decem

Lucanicarum[543] ital po unum * sedecem

Lucanicarum bubularum ital po uno * dec..

Fasionus pastus * ducentis quinquaginta

Fasionus agrestis * centum viginti quinque

Fasia pasta po ... * ducentis

Fasiana non pasta * centum

Anser pastus * ducentis

Anser non pastus * centum

Pullo .... * sexaginta

Perdix .... * triginta

Turtur .. * duodecim

Turtur .. * duodecim

Turdorum .. * sexaginta

Palumb .... * viginti

Columb .... * viginti quattuor

Attagen * viginti

Anas * cuadraginta

Lepus * centum quinquaginta

Cunic(ulus) * quadraginta

.. pe .. viginti

........ quadraginta

........ sedecim

Femina..........

Coturnices n * numero ducentis

Sturni decem * viginti

Aprunæ ital po * sedicim

Cervinæ ital po * duodecim

Dorcis sive capræ vel dammæ ital po duodecim

Porcinæ lactantis * sedicim

Agnus M po .... * duodecim

Hædus[544] M po l * duodecim

Sevi ital po l * sex

Butyri ital po l * sedecim

Item pisces

Piscis aspratilis[545] marini ital po l * viginti quattuor

Piscis secundi ital po l * sedecim

Piscis fluvialis opt. po l * duodecim

Piscis secundi fluvialis ital po l * octo

Piscisalsi ital po l * sex

Ostriæ no centum * centum

Echini no centum * quinquaginta

Echini recentis purgati ital _ƒ_ unum * quadraginta

Echini salsi ital _ƒ_ unum * centum

Sphondili[546] marini no centum * quinquaginta

Sagenici[547] ital po l * duodecim

Sardæ sive Sardinæ po l * sedecim

Item Cardus majores no quinque * decem

Sequentes no decem..............

Intibus optima no decem............

Sequentis no decem..............

Malvæ maximæ no VI............

Malvæ sequentis decem..........

Lactucæ optimæ no V............

Sequentes no decem * quattuor

Coliculi optimi no V * quattuor

Sequentes no X * quattuor

Cumæ[548] optimæ fascem l * quinque

Porri maximi no X * octo

Sequentes no viginti......

Betæ maximæ no V........

Sequentes no X......

Radices maximæ......

Sequentes............

Rapæ maximæ no X......

Sequentes no X..........

Ceparum siccarum........

Cepæ verdes[549]............

Sequentes..............

Capparis..............

Sisinariorum[550] ital........

Cucurbitæ............

Sequentes..............

Melopepones............

Sequentes..............

Pepones..............

Fasiolorum............

Asparagi Hortulani......

Asparagi Agrestes......

Rusci[551]..............

Ciceris................

Fabæ virdes............

Fascioli virdes..........

.... etiam

licitum sit..........

Frumenti K M̊..........

Hordei K M̊ unum *........

Centenum sive sicale[552] K M̊ unum........

Milipisti K M̊ unum * centum

Militegri[553] K M̊ * quinquaginta

Panicii[554] K M̊ * quinquaginta

Speltæ .... K M̊ * centum

Scandulæ[555] sive speltæ K M̊ * triginta

Fabæ fressæ ..... * centum

Fabæ non fressæ[556] * sexanta ....

Lenticlæ ..... * centum

Herviliæ .... * octocenta

Pisæ fractæ ..... * centum

Pisæ non fractæ .... * sexacinta

Ciceris .... * centum

Hervi .... * centum

Avenæ .... * triginta

Fœnigræci .... * centum

.......... scripturæ versuum no centum........

Tabellanioni in scriptura livelli bel tabulæ versibus no

centum..................

Bracario pro excisura et urnatura

Pro birro qualitatis primæ * se............

Pro birro qualitatis secundæ * quadra......

Pro Caracalli majori * viginti

Pro Caracalli minori * viginti

Pro Vracibus * viginti

Pro Udonibus * quattuor

Sarcinatori in beste soubtili replicatoriæ * sex......

Eidem aperturæ cum subsutura sit olosericæ * quinquaginta

Eidem aperturæ cum subsutura subsericæ[557] * triginta

Subsuturæ in beste grossiori * quattuor

NOTE TO PAGE 230.

Sherard copied the following curious inscription in two places at Mylasa:—

ΜΑΥΣΣΩΛΟΣΕΚΑΤΟΜΝΩΤΟΜΒΩΜΟΝΑΝΕΘΗΚΕΝ

Mausolus, who here erects an altar to Hecatomnus, was his eldest son,

and his successor in the kingdom of Caria. Mausolus married his eldest

sister Artemisia, who on his death built the celebrated sepulchre at

Halicarnassus called Mausoleum. According to Pliny, Mausolus died in

the second year of the 106th Olympiad, or before Christ 355.[558] He

was succeeded in the regal authority by Artemisia, according to a

custom which Arrian observes to have been not uncommon in Asia[559].

Artemisia died before the monument of Mausolus was finished, and was

succeeded by Hydrieus the second son of Hecatomnus, and he by his widow

and sister Ada. Ada was expelled from Halicarnassus by her brother

Pixodarus, the third son of Hecatomnus; who submitted to the Persians,

and was succeeded by the Persian satrap Orontobates, who had married his

daughter. It was from this Persian that Alexander took Halicarnassus,

after an obstinate defence, in the year B.C. 334, when he restored the

kingdom of Caria to Ada; who, on being expelled from the sovereignty by

her brother, had remained in possession of Alinda[560].

The reduplication of the sigma in Μαύσσωλος is found also in other proper

names of this period of time. The conversion of N before B into M, was in

conformity with a pronunciation which has continued to the present day.

Other conversions of a similar kind are often found in inscriptions: see

some examples in the Inscriptiones Antiquæ of Chishull and of Chandler.

NOTE TO PAGE 248.

The following are the two inscriptions mentioned in the text as

containing the name of Tralles, and as having been copied by Sherard at

Ghiuzél Hissár.

I.

... ΣΤΗΜΑ ΤΗΣ ΓΕΡΟΥ-

-ΣΙΑΣ ΚΑΙ ΟΙ ΦΙΛΟΣΕΒΑΣΤΟΙ

ΝΕΟΙ ΚΑΙ ΟΙ ΕΝ ΤΡΑΛΛΕΣΙ

ΡΩΜΑΙΟΙ ΕΤΕΙΜΗΣΑΝ ΤΙΒ

ΚΛ ΠΑΝΥΧΟΝ ΕΥΤΥΧΟΝ

ΚΟΙΒΙΛΟΝ ΣΤΡΑΤΗΓΗΣΑΝ-

-ΤΑ ΤΗΝ ΝΥΚΤΕΡΙΝΗΝ ΣΤΡΑ-

-ΤΗΓΙΑΝ ΔΕΚΑΠΡΩΤΕΥΣΑΝ-

-ΤΑ ΑΡΓΥΡΟΤΑΜΙΕΥΣΑΝΤΑ

ΕΚΔΑΝΕΙΣΑΝΤΑ ΚΟΥΡΑΤΟ-

-ΡΕΙΣΑΝΤΑ ΤΩΝ ΡΩΜΑΙΩΝ

ΣΕΙΤΩΝΗΣΑΝΤΑ ΑΠΟ ΑΙΓΥ-

-ΠΤΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΕΠΕΡΓΟΝ ΠΟΙΗΣΑΝ-

-ΤΑ ΕΙΣ ΤΟΝ ΣΕΙΤΟΝ ΚΑΙ ΔΟΝΤΑ

ΕΙΣ ΤΟ ΔΗΜΟΣΙΟΝ ΧΒΦΚΖ ΝΕ-

-ΟΠΟΙΗΣΑΝΤΑ ΣΤΡΑΤΗΓΗΣΑΝ-

-ΤΑ ΑΓΟΡΑΝΟΜΗΣΑΝΤΑ ΦΙΛΟ-

ΤΕΙΜΩΣ ΑΝΑΘΕΝΤΑ ΔΕ ΕΚ ΤΩΝ

ΙΔΙΩΝ ΚΑΙ ΤΑΣ ΕΝ ΤΗ ΟΨΑΡΙΟ-

-ΠΩΛΕΙ ΜΑΡΜΑΡΙΝΑΣ ΤΡΑΠΕ-

-ΖΑ. ΙΒ Σ.. ΤΑΙΣ ΒΑΣΕΣΙΝ Β

Π. ΤΙΤΙΟΣ ΜΗΟΥΒΙΑΝΟΣ Κ.

-ΛΩΝ ΤΟΝ ΕΑΥΤΟΝ ΦΙΛΟΝ

II.

ΜΑΡΚΟΝ ΝΩΝΙΟΝ ΕΥΤΥΧΗ

ΤΟΝ ΑΞΙΟΛΟΓΩΤΑΤΟΝ

ΓΡΑΜΜΑΤΕΑ

ΒΟΥΛΗΣ ΔΗΜΟΥ

ΣΕΙΤΩΝΗΣΑΝΤΑ ΕΙΡΗΝΑΡΧΗ-

-ΣΑΝΤΑ ΣΤΡΑΤΗΓΗΣΑΝΤΑ

ΔΕΚΑΠΡΩΤΕΥΣΑΝΤΑ ΚΑΙ

ΔΙ ΟΛΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΕΤΟΥΣ ΠΡΩΤΟΝ

ΚΑΙ ΜΟΝΟΝ ΦΙΛΟΤΕΙΜΩΣ

ΑΓΟΡΑΝΟΜΗΣΑΝΤΑ

ΚΑΙ ΘΕΝΤΑ ΕΛΑΙΟΥ

ΗΜΕΡΑΣ ΠΕΝΤΕ

Η ΛΑΜΠΡΟΤΑΤΗ ΚΑΙΣΑΡΕΩΝ

ΤΡΑΛΛΙΑΝΩΝ ΠΟΛΙΣ

ΕΚ ΤΩΝ ΙΔΙΩΝ ΠΡΟΣΟΔΩΝ

ΠΡΟΝΟΗΣΑΜΕΝΩΝ ΤΗΣ ΑΝΑΣΤΑ-

-ΣΕΩΣ ΤΗΣ ΤΙΜΗΣ Μ ΑΥΡ ΛΗΤΟΙΔΟΥ

ΙΟΥΛΙΑΝΟΥ ΧΡΥΣΟΦΟΡΟΥ ΚΑΙ

Μ ΑΥΡ ΤΡΟΦΙΜΟΥ ΓΡΑΜΜΑΤΕΩΣ.

NOTE TO PAGE 253.

In the annexed plate are plans, on a small scale, of the theatre and

palæstra of Hierapolis, from the drawings of Mr. Cockerell. I know of

only two other palæstræ, or gymnasia[561], in a state of preservation

sufficient to give any useful information on the subject of these

buildings, whose spacious chambers and massy walls show the importance

which was attached to them by the ancients.

[Illustration: THE THEATRE OF HIERAPOLIS.

THE PALÆSTRA OF HIERAPOLIS.]

Near the mineral sources which rise in the centre of the site of

Hierapolis, Mr. Cockerell observed the Plutonium or mephitic cavern,

which eluded the search of Pococke and of Chandler. Dio accurately

remarks that it was situated below the theatre, Strabo says that it was

fatal to oxen placed within its influence, and both he and Dio assert

that they exposed birds to it, which fell dead immediately. Mr. C. found

several small birds lying dead near the grotto; and though he tried its

effects on a fowl for a whole day without any result, he was assured by

the inhabitants that it was sometimes fatal to their sheep and oxen, but

that it was not always equally dangerous. The ancient authors who have

mentioned this Plutonium are Strabo (p. 629.), Pliny (l. 2. c. 95.), Dion

Cassius (l. 68. c. 27.), Apuleius (de Mundo), Ammianus (l. 23. c. 6.),

and Damascius (ap. Photii Bibl. p. 1054.)

NOTE TO PAGE 259.

Pliny (l. 36. c. 21.) says, the temple of Ephesus was built “in solo

palustri ne terræ motus sentiret aut hiatus timeret.”

NOTE TO PAGE 265.

Mr. Cockerell has been so kind as to furnish me with the following note

on the antiquities of Sardes:—

“Sardes was magnificently situated on one of the roots of Mount

Tmolus, which commands an extensive view to the northward over

the valley of the Hermus, and the country beyond it. To the south

of the city, in a small plain watered by the Pactolus, stood the

temple, built of coarse whitish marble. The western front was on

the bank of the river; the eastern under the impending heights of

the Acropolis.

“Two columns of the exterior order of the east front, and one

column of the portico of the pronaus, are still standing, with

their capitals: the two former still support the stone of the

architrave, which stretched from the centre of one column to

the centre of the other. The columns are buried nearly to half

their height in the soil, which has accumulated in the valley

since their erection; chiefly, it is probable, by the destruction

of the hill of the Acropolis, which is continually crumbling,

and which presents a most rugged and fantastic outline. On the

edges of its summit the remains of the ancient walls are still

observable in many places. I was told that, four years ago, three

other columns of the temple were still standing, and that they

were thrown down by the Turks, for the sake of the gold which

they expected to find in the joints[562].

“Besides the three standing columns which I have mentioned,

there are truncated portions of four others belonging to the

eastern front, and of one belonging to the portico of the

pronaus; together with a part of the wall of the cella. When it

is considered that these remains are 25 feet above the pavement,

it cannot be doubted that an excavation would expose the greater

part of the building: even now, however, there is sufficient

above the soil to give an idea of the dimensions of the temple,

and to show that it was one of the most magnificent in Greece;

for though in extent it was inferior to the temples of Juno at

Samus, and of Apollo at Branchidæ, the proportions of the order

are at least equal to those of the former, and exceed those of

the latter. The following plan and elevation will illustrate what

I have just stated: the shading expresses those parts which still

remain in their places above the soil.

“The dimensions are as follow:—

Diameter of the exterior columns, at about 35 feet F. In.

below the capital 6 4½

Diameter of the exterior columns under the capital 5 6¼

Diameter of interior columns under the capital 6 0¾

Diameter of the same under the caps 5 3

“The height of the entire column has been assumed from the

proportions of those at Branchidæ, Miletus, &c. The stone A must

have weighed 25 tons, and that above the centre intercolumnium

was still larger.

“The capital, appeared to me to surpass any specimen of the Ionic

I had seen in perfection of design and execution. I suppose the

temple to have been an octastyle dipterus, with seventeen columns

in the flanks; though in regard to the number in the flanks, I

am more guided by the proportion of the other dipteral temples

of the Ionic order than by any proof that can be derived from

the ruins in their present state. The gradual diminution of the

intercolumnia from the centre of the front to the angles, is

remarkable, and, I believe, without any other example. The larger

intercolumnium in the centre is indeed found in the temple of

Diana at Magnesia; and is recommended by Vitruvius lib. iii.

c. 11: the contraction of the intercolumnia, in the flanks,

is exemplified in the temple of Samus. The smaller diameter

of the interior columns is not uncommon in Greek temples: the

capitals resembled those of the exterior order. The flutings are

not continued in any of the columns below the capital; which I

conceive to be a proof that this temple, like that of Apollo

Didymeus, was never finished.

“The great height of the architrave, the peculiar style of the

design and workmanship, and the difference of intercolumnia in

the faces and in the flanks of the peristyle, I cannot but regard

as tokens of high antiquity; and perhaps we may consider as no

less so the vast size of the stones employed in the architrave;

and the circumstance of their being single stones, whereas in

the temple of Didyma and in the Parthenon there were two blocks

in the same situation[563]. In subsequent times the durability

ensured by this massive mode of construction was sacrificed for

appearances, and for a more easy result.

“The merit of the very ancient architects in overcoming such

a difficulty, and the great expense incurred by it, may be

illustrated by the practical observation, that the price of the

cubic foot of stone is doubled and trebled, according to size,

as well in the quarrying as in the carriage and setting. Modern

architecture has indeed succeeded in producing buildings of

immense bulk, but they cannot be kept together without continued

repair; and the triumph is little more than that of balancing a

skeleton on its legs. In some late works only, such as the recent

artificial docks and basins, have we imitated the solidity of the

ancients.

“On the north side of the Acropolis of Sardes, overlooking the

valley of the Hermus, is a theatre, attached to a stadium: in

the manner of which we find several examples in Asia Minor. The

stadium is near 1000 feet in length, the theatre near 400 in

diameter.”

[Illustration: THE TEMPLE OF CYBEBE AT SARDES.]

The subjoined plate is intended to show the relative proportions of the

principal temples of Asia Minor, as well with each other as with the four

most celebrated temples of European Greece. All these plans, except the

first, are formed from observations made by skilful architects, on the

existing ruins of the buildings.

1. _Temple of Diana at Ephesus._—Vitruvius mentions this building as an

example of the class of temples which he calls dipterus; and one of the

characters of which, according to him, is, that of having eight columns

in front. His words, however, are ambiguous, and I am disposed to think

that he alludes, not to the temple which existed in his time, but to

the original work of Chersiphron of Cnossus, and his son Metagenes, who

were cotemporaries of Theodorus and Rhœcus, the architects of the Heræum

of Samus; and whose building, after having been enlarged by another

architect, was destroyed by fire in the year B.C. 356: for it was not

until then that the edifice was begun, which, after 220 years employed

in its construction, was in perfection in the time of the Roman empire;

when it was noticed by Strabo, Pliny, and Vitruvius[564]. In any case,

as the expression of Vitruvius forms part of his absurd classification

of temples[565], it deserves not much weight in contradiction to the

description of the building by Pliny, whose principal data will be

found (on the supposition that the temple was decastyle) to agree in

a remarkable manner with each other, as well as with some other great

examples of the Ionic order. Pliny relates that the temple was 220 feet

in front, and 425 long, and that the diameter of the columns was one

eighth of the height, which was 60 feet. The columns, therefore, were 7½

feet in diameter; and the intercolumnia of the front, supposing them to

have been all equal, were 16 feet, or only 9 inches less than the eustyle

proportion of Vitruvius; which is 2¼ times the diameter of the column.

It has been thought that the side of this temple, having been less than

double the front, the number of columns on the sides must also have

been less than double the number in the fronts. But this is by no means

a necessary consequence; on the contrary, we find that in the temples

of Samus and Branchidæ, both of which had one column more in the flank

than in the front, the side is less than double the front; and that the

breadth exceeds half the length, even in a greater proportion than it

did, according to the numbers of Pliny, in the temple of Ephesus. There

is no reason, therefore, why the Ephesian temple, like the temples of the

same order, which most nearly approached it in magnitude, namely those

of Samus and Branchidæ, should not have had 21 columns in the sides.

In regard to its total number of columns, which in our copies of Pliny

is 127, there is evidently some error, as the number could not have

been uneven. It is very possible that the early copiers of Pliny made

the common oversight of omitting an unit, writing cxxvii. instead of

cxxviii.; for such would have been the number if we suppose that there

was a triple row of columns before the vestibule of the cell in front,

as in the temples of Samus and Sardes, and also at the opposite end, as

in the Olympium of Athens; together with four columns between the Antæ

at either end of the cella, as the general construction of Greek temples

renders highly probable.

As it cannot be certain whether Pliny refers to the Greek or Roman foot

in this example, I have drawn the little plan in the plate by the same

scale of English feet used for the other figures. The English foot being

somewhat greater than the Roman, and smaller than the Greek, the error

must be very trifling, whether Pliny used the Greek or Roman.

2. _Temple of Juno at Samus._—Herodotus has prepared us for the

magnificence of this building. He names it, together with the temple of

Ephesus, as the most admirable of all the works of the Grecians; and

in another place he calls it the largest temple of which he has any

knowledge[566]. Hence it appears that the Heræum of Samus was larger than

the Artemisium of Ephesus as the latter existed in the time of Herodotus.

Although only one column of the Heræum deprived of its capital is now

standing, its plan was ascertained by Mr. Bedford, one of the architects

who accompanied Sir William Gell in the second Asiatic Mission of the

Dilettanti. The length was 346 feet, the breadth 189. It was a decastylus

dipterus, had 10 columns in front, 21 on the sides, a triple row in

the pronaus, and a double row of four columns between the antæ at the

entrance of the cella in front. The columns were about 7 feet in diameter

at the bottom of the shaft, and about 60 feet high. The intercolumniation

in the two fronts was 14 feet, in the flank only 10½ feet, and in the

flank of the pronaus something still less. There was no appearance of

fluting in the columns. The material was the white and blueish-gray

marble of the island.

3. _Temple of Apollo Didymeus at Branchidæ in the Milesia._—Of this

building there remain two columns with the architrave, still standing:

the remainder is an immense mass of ruin. The proportions of the order

are more slender than those of Samus and Sardes, their height being

63 feet, with a diameter of 6½ feet, at the base of the shaft. The

architrave is lower, and the building much less ancient than those two

temples. It was a decastylus dipterus, with 21 columns in the flanks,

and 4 between the antæ of the pronaus: in all 112. The fluting of the

columns is finished only in the exterior order; in the interior it

exists only under the capital[567]. The material of the temple is white

marble—in some parts blueish.

4. _Temple of Cybebe at Sardes._—Of this the foregoing note of Mr.

Cockerell, the only person who has measured it with care, has furnished

the reader with all that is known. The plan is constructed on the

supposition, not yet sufficiently proved, that it had 17 columns on the

sides, and not more than a double row at the back of the cella. Of the

other particulars Mr. C.’s measurements leave no doubt.

5. _The Temple of Artemis Leucophryene_—which is now a mere heap of

ruins, among other remains of the city of Magnesia on the Mæander. Its

material is white marble, not of the purest kind. The length is 198 feet,

the breadth 106; measured, as usual, on the upper step of the stylobate.

There were 8 columns in the fronts and 15 in the sides, measuring 4 feet

8 inches in diameter at the bottom of the shaft. The number of columns

was only 56; this temple being the example which Vitruvius has given

of the pseudodipterus, a mode of construction by which 38 columns were

saved, and a larger space was left for the reception of the people in the

peristyle. The central intercolumnium of the temple of Magnesia is found

to be three-fourths of a diameter greater than the other intercolumnia;

and we are informed by Vitruvius that such was exactly the proportion of

the central intercolumnium to the others in the eustylus, a disposition

so called as being the most harmonious mode of proportioning the

diameters to the intercolumnia. The other intercolumnia, however, of the

temple of Magnesia do not bear so large a proportion to the diameter

of the column, as the eustylus required.—Vitruvius informs us that

Hermogenes of Alabanda, the architect of the temple of Magnesia, was the

inventor both of the Pseudodipterus and Eustylus; but in regard to the

former at least, his merit seems not to have been very great, as we now

find from the observations of two architects, Messrs. Harris and Angell,

who have lately resided six months at Selinus in Sicily for the purpose

of examining the magnificent ruins at that place, which are much more

ancient than the time of Hermogenes, that the great temple of Jupiter as

well as one of the hexastyles was constructed on the principles of the

pseudodipterus.

6. _The Temple of Bacchus at Teos._—The ruins of this building afford

only the diameter of the column (about 3 feet 8 inches at the base), with

a few less important details of the other parts of the construction. But

we have some means of judging of the dimensions of the temple, from its

being the example of the eustylus given by Vitruvius, who informs us also

that it was a hexastylus monopterus[568]. The columns therefore being 3.8

in diameter, and the intercolumniation of the eustylus being 3 diameters

in the centre with 2¼ in the four other intercolumnia, the total length

of the front must have been about 64 feet on the upper step, which is

very nearly the breadth of another Ionic hexastyle, namely the temple of

Minerva at Priene. If we suppose the number of columns in the sides at

Teos to have been the same as at Priene, namely 11, these two temples

must have been nearly equal in length as well as in breadth. It seems

highly probable that such was the number of columns in the sides at Teos,

because Vitruvius, who chiefly extracted his theoretical system from the

commentaries of the great architects of the Asiatic temples, prescribes

the number of columns in the hexastyle to be not more than 11. One of

those Asiatic writers, we know, was Hermogenes the architect of the

temple at Teos; and he also was the inventor of the eustylus or beautiful

proportion, of which this temple was an example[569].

[Illustration: PLANS OF TEMPLES AT

1. EPHESUS, Ionic. 425 feet long, 220 broad.

2. SAMUS, Ionic. 346 × 189.

3. BRANCHIDÆ, Ionic. 304 × 65.

4. SARDES, Ionic. 251 × 144.

5. MAGNESIA, Ionic. 198 × 105.

6. TEOS, Ionic. 122 × 64.

7. PRIENE, Ionic. 122 × 63.

1. AGRIGENTUM, Doric. 358 × 172.

2. SELINUS, Doric. 358 × 164.

3. ATHENS (Olympium), Corinthian. 354 × 171.

4. ATHENS (Parthenon), Doric.]

7. Although the temple of Minerva at Priene seems to have closely

resembled that of Bacchus at Teos in the length and breadth, its other

proportions were different, the intercolumnia being smaller in proportion

to the diameter of the column, which measures four feet and a quarter

at the bottom of the shaft. The shaft was 38 feet high and fluted. The

material of the temple, as well as of the other buildings of the city,

was the stone of the mountain on which it stands—a blue and white marble,

not of a very compact texture.

Vitruvius has not spoken of the temple of Sardes, probably because it

was already in ruins in his time. The other six just enumerated are the

great examples of the Ionic order to which he has particularly alluded,

and which happen also to be the temples of Asiatic Greece of which the

existing ruins furnish us with the most satisfactory details. There were

other temples of great celebrity in that country; particularly those of

Apollo at Grynium and at Clarus, of Hercules at Erythræ, and of Minerva

at Phocæa, to which we may add that of Cyzicus destroyed by an earthquake

in the reign of Antoninus Pius[570]; but no remains of these edifices,

except that of Clarus, which is stated by Captain Beaufort to have been

of the Doric order, have yet been discovered.

NOTE TO PAGE 268.

To the testimony of Livy as to the Phrygius might have been added that

of Appian; but it is evident that in the description of the battle of

Magnesia both the historians have drawn from the same source, namely

Polybius, and Appian is less particular than Livy as to the topography of

the position.

FOOTNOTES

[1] These remarks were written before the insurrection broke out

in Greece—an event which will greatly increase the difficulties of

travelling in Asia Minor.

[2] The coast between Cape Carambis and Sinope was not seen by Captain

Gauttier, who has therefore borrowed that part from the Russian charts.

[3] An unfortunate fire destroyed the engravings prepared for Niebuhr’s

third volume, and put a stop to its publication. I believe Major Rennell

is in possession of a copy of the map of Niebuhr’s route through Asia

Minor, struck from the plate before the fire.

[4] See the appendix to Mr. Kinneir’s Travels.

[5] In the latter part of the last century, Griffiths and Capper

published their routes across the peninsula, from S.E. to N.W., but

without adding much to geography.

[6] This is probably an error for Kílissa-Hissár, which, according to

Hadji Khalfa, is the name of a castle near Bor; for the bearing and

distance of Mr. Kinneir’s Ketch-Hissar from Nigde are sufficient to prove

that it must have been very near the Bor of Hadji Khalfa and Paul Lucas.

[7] Mr. Kinneir calls this place Costambol; but the Turkish geographers

give it the name in the text, which in fact is nothing more than a slight

corruption of Castamon, its Greek name under the Byzantine empire. See

Anna Comnena, l. 7. p. 206.—Nicet. in Joan. Comnen.—Chalcocond. l. 9.

p. 259.—Leuncl. Annal. Turc.—It is to be regretted that Mr. Kinneir was

not more careful in his orthography of places, which often requires

correction from Hadji Khalfa, or modern travellers. Like Pococke he

has omitted, in giving us his computation of miles, to add the actual

_measure_ by the watch, which is generally the more useful of the two.

[8] The following are among some of the observations of the latitude of

places on the road from Smyrna to Constantinople, made by Mr. Browne.

They are taken from his manuscript papers.

Latitude. Longitude.

Smyrna 38° 28′ 7″ 27° 6′ 48″

Magnesia 38° 41′ 30″

Demir Kapu 39° 49′ 0″

Balikesr 39° 32′ 0″

Ulubad 40° 9′ 30″

Mikhalitza 40° 16′ 30″

Brusa 40° 9′ 30″

Yenishehr 40° 12′ 0″

Kizdervent 40° 32′ 0″

Nicæa 40° 21′ 30″

[9] It is almost unnecessary to remark that the latitudes and longitudes

of Ptolemy are of very little use, though they may be sometimes employed

as a concurrent testimony in proof of the vicinity of places.

[10] The routes of these three itineraries are described upon the map

by a double line; and thus the part of the Peutinger Table relating

to Asia Minor is (I believe for the first time) placed upon the real

projection. This part of the Table has at the same time been engraved on

the same plate with the Map, for the greater convenience of reference and

comparison.

[11] Ante Christum, 401.

[12] A. C. 333.

[13] A. C. 189.

[14] An inquiry into the situation of the sees of the Greek bishoprics

of the Lower Empire may sometimes assist the traveller in the discovery

of the ancient _Pagan_ sites. In regard to the smaller places, this

method may not often be successful, Turkish conquest and Christian

depopulation having gradually obliterated the greater part of them; but

it is difficult to suppose that the metropolitan, and some others of the

more important sees, which are at the same time desiderata of ancient

geography,—such as Synnada, Antiocheia of Pisidia, Perge, Philomelium,

Pessinus, Amorium,—should be unknown to the Christians of Asia Minor,

although their names may be no longer in common use.

[15] An Arabic word, meaning _master_, _ruler_.

[16] This name has been supposed to prove that Kutaya, the capital of

Kermian, stands on the site of the Κεραμῶν ἄγορα of Xenophon; but there

is no doubt that Kermian is a Turkish name, and foreign to ancient Asia

Minor. The mosque of Sultan Kermian still exists at Kutaya.

[17] The rule which I have observed in writing Turkish names, requires

the reader to pronounce the vowels as in Italian, and the consonants as

in English. Gh, Dh, and Kh, are intended to express the aspirated forms

of G, D, K. The accent is marked in all words, the sound of which might

be doubtful without it.

[18] A kind of pipe in which the smoke is made to pass through water:

used in every part of the East.

[19] The initial K, P, T, in names of places have generally among the

modern Greeks the sound of G, B, D: this arises from their practice of

using those names in the accusative case preceded by στὴν; for ν before

κ, π, τ, gives the harder kindred sound to the vowel which follows.

Before π the ν becomes converted into m: as, στὴν πόλιν—Constantinople,

pronounced stim bólin. Whence the Turkish Stambol.

[20] Ὀρχάνης ... ἦλθε πρὸς τοῦ Βυζαντίου τὴν Περαίαν, ὃ Σκουτάριον

ἐρχωρίως ὀνομάζεται.—Cantacuz. l. 4. c. 4.

[21] Antonin. Itin. ed. Wessel. p. 139. Hierosol. It. p. 572.

[22] Ἐν δὲ Βιθυνίᾳ τόπος ἐστὶ θινώδης ἀπὸ θαλάσσης καὶ πρὸς αὐτῷ κώμη τις

οὐ μεγάλη Λίβυσσα καλεῖται—Plutarch. in Flam.

[23] Zonaras, l. 13. c. 16. Socrates, l. 4. c. 16. Sozomen, l. 6. c. 14.

Cedrenus, p. 311. Theophanes, p. 50.

[24] Procop. de Ædif. l. 5. c. 2. Hist. Arcan. c. 30. Anna Comn. l. 10.

p. 287.

[25] Διαβαίνειν αὐτὸν πλεῖον ἢ εἰκοσάκις ἐστὶ τοῖς τῇδε ἰοῦσι. Proc. de

Ædif. l. 5. c. 2.

[26] Anna Comnena, l. 10. p. 286. ed. Paris.

[27] A similar confusion as to the Gallus and Sangarius seems to have

prevailed in ancient times. Herodian places the city Pessinus on the

Gallus; although we know from Polybius, Livy, and Strabo, that it stood

on the banks of the Sangarius, not far from the sources of that river.

Strabo, in describing the Gallus as the branch which joins the main river

300 stades from Nicomedia, has identified it with the river of Lefke.

[28] Mr. M. Kinneir found some antique remains, and copied some Christian

Greek inscriptions here. Paul Lucas found some ruins, and transcribed

some incomplete inscriptions at an Armenian village an hour and a half

from Eski-shehr.

[29] Ann. Comn. l. 11. p. 317—l. 15. p. 469.

[30] Athen. l. 2, c. 5. ed. Casaub. Cinnam. l. 6. c. 74.

[31] Tab. Peutinger. Segm. vi. Anton. Itin. p. 202.

[32] Nacoleia was the chief fortress of this country in the reign of

Arcadius, whose officer, Count Tribigild, with a garrison of Ostrogoths,

rebelled against the Emperor, and reduced all the neighbouring country.

Philostorg. l. 11. c. 8. For an account of the rebellion of Gainas and

Tribigild, which illustrates several points of Asiatic geography, see

Gibbon, c. 32, and the authors to whom he refers.

[33] I. Dorileo 28 Mideo 28 Tricomia 21 Pessinunte. Total 77 M. P. to

Pessinus: the distance on the map is about 55 G. M. d.

II. Iter a Dorilao:—Arcelaio M. P. 30, Germa M. P. 20. Total 50 M. P.:

the distance on the map is 57 G. M. d.

III. Dorileo Docymeo 32 Synnada 32 Jullæ 35 Philomelo 28 Laudicia

Catacecaumeno. Total 127 M. P. _plus_ the distance from Dorylæum to

Docimia. The distance upon the map is about 130 G. M. d.

IV. Dorileo 20 Necolea 40 Conni 32 Eucarpia 30 Eumenia Pella 12 ad vicum

14 Apamea Ciboton. Total 148 M. P. The distance upon the map is about 100

G. M. d.

V. Dorileo, 30 Cocleo (lege Cotyæo) 35 Agmonia 25 Aludda 30 Clanudda 35

Philadelfia. Total 155 M. P. The distance upon the map is about 120 G. M.

d. The second of these roads is from the Antonine itinerary, the other

four from the Peutinger Table.

The proportion between the real distances, and the amount of the several

computed distances in Roman miles, shows that the distance, in the

itineraries, from one place to another, cannot be relied on to within ten

or twelve miles. In many instances, the errors of the Table are still

greater.

[34] Herodot. l. 1. c. 142. l. 5. c. 59.

[35] Some fragments of these are to be seen in the British Museum.

[36] Strabo, p. 373.

[37] See Lanzi, Saggio di Lingua Etrusca. There is nothing, however,

very surprising in this peculiarity of the Etruscan. The Greek alphabet,

like its oriental prototype, was at first written from right to left,

then indifferently either way, then alternately, in the manner called

boustrophedon; and lastly, from left to right. It was imported into

Etruria at a period when it was written in the earliest manner; and the

Etruscans, by a practice often observable in colonies, seem to have

adhered to the custom after it had been altered in the mother country.

It can no longer be doubted, from a comparison of the military

architecture and other arts of the Etruscans with those of the Greeks,

as well as from that of their language and writing, so ably investigated

by Lanzi, that the two people had a common origin, or a common source of

civilization. This source, in the opinion of the Greeks, was a people

called Pelasgi, the last seat of whose prosperity was the country

adjacent to the Thessalian Olympus. Driven away from thence about the

fifteenth century before the Christian æra, they migrated to Asia, Crete,

Epirus, and a part of them to Etruria; where they are said to have been

joined, about two centuries afterwards, by a colony from Lydia. We find

an evidence of the skill of the Pelasgi in military architecture, in the

circumstance of the Athenians having employed some of those who were

settled in Attica to fortify the Acropolis: and it is probable that

the peculiar style of building exhibited in the walls of many ancient

cities, as well in Greece as in Etruria and Italy, and which is the same

in all, had its origin in the Pelasgic school. Hellanicus of Lesbus,

and Dionysius of Halicarnassus, denied that the Etruscans had ever been

colonized from Lydia: but in this they were opposed to the general

opinion of antiquity, as shown by Herodotus, Strabo, Paterculus, Pliny,

Seneca, Plutarch, Appian, Justin, and Tacitus. At the time of the War of

Troy, the Pelasgi possessed the fertile plains on the south-eastern side

of Mount Ida, and had given the name of the Thessalian Larissa to their

chief town. Hom. Il. β. 840. Several other communities in the surrounding

parts of Asia Minor were of Pelasgic origin, and Lydia is said to have

received one of their colonies. (Plutarch in Romulo, Raoul Rochette

Hist. des Colonies Grecques.) Etruria, therefore, in its manners, arts,

language, and writing, could not have been very much altered by the

addition of a Lydian colony, if any such event ever took place. Among

the numerous instances of resemblance between the Etruscan and Æolic

Greek adduced by Lanzi, I shall mention one only, as it is illustrated

by a discovery of my own. 𐌀𐌐𐌋𐌖 Aplu, we find, by some of the monuments

of Etruria, to have been the Etruscan name for Apollo; and Plato, in a

passage of the Cratylus referred to by Lanzi, observes that Ἀπλοῦν or

Ἀπλὸς was the name of the Thessalian Apollo. Between Larissa and Mount

Olympus, in the part of Thessaly which, as late as the time of the Roman

empire, was called Pelasgiotis, I found two marbles inscribed with

dedications to this deity, ΑΠΛΟΥΝΙ. See Lanzi Saggio di Lingua Etrusca,

tomo 2. p. 200, 224; Walpole’s Collection of Travels in Turkey, vol. 2.

p. 506; Classical Journal, No. 52.

[38] Strabo, p. 568, 576.

[39] Attic. c. 4.

[40] Strabo, p. 571. Paus. _ib._

[41] Herod. l. 1. c. 14. Eusebius places the beginning of the reign of

the first Midas in the fourth year of the tenth Olympiad, or 737 B.C.

[42] Herod. l. 1. c. 35.

[43] The first letter of this word appears to be the old gamma,

[Illustration: Γ], as written on several ancient monuments. The sixth

letter was perhaps a Τ, of which a part of the upper line has been

effaced. Upon this supposition, the name in Greek was ΓΑϜΑΤΤΑΗΣ, which

bears a resemblance to the royal Lydian names, Sadyattes, Alyattes.

[44] Arrian. ap. Eustath. in Il. ε. p. 429.

[45] An inscription found by Pococke, at Nysa in the valley of the

Mæander, qualifies one Artemidorus as Παπὰς τῶν τῆς πόλεως στρατηγῶν, and

as Παπὰς ἄρχων. Pococke Inscr. Ant. p. 13.

[46] Lanzi, tom. 2. p. 144.

[47] Strabo, p. 577.

[48] Paus. Att. c. 18.

[49] Strabo, however, informs us that anciently these plains bore olives:

he describes the plain of Synnada as an ἐλαιόφυτον πεδίον.

[50] Of pasture there appears from Cicero to have been a great abundance

in Asia Minor, even when the country was still famous for the exuberance

of its agricultural productions. Asia tam opima est et fertilis ut et

ubertate agrorum et diversitate fructuum et magnitudine pastionis,

et multitudine earum rerum quæ exportantur, facile omnibus terris

antecellat. (Cicero pro lege Manil.) But probably even as early as the

time of Cicero, Asia had suffered from the wars and military despotism of

the Romans.

[51] Lib. 11. p. 323. Lib. 15. p. 471.

[52] It was a bishoprick under the metropolitan of Synnada, in whose

province were also Nacoleia and Dorylæum.

[53] Procop. Hist. Ar. c. 18. Anna Com. ib. A bishop of Polybotum sat in

the second Nicene Council, A.D. 787.

[54] Cicero ad Att. l. 5. ep. 20. ad Divers. l. 3. ep. 8.

[55] Cic. ib. et ad Div. l. 15. ep. 4.

[56] Σύνναδα δ’ ἔστιν οὐ μεγάλη πόλις· πρόκειται δ’ αὐτῆς ἐλαιόφυτον

πεδίον ὅσον ἑξήκοντα σταδίων· ἐπέκεινα δ’ ἐστὶ Δοκιμία κώμη καὶ τὸ

λατόμιον τοῦ Συνναδικοῦ λίθου· οὕτω μὲν γὰρ Ῥωμαῖοι καλοῦσιν οἱ δ’

ἐπιχώριοι Δοκιμίτιν καὶ Δοκιμαῖον, &c. Strabo, p. 577.

[57] Apamiam ... ante adpellatam Celænas, dein Ciboton. Sita est in

radice montis Signiæ, circumfusa Marsya, Obrima, Orga fluminibus, in

Mæandrum cadentibus. Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 29.

Inde in agrum Sagalassenum.... Progressus inde ad Obrimæ fontes ad

vicum, quem Aporidis Comen vocant, posuit castra ... profectus eo die in

Metropolitanum campum, postero die Dinias Phrygiæ processit. Inde Synnada

venit, metu omnibus circa oppidis desertis, quorum jam præda grave agmen

vix quinque millium die toto itinere perfecto, ad Beudos quod vetus

appellant pervenit. Ad Anabura inde, &c. Liv. Hist. l. 38. c. 15.

[58] Ἐπεὶ δὲ κοινή τις ὁδὸς τέτριπται ἅπασι τοῖς ἐπὶ τὰς ἀνατολὰς

ὁδοιποροῦσιν ἐξ Ἐφέσου καὶ ταύτην ἔπεισιν. Ἐπὶ μὲν τὰ Κάρουρα τῆς Καρίας

ὅριον πρὸς τὴν Φρυγίαν διὰ Μαγνησίας καὶ Τραλλέων, Νύσης, Ἀντιοχείας,

ὁδὸς 740 σταδίων. Ἐντεῦθεν δὲ ἡ Φρυγία διὰ Λαοδικείας καὶ Ἀπαμείας καὶ

Μητροπόλεως καὶ Χελιδονίων· ἐπὶ μὲν οὖν τὴν ἀρχὴν τῆς Παρωρείου τοὺς

Ὅλμους στάδιοι περὶ 920 ἐκ τῶν Καρούρων· ἐπὶ δὲ τὸ πρὸς τῇ Λυκαονίᾳ

πέρας τῆς Παρωρείου τὸ Τυριάϊον διὰ Φιλομηλίου μικρῷ πλείους τῶν 500.

Εἶθ’ ἡ Λυκαονία μέχρι Κοροπασσοῦ διὰ Λαοδικείας τῆς Κατακεκαυμένης 840·

ἐκ δὲ Κοροπασσοῦ τῆς Λυκαονίας εἰς Γαρσάουρα, πολίχνιον τῆς Καππαδοκίας,

ἐπὶ τῶν ὅρων αὐτῆς ἱδρυμένον, 120· ἐντεῦθεν δ’ εἰς Μάζακα, τὴν μητρόπολιν

τῶν Καππαδόκων διὰ Σοάνδου καὶ Σαδακόρων 680· ἐντεῦθεν δ’ ἐπὶ τὸν

Εὐφράτην μέχρι Τομισῶν, χωρίου τῆς Σοφηνῆς διὰ Ἡρφῶν πολίχνης 1440.

Artemidorus ap. Strab. p. 663.

[59] Ἡ μὲν οὖν Παρώρεια ὀρεινήν τινα ἔχει ῥάχιν ἀπὸ τῆς ἀνατολῆς

ἐκτεινομένην ἐπὶ δύσιν· ταύτῃ δ’ ἑκατέρωθεν ὑποπέπτωκέ τι πεδίον μέγα καὶ

πόλεις πλησίον αὐτῆς, πρὸς ἄρκτον μὲν Φιλομήλιον, ἐκ θατέρου δὲ μέρους

Ἀντιόχεια, ἡ πρὸς Πισιδίᾳ καλουμένη, ἡ μὲν ἐν πεδίῳ κειμένη πᾶσα, ἡ δ’

ἐπὶ λόφου, ἔχουσα ἀποικίαν Ῥωμαίων. Strabo, p. 577. It is evident from

this passage how greatly the discovery of Antioch of Pisidia would assist

the comparative geography of all the adjacent country.

[60] Lib. 15. p. 473.

[61] Lib. 5. c. 2.

[62] The following was the route of Cyrus, according to Xenophon:—

Stathmi. Parasangs.

From Celænæ, afterwards Apameia Cibotus, to Peltæ, 2 or 10

Ceramorum Agora, at the end of Mysia, 2 — 12

Caystri Campus (a city), 3 — 30

Thymbrium, where was the fountain of Midas, 2 — 10

Tyriaium, 2 — 10

Iconium, 3 — 20

Through Lycaonia, 5 — 30

Through Cappadocia to Dana (Tyana), 4 — 25

--------

Total 23 92

In Major Rennell’s work on the Retreat of the Ten Thousand, the

reader will see the extreme difficulty of fixing the places on this

route. Indeed there seems no mode of reconciling Xenophon with other

geographical authorities than by supposing great errors in his numbers;

for it is difficult to believe that his Καΰστρου πεδίον is not the same

as that which Strabo (p. 629.) describes as watered by the Caystrus and

situated on the south side of Mount Tmolus. In like manner there is the

greatest reason to think that Thymbrium and the fountain of Midas were on

the branch of the Sangarius called Thymbres in the country which formed

the kingdom of Midas, and not in the plains between Ak-shehr and Ilgún,

where we must place Thymbrium, if we follow the evidence of Xenophon’s

numbers. Upon the whole, I am inclined to think that this itinerary of

Xenophon is so incorrect that very little reliance can be placed on its

authority. We have a strong proof of its inaccuracy in the positive

assertion of Xenophon, that after he had crossed Mount Taurus, he marched

twenty-five parasangs (or about seventy-five miles) in four days through

the plain of Tarsus to the city, though Tarsus is only ten miles from

the foot of that mountain. Xenophon probably meant four days from the

halting-place of Cyrus, afterwards called the plain of Cyrus, on the

north side of Taurus, but his words express the former meaning without

the smallest ambiguity. Again, he places ten parasangs between Tarsus

and the river Sarus, and only five between the Sarus and the Pyramus,

although the real distances are nearly equal.

[63] Strabo, p. 534, 537, et seq.

[64] In a rude delineation of the country between Kesaría and Ak-shehr by

a bishop of Iconium, published at Vienna in 1812, Bor is written πόρος,

which suggests the origin of the word Bor—namely, that it is a Turkish

corruption of the Greek πόρος, and that Porus was a suburb of Tyana, so

called as being situated at the πόρος, or passage of the river, which

now runs through Nigde and Bor into a lake near Erkle. Kílisa also is

undoubtedly a Greek name (Κίλισσα, the feminine of Κίλιξ), derived from

that of the neighbouring Cappadocian præfecture. The substitution of

local names for provincial, and of provincial for local, was a kind of

change common among the lower Greeks.

[65] Of course this distance must not be measured horizontally, the road

from Mazaca to Tyana being plain, and that from Tyana to the Pylæ very

mountainous.

[66] Strabo, ibid.

[67] D’Anville placed Cybistra at Bustere, which he supposed a corruption

of the Greek word; but according to Hadjy Khalfa the name is Kostere not

Bustere.

[68] See particularly the letter to Marcus Cato. Ep. ad Diversos, l. 15.

ep. 4.—and that to Atticus, l. 5. ep. 20.

[69] Ἡ Καππαδοκία ... οἱ δ’ οὖν ὁμόγλωττοι μαλιστά εἰσιν οἱ ἀφοριζόμενοι

πρὸς νότον μὲν τῷ Κιλικίῳ λεγομένῳ Ταύρῳ, πρὸς ἕω δὲ τῇ Ἀρμενίᾳ. Strab.

p. 533. Ἡ Καταονία ... Περίκειται δ’ ὄρη ἄλλα τε καὶ ὁ Ἄμανος ἐκ τοῦ

πρὸς νότον μέρους, ἀπόσπασμα ὂν τοῦ Κιλικίου Ταύρου, καὶ ὁ Ἀντίταυρος

εἰς τἀναντία ἀπεῤῥωγώς. Strab. p. 535. Ptolemy (l. 5. c. 6.) describes

Antitaurus as the mountain which extends from Taurus to the Euphrates.

[70] Strabo, p. 534.

[71] Ptolem. l. 5. c. 6.

[72] Ptolem. ibid.

[73] ... duci inde exercitus per Axylon quam vocant terram cœptus; ab re

nomen habet: non ligni modo quidquam, sed ne spinas quidem, aut ullum

aliud alimentum fert ignis. Fimo bubulo pro lignis utuntur. Pococke

observes, “They are very much distressed in these parts for fuel, and

commonly make use of dried cow-dung.” His remark on the abundance of fine

fish in the Sangarius had not escaped the notice of the Latin historian:

Sangarius ... non tam magnitudine memorabilis quam quod piscium adcolis

ingentem vim præbet. Liv. Hist. l. 38. c. 18.

The merit of this accuracy, however, is not due to Livy, but to Polybius,

from whom the Latin compiler copied this part of his history.

[74] Ἥτε δὴ Τάττα ἐστὶ καὶ τὰ περὶ Ὀρκαορυκοὺς καὶ Πιτνισὸν, καὶ τὰ

τῶν Λυκαόνων ὀροπέδια, ψυχρὰ καὶ ψιλὰ καὶ ὀναγρόβοτα, ὑδάτων δὲ σπάνις

πολλὴ· ὅπου δὲ καὶ εὑρεῖν δυνατὸν βαθύτατα φρέατα τῶν πάντων, καθάπερ

ἐν Σοάτροις, ὅπου καὶ πιπράσκεται τὸ ὕδωρ· ἔστι δὲ κωμόπολις Γαρσαούρων

πλησίον· ὅμως δὲ καίπερ ἄνυδρος οὖσα ἡ χώρα πρόβατα ἐκτρέφει θαυμαστῶς,

τραχείας δὲ ἐρέας· καί τινες ἐξ αὐτῶν τούτων μεγίστους πλούτους

ἐκτήσαντο. Ἀμύντας δ’ ὑπὲρ 300 ἔσχε ποίμνας ἐν τοῖς τόποις τούτοις. Εἰσὶ

δὲ καὶ λίμναι Κώραλις μὲν ἡ μείζων, ἡ δὲ ἐλάττων Τρογῖτις. Ἐνταῦθα δέ που

καὶ τὸ Ἰκόνιόν ἐστι, πολίχνιον εὖ συνῳκισμένον καὶ χώραν εὐτυχεστέραν

ἔχον τῆς λεχθείσης ὀναγροβότου· τοῦτο δ’ εἴχε Πολέμων. Πλησιάζει δ’ ἤδη

τούτοις τοῖς τόποις ὁ Ταῦρος, ὁ τὴν Καππαδοκίαν ὁρίζων καὶ τὴν Λυκαονίαν

πρὸς τοὺς ὑπερκείμενους Κίλικας τοὺς Τραχειώτας. Λυκαόνων δὲ καὶ

Καππαδόκων ὅριόν ἐστι τὸ μεταξὺ Κοροπασσοῦ κώμης Λυκαόνων καὶ Γαρσαούρων

πολιχνίου Καππαδόκων. Ἔστι δὲ τὸ μεταξὺ διάστημα τῶν φρουρίων τούτων 120

που στάδιοι. Strabo, p. 568.

For the extract from Artemidorus, relating to the same subject, see page

57.

[75] Hadji Khalfa lived in the middle of the 17th century. Whether

any wild asses or wild sheep are still found on the Lycaonian hills,

I have never been able to learn; but it is certain that the ὄναγρος,

or wild ass, is still hunted on similar hills in many parts of Persia.

Naturalists have often confounded this animal with the zebra.

[76] Tab. Peutinger. segm. 6.

[77] Compare Hierocles and the Acts of the Councils of Ephesus,

Chalcedon, and Constantinople, with the Notitiæ Græcorum Episcopatuum.

[78] Livy (l. 38. c. 15.) mentions a Caralitis palus; but it seems to

have been situated further westward than Karajeli, and near the Cibyratis.

[79] Pococke, in mentioning this inscription in the Narrative of

his Travels (vol. 2. part 2. ch. 15.), makes a blunder similar to

that which I have noticed relating to another inscription at Afióm

Karahissár. He observes, that the inscription at Alekiam contains the

word “Amorianorum:” no such word occurs, but “Orcistanorum” is found

twice; and the inscription, which is long and curious, and (what is very

uncommon with Pococke) tolerably correct, clearly shows that Alekiam is

the site of Orcistus.

[80] Notitiæ Episcopatuum Græcorum.

[81] In the Jerusalem Itinerary the places are distinguished by the words

Civitas, city; Mutatio, changing-place; Mansio, konák.

[82] These four distances occur again in the Antonine (ed. Wessel, p.

205.), in the road from Ancyra to Cæsareia, or Mazaca, as follows—24,

18, 20, 22; but I have rejected them, because those given in the text

from the Antonine are confirmed by the Jerusalem as far as Aspona. On the

other hand, the 24 M. P. from Aspona to Parnassus, in the Antonine, is so

far confirmed by the 22 of the same itinerary in the road to Cæsareia, as

to make it probable that the 35 of the Jerusalem is erroneous.

[83] This part of the route in the Table is very incorrect. Nitazus seems

to stand in the place of Corbeus, and _vice versa_; and the _names_ of

Ancyra and Archelais are omitted.

[84] This distance is taken from the road from Tyana to Mazaca.

[85] By a route which must have been different from that of the other two

itineraries; none of the names being alike.

[86] By assuming (from the Antonine) 16 M. P. for the last stage to Tyana.

[87] Mopsucrene was 12 M. P. short of Tarsus, and was noted for the

death of the Emperor Constantius. The name is disfigured in both the

Itineraries. For the correction see the authorities quoted in Cellarius,

l. 3. c. 7. § 122.; but particularly Ammianus, l. 21. c. 15., compared

with Theophanes Chronog. p. 39. The Antonine seems to have confounded

Mopsucrene with Mopsuestia; and hence to have omitted the distance

between these two places.

[88] Xenoph. Anab. l. 1. c. 2. Arrian, l. 2. c. 4. Q. Curt. l. 3. c. 4.

Strabo, p. 539.

[89] According to this authority, the post-station of the Pylæ (mutatio

Pylæ) was 24 M. P. from Tarsus.

[90] It should then be read thus,—Tyana ... Aquis Calidis 12 Podando 22

Coriopio 12 in Monte 12 Tarso Ciliciæ. We know from modern travellers,

that there are about 12 miles from the foot of the mountain to Tarsus.

Coriopium here stands at the same distance from Tarsus as Pylæ in the

Jerusalem, and is probably the same place.

[91] I read it thus. Iconium 20 fines Ciliciæ 25 in Monte Tauro 30 Tarso

Ciliciæ: thus connecting the extremity, as in the former instance, with

the words Tarso Ciliciæ. The number 20 (xx.) ought perhaps to be 120

(cxx).

[92] Tetrapyrgia and Crunæ are named together by the geographer of

Ravenna.

[93] The only two that have any appearance of reality are 24 M. P. from

Taspa to Isaura, and 33 M. P. from Crunæ to Seleuceia.

[94] Πλησίον δὲ καὶ ὁ Σαγγάριος ποταμὸς ποιεῖται τὴν ῥύσιν· ἐπὶ δὲ τούτῳ

τὰ παλαιὰ τῶν Φρυγῶν οἰκητήρια Μίδου καὶ ἔτι πρότερον Γορδίου καὶ ἄλλων

τινῶν, οὐδ’ ἴχνη σώζονται πόλεων ἀλλὰ κῶμαι μικρῷ μείζους τῶν ἄλλων· οἷόν

ἐστι τὸ Γόρδιον.... Strabo, p. 568.

Τὸ δὲ Γόρδιον ἐστὶ μὲν τῆς Φρυγίας τῆς ἐφ’ Ἑλλησπόντου, κεῖται δὲ ἐπὶ τοῦ

Σαγγαρίου ποταμοῦ. Arrian, lib. 1. c. 29.

[95] Strabo, p. 574.

[96] Eckhel. Doct. Num. vet. Bithynia.

[97] Ἔστι δὲ ποταμὸς ἐν Γαλάταις, ὅνπερ καλοῦσιν οἱ ἐπιχώριοι Σίβεριν,

τῶν μὲν καλουμένων Συκέων ἄγγιστα, πόλεως δὲ Ἰουλιοπόλεως ἀπὸ σημείων

μάλιστα δέκα ἐς τὰ πρὸς ἀνίσχοντα ἥλιον. Procop. de Ædif. l. 5. c. 4.

[98] De cætero intus in Bithynia colonia Apamena, Agrippenses,

Juliopolitæ, Bithynion; flumina, Syrius, Lapsias, Pharmicas, Alces,

Crynis, Lilæus, Scopius, Hiera, qui Bithyniam et Galatiam disterminat.

Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 32.

[99] Civitas Juliopolis 13 M. P. Mutatio Hieron potamon 11 M. P. Agannia

(Laganeus) Itin. Hierosol. p. 574. Wessel.

[100] Justinian built a bridge and dyke to preserve the high road from

the ravages of the Siberis. Procop. de Ædif. l. 5. c. 4.

[101] Plin. ubi supr. Ptolem. l. 5. c. 1.

[102] Ammian. l. 25. sub fin. Socrat. l. 3. sub fin. Sozomen, l. 6. c. 6.

Theodoret, l. 4. c. 5.

[103] Procop. De Ædif. l. 5. c. 4.

[104] Postero die ad Gordium pervenit. Id haud magnum quidem oppidum est,

sed plus quam mediterraneum celebre et frequens emporium: tria maria pari

ferme distantia intervallo habet, Hellespontum, ad Sinopen, et alterius

oræ litora, qua Cilices maritimi colunt: multarum magnarumque præterea

gentium fines contingit, quarum commercium in eum maxime locum mutui usus

contraxere. Liv. l. 38. c. 18.

Phrygia tunc habebat quondam nobilem Midæ regiam; Gordium nomen est urbi,

quam Sangarius amnis interfluit pari intervallo Pontico et Cilicio mari

distantem. Q. Curt. l. 3. c. 1.

These observations of Livy and Curtius may be taken as examples of the

extreme negligence and inaccuracy often shown by the Latin authors in

matters of fact relating to foreign countries. It could hardly have been

unknown at Rome in their time, that Gordium was not half so distant from

the Propontis or Euxine as from the Ægæan or Cilician sea.

[105]

Iter a Pesinunte Ancyram 99 M. P.

---------

Sic Germa 16

Vindia 24

Papira 32

Ancyra 27

---------

Iter a Dorylao Ancyra 141 M. P.

---------

Sic Arcelaio 30

Germa 20

Vindia 32

Papira 32

Ancyra 27

The 32 to Vindia is an error for 24, as appears by the numbers in the

former list agreeing with the total: 32 seems by a mistake of the copier

to have been written twice.

[106] Polyb. l. 22. c. 20. Liv. l. 38. c. 18. Strabo, p. 567. Herodian

(in the Life of Commodus) says that Pessinus was on the Gallus: but we

know from Strabo that the Gallus was that branch of the Sakaría which

waters the valley of Léfke. The mistake of Herodian is easily accounted

for:—The Gallus being a very important branch of the Sangarius, the

united stream was often known by the former name; as we observe in

Ammianus,—who in coupling the Gallus with the lake Sophon, which we know

from some passages in the Byzantine history to have been the lake of

Sabanja,—evidently means by the Gallus the lower part of the Sangarius.

In process of time the name Gallus became applied to the whole course

of the Sangarius as far as its sources. The same thing happened to the

Scamander at Troy, the name of which between the time of Homer and that

of Antiochus the Great had become attached not only to the part below the

junction of the two rivers, but to that also above it, as far even as the

sources of the Homeric Simoeis.

[107] Dorileo 28 Mideo 28 Tricomia 21 Pessinunte. Tab. Peutinger, seg. 6.

[108] Strabo, p. 567.

[109] Liv. l. 38 c. 18.

[110] Ammian. l. 22. c. 9.

[111] Strabo, p. 567.

[112] Notit. Episc. Græc.

[113] Pococke, however, observes, that the river was “small” where he

crossed it, “being near the sources.”

[114] Zonar. Ann. l. 15. c. 29.

[115] Geogr. Nubiens. (Clim. 5. pars 5.)

[116] Τῆς δ’ Ἐπικτήτου Φρυγίας Ἀζανοί τε εἰσι καὶ Νακόλεια καὶ Κοτιάειον,

καὶ Μιδάειον καὶ Δορύλαιον πόλεις.... Ὑπὲρ δὲ τῆς Ἐπικτήτου πρὸς νότον

ἐστὶν ἡ μεγάλη Φρυγία λείπουσα ἐν ἀριστερᾷ τὴν Πεσσινοῦντα καὶ τὰ περὶ

Ὀρκαορυκοὺς καὶ Λυκαονίαν, ἐν δεξιᾷ δὲ Μαίονας καὶ Λύδους καὶ Κᾶρας· ἐν

ᾗ ἐστιν ἥτε Παρώρειος λεγομένη Φρυγία καὶ ἡ πρὸς Πισιδίᾳ καὶ τὰ περὶ

Ἀμόριον καὶ Εὐμένειαν καὶ Σύνναδα. Strabo, p. 576.

[117] Anna Comn. l. 15. p. 470.

[118] Τεκτόσαγες δὲ τὰ πρὸς τῇ μεγάλῃ Φρυγίᾳ τῇ κατὰ Πεσσινοῦντα καὶ

Ὀρκαορυκούς. Strabo, p. 567.

[119] Μετὰ δὲ τὴν Γαλατίαν πρὸς νότον ἥτε λίμνη ἐστὶν ἡ Τάττα,

παρακειμένη τῇ μεγάλῃ Καππαδοκίᾳ τῇ κατὰ τοὺς Μοριμηνοὺς, μέρος δ’

οὖσα τῆς μεγάλης Φρυγίας· καὶ ἡ συνεχὴς ταύτῃ μέχρι τοῦ Ταύρου, ἧς τὴν

πλείστην Ἀμύντας εἶχεν.... Ἥτε δὴ Τάττα ἐστὶ καὶ τὰ περὶ Ὀρκαορυκοὺς καὶ

Πιτνισὸν καὶ τὰ τῶν Λυκαόνων ὀροπέδια ψυχρὰ καὶ ψιλὰ, &c. Strabo, p. 568.

[120] Stephan. in Πίτνισσα.

[121] Ptolem. l. 5. c. 4.

[122] Liv. l. 38. c. 15 et seq.

[123] The _chief_ town of the Tolistobogii, however, in the time of

Strabo, was not Tolistochora, but Pessinus. Ancyra, according to the

arrangement of Augustus, was the chief town of the Tectosages, who

occupied the central part of Galatia, and Tavium was that of Trocmi, who

possessed the eastern part of the province. Strabo, p. 567.

[124] A bishop of Perta sat in the Second Nicene Council, A.D. 787.

[125] By the description of Mr. Kinneir it appears that Argæus is not

less than 8 or 9000 feet above the sea; for it was covered with snow

to a great distance below the summit in October: Strabo’s expression,

therefore, of ὅρος πάντων ὑψηλότατος may, perhaps, apply to it with

truth, if we confine his observation to the countries between the

Caucasus and the Alps.

[126] Karasi, Sarukhan, Aidin, Kermian. See Niceph. Greg. l. 7. c. 1.

Chalcocond. l. 1. p. 7.

[127] Act. Apost. c. 14.

[128] Cicero speaks of him with more respect: “Cum Antipatro Derbete mihi

non solum hospitium, verum etiam summa familiaritas intercedit.”—Ep. ad

Div. l. 13. ep. 73.

[129] Strabo, p. 534, 567.

[130] Τῆς δὲ Ἰσαυρικῆς ἐστιν ἐν πλευραῖς, ἡ Δέρβη, μάλιστα ἐν Καππαδοκίᾳ

ἐπιπεφυκὸς, τὸ τοῦ Ἀντιπάτρου τυραννεῖον τοῦ Δερβήτου· τούτου δ’ ἦν καὶ

τὰ Λάρανδα. Strabo, p. 569.

[131] Ptolem. l. 5. c. 6.

[132] Stephan. in Δέρβη.

[133] There is a similar keep at Launceston in Cornwall.

[134] Apollodorus, l. 3. c. 4.

[135] Pomp. Mela, l. 1. c. 13.

[136] Strabo, p. 668.

[137] Basil of Seleucia, in the Life of Thecla.

[138] Ptolem. l. 5. c. 8.

[139] Claudiopolis, quam dedux coloniam Claudius Cæsar. Ammian. l. 15. c.

25.

[140] Ptolem. l. 5. c. 6.

[141] It was founded by Hugh Lusignan the Third: for a description of it

see the work of Mariti, who visited Cyprus in 1762.

[142] See Mariti, Drummond, and Pococke.

[143] This is the Mount Andriclus which Strabo places above Charadrus.

[144] In some parts of the modern wall are remains of Hellenic masonry,

of the kind often called Cyclopian.

[145] Josaphat Barbaro, who was sent by the Venetian government into

Persia, and who published a description of his journey, assisted at the

capture of Corycus and Seleuceia by a squadron under Pietro Mocenigo. The

work of Barbaro was printed at the Aldine press in 1543.

[146] The following words are distinguished upon one of the

architraves.... ΙΕΡΕΥΣ ΤΟΥ ΔΙΟΣ ... ΚΑΙΣΑΡΙ ΣΕΒΑΣΤΩΙ. On another

architrave is recorded the name of a person who had bequeathed land for

restoring the city, and from the profits of which the temple had been

rebuilt. Ἐκ τῆς προσόδου τῶν ἀγρῶν, ὧν ἀπέλιπεν εἰς ἐπισκευὴν τῆς πόλεως

Κλεόστρατος υἱὸς πόλεως, φύσει δὲ Τελλικόντος, ἐπεσκευάσθη.

[147] Mount Solyma, then distant about sixty miles.

[148] In passing by sea from Aláya to Castel Rosso, I was obliged to

follow the coast of the gulf of Adália, the sailors being afraid, in this

season, of crossing directly to Cape Khelidóni. This practice has been

common among the Greek seamen of every age, and was anciently expressed

by the word κατακολπίζω. After having been detained three days in the

mouth of a river, to the westward of Menavgát, I passed within sight of

the mouth of the river Dudén, not far to the eastward of Adália, and I

observed that it discharged itself into the sea by a perpendicular fall

over a high cliff. This singularity accounts for the name Catarrhactes,

anciently given to it.

[149] This is evident upon comparing it with the fragments of the 22d

book of Polybius, as well as from the confession of Livy himself in

several places.

[150] Τῆς δ’ Ἐπικτήτου Φρυγίας Ἀζανοί τε εἰσι καὶ Νακόλεια καί Κοτιάειον

καὶ Μιδάειον καὶ Δορύλαιον πόλεις καὶ Κάδοι· τοὺς δὲ Κάδους ἔνιοι τῆς

Μυσίας φασίν. Strabo, p. 576.

[151] Arrian, l. 1. c. 29.

[152] Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 31. c. 10.

[153] Arrian ubi supra.

Μιλύας δ’ ἐστὶν ἡ ἀπὸ τῶν κατὰ Τερμησσὸν στενῶν καὶ τῆς εἰς τὸ ἐντὸς

τοῦ Ταύρου ὑπερθέσεως δι’ αὐτῶν ἐπὶ Σίνδα, παρατείνουσα ὀρεινὴ μέχρι

Σαγαλασσοῦ καὶ τῆς Ἀπαμέων χώρας. Strabo, p. 631.

Ὑπέρκειται δ’ αὐτῆς (scil. Phaselidis) τὰ Σόλυμα ὄρος καὶ Τερμησσὸς,

Πισιδικὴ πόλις, ἐπικειμένη τοῖς στενοῖς, δι’ ὧν ὑπέρβασίς ἐστιν εἰς τὴν

Μιλυάδα. Strabo, p. 666.

In Arrian the names are Salagassus and Telmissus, but improperly, as the

coins of the two cities show. Stephanus says there was a greater and

lesser Termissus in Pisidia, which is confirmed by the coins with the

legend, Τερμησσέων τῶν μειζόνων. (Eckhel and Mionnet in Pisidia.)

[154] Strabo, p. 573, 630.

[155] ... τὰ μέχρι Καρούρων εἴρηται. Τὰ δ’ ἐξῆς ἐστὶ τὰ μὲν πρὸς δύσιν,

ἡ τῶν Ἀντιοχέων πόλις τῶν ἐπὶ Μαιάνδρῳ, τῆς Καρίας ἤδη· τὰ δὲ πρὸς νότον

ἡ Κίβυρά ἐστιν ἡ μεγάλη, καὶ ἡ Σίνδα καὶ ἡ Καβαλὶς, μεχρὶ τοῦ Ταύρου καὶ

τῆς Λυκίας. Strabo, p. 630.

... τῆς Νυσαΐδος, ἥ ἐστι χώρα κατὰ τὰ τοῦ Μαιάνδρου πέραν μέχρι τῆς

Κιβυράτιδος καὶ τῆς Καβαλίδος. Strabo, p. 629.

[156] Strabo, p. 631. Liv. l. 38. c. 14.

[157] Compare the preceding passages of Strabo, pp. 629, 630, with those

of pp. 651, 665, where he says that a branch of Taurus occupied all

Lycia, from the Cibyratis to Peræa of the Rhodii, and that Tlos a Lycian

city stood near the pass leading to Cibyra.

[158] Strabo, p. 631.

[159] Hierocl. Synecd.

[160] Polyb. l. 5. c. 72.

[161] In the year before Christ 219.

[162] Strabo, p. 667.

[163] ... οἱ Σελγεῖς οἵπερ εἰσὶν ἀξιολογώτατοι τῶν Πισιδῶν. Τὸ μὲν οὖν

πλέον αὐτῶν μέρος τὰς ἀκρωρείας τοῦ Ταύρου κατέχει· τινὲς δὲ καὶ ὑπὲρ

Σίδης καὶ Ἀσπένδου, Παμφυλικῶν πόλεων, κατέχουσι γεώλοφα χωρία, ἐλαιόφυτα

πάντα· τὰ δ’ ὑπὲρ τούτων ὀρεινὰ ἤδη, Κατεννεῖς, ὅμοροι Σελγεῦσι καὶ

Ὁμοναδεῦσι· Σαγαλασσεῖς δ’ ἐπὶ τὰ ἐντὸς τὰ πρὸς τῇ Μιλυάδι. Strabo, p.

569.

[164] Notit. Episc. Græc.

[165]

Τοῖς δ’ ἔπι Πισιδέων λιπαρὸν πέδον, ἧχι πόληες

Τερμισσὸς Λύρβη τε καὶ ἣ ἐπολίσσατο λαὸς

Πρίν ποτ’ Ἀμυκλαίων, μεγαλώνυμος ἐν χθονὶ Σέλγη.

Dionys. Perieg. v. 858.

[166] Strabo, p. 569.

[167] Artemidorus ap. Strabon. p. 570. Liv. l. 38. c. 15. Arrian, l. 1.

c. 28.

[168] Arrian, l. 1. c. 29.

[169] See Note [163], p. 149.

[170] See Note [153], p. 146.

[171] Ἀμύντας ... πολλὰ χωρία ἐξεῖλεν ἀπόρθητα πρότερον ὄντα, ὧν καὶ

Κρήμνα. τὸ δὲ Σανδάλιον οὐδ’ ἐνεχείρησε βίᾳ προσάγεσθαι, μεταξὺ κείμενον

τῆς τε Κρήμνης καὶ Σαγαλασσοῦ. Τὴν μὲν οὖν Κρήμναν ἄποικοι Ῥωμαίων

ἔχουσι. Σαγαλασσὸς δ’ ἐστὶν ὑπὸ τῷ αὐτῷ ἡγεμόνι τῶν Ῥωμαίων, ὑφ’ ᾧ καὶ ἡ

Ἀμύντου βασιλεία πᾶσα· διέχει δ’ Ἀπαμείας ἡμέρας ὁδὸν, κατάβασιν ἔχουσα

σχεδόν τι καὶ τριάκοντα σταδίων ἀπὸ τοῦ ἐρύματος· καλοῦσι δ’ αὐτὴν καὶ

Σέλγησσον. Strabo, p. 569.

[172] Κρήμναν ... ἐν ἀποκρήμνῳ τε κειμένην καὶ κατὰ μέρος χαράδραις

βαθυτάταις ὀχυρωμένην. Zosim. l. 1. c. 69.

[173] “A Cibyra per agros Sindensium exercitus ductus, transgressusque

Caularem amnem, posuit castra. Postero die est præter Caralitin paludem

agmen ductum; ad Mandropolim manserunt; inde progredientibus ad Lagon,

proximam urbem metu incolæ fugerunt; inde ab Lysis fluminis fonte,

postero die ad Cobulatum (ap. Polyb. Κολοβάτον) amnem progressi.

Termessenses eo tempore Isiondensium arcem, urbe capta, oppugnabant....

Volenti consuli causa in Pamphyliam divertendi oblata est; adveniens

obsidione Isiondenses exemit. Termesso pacem dedit, 50 talentis argenti

acceptis: item Aspendiis cæterisque Pamphyliæ populis. Ex Pamphylia

rediens ad fluvium Taurum primo die, postero ad Xylinen comen posuit

castra. Profectus inde continentibus itineribus ad Cormasa (ap. Polyb.

Κύρμασα) urbem pervenit. Darsa proxima urbs erat; eam ... desertam ...

invenit. Progredienti præter paludes (ap. Polyb. τὴν λίμνην) legati ab

Lysinoe dedentes urbem venerunt. Deinde in agrum Sagalassenum, uberem

fertilemque omni genere frugum, ventum est. Colunt Pisidæ, longe optimi

bello regionis hujus: quum ea res animos facit, tum agri fœcunditas, et

multitudo hominum, et situs inter paucas munitæ urbis.... Progressus inde

ad Obrimæ fontes, ad vicum, quem Aporidos comen vocant, posuit castra. Eo

Seleucus ab Apamea postero die venit. Ægros inde et inutilia impedimenta

quum Apameam dimisisset, ducibus itinerum ab Seleuco acceptis, profectus

eo die in Metropolitanum campum, postero die Dinias Phrygiæ processit.

Inde Synnada,” &c. Liv. l. 38. c. 15.

[174] Compare the preceding Note with those in pp. 146, 147, 158.

Artemidorus (ap. Strabon. p. 570) includes Sinda among the cities of

Pisidia. Stephanus calls it a city of Lycia.

[175] Strabo, p. 570.

[176] Strabo, p. 576.

[177] Strabo, p. 627.

[178] “Inde (ab Antiochia ad Mæandrum) ad Gordiutichos, quod vocant,

processum est; ex eo loco ad Tabas tertiis castris perventum: in finibus

Pisidarum posita est urbs, in ea parte, quæ vergit ad Pamphylium mare.”

Liv. l. 38. c. 13.

[179] See the Note page 152.

[180] Strabo, p. 576. See Note [187], p. 158.—Ptolemy places it in

the same part of the country with Cibyra, Hierapolis and Apameia. By

Hierocles it is named among the towns of Phrygia Pacatiana, together with

Laodiceia, Colossæ and Hierapolis.

[181] See Note, p. 152.

[182] Strabo, p. 577.

[183] Pococke’s Travels, vol. 2. part 2. c. 14.

[184] I have somewhat enlarged Pococke’s computation of miles, as I find,

in the sequel of his route to A´ngura, that (contrary to the common error

of travellers) it is generally below the truth. He computes about 100

English miles from Karahissár to A´ngura; whereas the distance is little

less than 120 G. M. in direct distance.

[185] The beginning of this inscription is imperfect: it ends in a form

common upon sepulchral monuments, by subjecting the violator of the tomb

to a fine, payable to the treasury of the city, and another sum to the

Council.

......................

......................

ΦΙΣΚΟΝ ΔΗΝΑΡΙΑ ΔΙΣΧΕΙΛΙΑ ΚΑΙ

ΤΗ ΕΥΜΕΝΕΩΝ ΒΟΥΛΗ ΔΗΝΑΡΙΑ Β. Φ

Pococke copied the third letter of the lower line Σ instead of Ε, which

was probably the cause of his failing to discover the ancient name of

Ishekle. Εὐμενεύς is the ethnic adjective of Eumeneia in Stephanus, and

ΕΥΜΕΝΕΩΝ is the legend on the coins of that city. Another inscription at

Ishekle supported a statue of Marcus Aurelius, τὸν ἴδιον θεὸν εὐεργέτην.

And a third attests the worship at that place, among other deities, of

the _dæmon Angdistis_, ΑΝΓΔΙΣΤΕΩΣ ΔΑΙΜΟΝΟΣ, under which name the _mother_

of the gods was adored at Pessinus. Her worship in the country adjacent

to the Mæander may be inferred from Pliny, who alludes to her epithet of

Berecynthia in the passage in which he speaks of Eumenia: “Est Eumenia

Cludro flumini apposita, Glaucus amnis. Lysias oppidum et Orthosia,

Berecynthius tractus, Nysa, Tralles,” &c. l. 5. c. 29.

[186] Eckhel Doct. Num. Vet. Phrygia.

[187] P. 576. “To the south of Phrygia Epictetus,” he says, “is Great

Phrygia, which has Pessinus and Lycaonia on the right, the Mæones,

Lydians and Carians on the left: it contains Phrygia Paroreius and the

part towards Pisidia, and the country about Amorium, and Synnada and

Eumeneia, Apameia surnamed Cibotus, and Laodiceia, which are the two

greatest of the Phrygian cities, and around which are other smaller

towns, Aphrodisias, Colossæ, Themisonium, Sanaus, Metropolis, Apollonias;

and still further off Peltæ, Tabæ, Eucarpia, Lysias:” the “still further

off” (ἔτι δὲ ἀπωτέρω τούτων) is however not geographically accurate in

regard to all the places mentioned.

[188] Κελαινὰς.... Ἐνταῦθα Κύρῳ βασίλεια ἦν καὶ παράδεισος μέγας.... Διὰ

μέσου δὲ τοῦ παραδείσου ῥεῖ ὁ Μαίανδρος ποταμός· αἱ δὲ πηγαὶ αὐτοῦ εἰσιν

ἐκ τῶν βασιλείων· ῥεῖ δὲ καὶ διὰ τῆς Κελαινῶν πόλεως. Ἔστι δὲ καὶ μεγάλου

βασιλέως βασίλεια ἐν Κελαιναῖς ἐρυμνὰ, ἐπὶ ταῖς πηγαῖς τοῦ Μαρσύου

ποταμοῦ ὑπὸ τῇ ἀκροπόλει· ῥεῖ δὲ καὶ οὗτος διὰ τῆς πόλεως καὶ ἐμβάλλει

εἰς τὸν Μαίανδρον. Xenoph. Cyri Exp. l. 1. c. 2.

Xenophon adds that Celænæ was a large and flourishing city; that the

palace and acropolis were built by Xerxes on his return from Greece; that

the park was full of wild beasts which Cyrus hunted for the exercise of

himself and his horses; that the Marsyas rose in a cavern, where Apollo

hung up the skin of Marsyas; and that the breadth of the Marsyas was 25

feet.

[189] Ἀλέξανδρος ... ἀφικνεῖται ἐς Κελαινὰς πεμπταῖος. Ἐν δὲ ταῖς

Κελαιναῖς ἄκρα ἦν πάντη ἀπότομος. Alexander gladly came to terms with

the people on account of the strength of the citadel. (ἄπορον πάντη

προσφέρεσθαι τὴν ἄκραν.) Arrian, l. 1. c. 29.

Alexander ... ad urbem Celænas exercitum admovit. Mediam illa tempestate

interfluebat Marsyas amnis.... Fons ejus ex summo montis cacumine

excurrens in subjectam petram magno strepitu aquarum cadit.... Alexander

... arcem oppugnare adortus caduceatorem præmisit ... illi caduceatorem

in turrim et situ et opere multum editam perductum, quanta esset altitudo

intueri jubent, &c. Q. Curt. l. 3. c. 1.

[190] ... ἐς Κελαινάς· ἵνα πηγαὶ ἀναδιδοῦσι Μαιάνδρου ποταμοῦ, καὶ

ἑτέρου οὐκ ἐλάσσονος ἢ Μαιάνδρου, τῷ οὔνομα τυγχάνει ἐὸν Καταῤῥήκτης, ὃς

ἐξ αὐτῆς τῆς ἀγορῆς τῆς Κελαινέων ἀνατέλλων, ἐς τὸν Μαίανδρον ἐκδιδοῖ.

Herod. l. 7. c. 26.

[191] Ἵδρυται δὲ ἡ Ἀπάμεια ἐπὶ ταῖς ἐκβολαῖς τοῦ Μαρσύου ποταμοῦ· καὶ

ῥεῖ διὰ μέσης τῆς πόλεως ὁ ποταμὸς, τὰς ἄρχας ἀπὸ τῆς (παλαιᾶς) πόλεως

ἔχων· κατενεχθεὶς δ’ ἐπὶ τὸ προάστειον σφοδρῷ καὶ κατωφερεῖ τῷ ῥεύματι,

συμβάλλει πρὸς τὸν Μαίανδρον, προσειληφότα καὶ ἄλλον ποταμὸν Ὀργᾶν,

δι’ ὁμαλοῦ φερόμενον πρᾷον καὶ μαλακόν·.... Ἄρχεται δὲ (ὁ Μαίανδρος)

ἀπὸ Κελαινῶν, λόφου τινὸς ἐν ᾧ πόλις ἦν ὁμώνυμος τῷ λόφῳ. Ἐντεῦθεν

δὲ ἀναστήσας τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ὁ Σωτὴρ Ἀντίοχος εἰς τὴν νῦν Ἀπάμειαν,

&c.——Ὑπέρκειται δὲ καὶ λίμνη φύουσα κάλαμον, τὸν εἰς τὰς γλώττας τῶν

αὐλῶν ἐπιτήδειον, ἐξ ἧς ἀπολείβεσθαί φασι τὰς πηγὰς ἀμφοτέρας, τήν τε τοῦ

Μαρσύου καὶ τὴν τοῦ Μαιάνδρου. Strabo, p. 578.

[192] Consul (Cn. Manlius) ... ad Antiochiam super Mæandrum amnem posuit

castra. Hujus amnis fontes Celænis oriuntur. Celænæ urbs caput quondam

Phrygiæ fuit: migratum inde haud procul veteribus Celænis, novæque urbi

Apameæ nomen inditum.... Et Marsyas amnis, haud procul a Mæandri fontibus

oriens, in Mæandrum cadit. Famaque ita tenet Celænis Marsyam cum Apolline

tibiarum cantu certasse. Mæander, ex arce summa Celænarum ortus, media

urbe decurrens, per Caras primum, deinde Ionas, in sinum maris editur,

qui inter Prienen et Miletum est. Liv. l. 38. c 38.

[193] Tertius (Asiæ Conventus) Apamiam vadit, ante appellatam Celænas,

dein Ciboton. Sita est in radice Montis Signiæ, circumfusis Marsya,

Obrima, Orga fluminibus in Mæandrum cadentibus. Marsyas ibi redditur

ortus ac paullo mox conditus; ubi certavit tibiarum cantu cum Apolline,

Aulocrenis ita vocatur, convallis decem millia passuum ab Apamia Phrygiam

petentibus.... Amnis Mæander ortus e lacu in monte Aulocrene.... Apamenam

primum pervagatur regionem mox Eumeniticam, &c. Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c.

29.

[194] Φρύγες οἱ περί Κελαινάς νεμόμενοι τιμῶσι ποταμοὺς δύο, Μαρσύαν καὶ

Μαίανδρον. εἶδον τοὺς ποταμούς. ἀφίησιν αὐτοὺς πηγὴ μία, ἣ προελθοῦσα ἐπὶ

τὸ ὄρος ἀφανίζεται κατὰ νώτου τῆς πόλεως κᾳὖθις ἐκδιδοῖ ἐκ τοῦ ἄστεος,

διελοῦσα τοῖς ποταμοῖς καὶ τὸ ὕδωρ καὶ τὰ ὀνόματα. ὁ μὲν ἐπὶ Λυδίας ῥεῖ ὁ

Μαίανδρος, ὁ δὲ αὐτοῦ περὶ τὰ πεδία ἀναλίσκεται. Max. Tyr. Dissert. 8. c.

8.

He then proceeds to relate a tale resembling that which Strabo has

told us of the Alpheius and Eurotas, and which shews that the sources

of the Mæander and Marsyas were exactly circumstanced as those of the

two Peloponnesian rivers, described by Pausanias (Arcad. c. 43.) and

Strabo (p. 343), and the accuracy of whose description I have myself

ascertained. Those celebrated streams issue from separate sources at the

foot of a mountain, behind which, in the elevated plain of Asea, is a

rivulet, which, after crossing that plain, runs through a small lake into

the mountain. This rivulet was anciently reputed to be the common origin

of the two rivers; and it was believed (but apparently not by Strabo

himself), that if offerings to the two river-gods were thrown into this

stream, each offering would re-appear at the source of the river for the

god of which it was destined by the sacrificer. Maximus Tyrius improves

upon the similar story relating to the Mæander, by adding, that if a

joint offering was thrown in for both the gods, it was divided in its

passage through the mountain, and a portion appeared at each of the lower

sources.

[195] See Eckhel and Mionnet in Phrygia.

[196] Strabo, p. 579.

[197] M. Barbié du Bocage, in his notes to the French translation of

Chandler, thinks that the words of Pliny cited above, warrant the

supposition that Apameia was ten miles distant from the site of Celænæ.

I cannot perceive any such meaning in them: on the contrary, I think it

clearly appears from Strabo, that both the rivers ran through Celænæ,

and that they united in the suburb, which afterwards became the new

city Apameia. The removal of Grecian cities, from the strong positions

of the ancient independent republics, to neighbouring situations more

commodious but less defensible, was a common occurrence on the decline of

the republican system in Greece, and on the prevalence of monarchy; and

it was a natural consequence of that change of system. The removal was

generally attended with a change of name, which flattered the Macedonian

or Roman prince under whom the removal took place. It often occurred,

also, that a new name was given upon the mere occasion of a repair, when

there was no change of situation.

[198] See Rennell’s Illustrations of the Expedition of Cyrus.

[199] Stephan. in Ἀπολλωνία.

[200] Τὴν γὰρ Ἀντιόχειαν ἔχων τὴν πρὸς τῇ Πισιδίᾳ μέχρι Ἀπολλωνιάδος, τῆς

πρὸς Ἀπαμείᾳ τῇ Κιβωτῷ &c. Strabo, p. 569.

[201] Strabo, ibid.—Tacit. Ann. l. 3. c. 48.

[202] Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 29. Similar assemblies were held at

Cibyra, Synnada, Laodiceia ad Lycum, Alabanda, Ephesus, Smyrna, Sardes,

Adramyttium, and Pergamum.

[203] Between Eumenia and the number which marks the miles from thence to

_ad vicum_, which seems to have been a small place between Eumenia and

Apameia,—occurs the word Pella. I am quite unable to explain what this

means. I thought at first it was a mistake for Peltæ, an important town

situated in this part of Phrygia; but it is impossible to find room for

Peltæ and the great Peltene plain between Ishékle and Dinglar.

[204] Ptolemy, l. 5. c. 2.

[205] Notit. Episc. Græc.

[206] Stephan. de Urb. in Εὐκαρπία.

[207] Cicero pro Flacco, c. 15.

[208] It was also called Hellespontine Phrygia, although totally divided

from the Hellespont by Mysia. Hence it would seem that the part of Mysia

lying between mount Olympus and the Caicus was included at one time

in the district of Hellespontus; which at that time extended from the

Hellespont to the Thymbres.

[209] Strabo, p. 576.

[210] Strabo ibid. See Note, p. 145.—Ptolemy ascribes Cadi and two other

towns to the Erizeli, a people of Mæonia, on the borders of Mysia, Lydia

and Phrygia.

[211] Strabo, p. 629.

[212] The survey having been reduced to a tenth of Captain Beaufort’s

scale in the map which accompanies the present volume, the latter may

in some instances, perhaps, be found inadequate to illustrate the

geographical remarks in the following chapter; which were constantly made

with a reference to the survey itself. In all such difficulties, which it

is hoped will not be found numerous, the reader is necessarily referred

to the original authority.

[213] Strabo, p. 664.

[214] Strabo here means to allude to the mention of these two places by

Homer.

[215] See Strabo, p. 533 et seq. and page 64 of this volume.

[216] ... Τλῶν, κατὰ τὴν ὑπέρθεσιν τὴν εἰς Κίβυραν κειμένην. Artemid. ap.

Strab. p. 665.

[217] Liv. l. 37. c. 17.

[218] Arrian. de Exp. Alex. l. 1. c. 24.

[219] Appian. Bel. Civ. l. 4. c. 82.

[220] Panegyr. §. 41.

[221] Ptol. l. 5. c. 3.

[222] Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 31.

[223] Stephan. in Δολιχίστη et Μεγίστη.

[224] With a little correction it was as follows; but the beginning of

the third line still wants explanation:

ΣΩΣΙΚΛΗΣ ΝΙΚΑΡΟΤΑ

ΣΑΜΙΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΤΑΤΗΣΑΣ

ΕΝΤΕΚΑΣΤΑΒΙ ΚΑΙ ΕΠΙ

ΤΟΥ ΠΥΡΓΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΕΝ ΜΕ-

-ΓΙΣΤΑΙ ΕΡΜΑΙ ΠΡΟΠΥ-

-ΛΑΙΩΙ ΧΑΡΙΣΤΗΡΙΟΝ

The Doric dialect may be accounted for by Megiste being in possession,

and probably a colony, of the Rhodii. I found the ruins of a Hellenic

tower here, at the end of a small plain: perhaps the tower mentioned in

the inscription.

[225] Liv. l. 37. c. 22, 24, 25.

[226] Liv. l. 37. c. 16.

[227] Stephan. Byzant. with the Notes of Holstein.

[228] Oppidum Olympus ubi fuit, nunc sunt montana: Gage, Corydalla,

Rhodiopolis. Juxta mare Limyra cum amne, in quem Arycandus influit, et

Mons Massycites, Andriaca, civitas Myra. Oppida Apyre, Antiphellus, quæ

quondam Habessus (_al._ Edebessus) atque in recessu Phellus. Deinde

Pyrrha itemque Xanthus a main xv. M. P. flumenque eodem nomine. Deinde

Patara, &c. Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 27.

[229] The following fragment in honour of a person who had received the

rites of citizenship in Rhodiopolis, Myra, and Phaselis, was found by Mr.

Cockerell in the ruins of Olympus at Deliktash.

ΟΠΡΑΜΟΑΝ ΑΠΟΛΛΩΝΙΟΥ

ΔΙΣ ΤΟΥ ΚΑΛΛΙΑΔΟΥ ΡΟΔΙΟ

ΠΟΛΕΙΤΗΝ ΚΑΙ ΜΥΡΕΑ (καὶ)

ΦΑΣΗΛΕΙΤΗΝ ...

....

[230] The following are the names in their order:—Corydalla, Sagalassus,

Rhodia, Trebenda (_al._ Arendæ), Phellus, Myra.

[231] Limyra cum amne, in quem Arycandus influit. Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5.

c. 29.

[232] ... ἐν Λυκίᾳ δέ ἐστιν πόλις Ἀρύκανδα καλουμένη, ἧς πλησίον ἱερόν τι

χωρίον, ὃ πρότερον μὲν Ἔμβολος ἐκαλεῖτο διὰ τὴν θέσιν τοῦ χωρίου. Schol.

in Pindar. Olymp. Od. 7.

[233]

Μ’ ΑΥΡ’ ΤΟΑΛΙΣ ΔΙΣ ΟΛΥΜ

ΠΗΝΟΣ ΚΑΙ ΑΡΥΚΑΝΔΕΥΣ

[234] Stephanus of Byzantium describes Σιδαροῦς as a city and harbour,

but he omits to add in what country it was situated.

[235] The order of names in Ptolemy on this coast is, Phaselis, Olbia,

Attalia, the mouth of the Catarrhactes, Magydis, the mouth of the

Cestrus, the mouth of the Eurymedon, Side. Ptol. l. 5. c. 5.

[236] Voyage au Levant, par C. Lebruyn, c. 74. Voyage en Grèce, &c. par

Paul Lucas, tom. 1. c. 33. Beaufort’s Karamania, c. 6. Itinéraire de

l’Asie Mineure, par Corancez, l. 4. c. 2.

[237] Hierocl. Synecd.—Notit. Episc. Græc.

[238] lib. 5. c. 16.

[239] lib. 1. c. 14.

[240] Pomp. Mel. l. 1. c. 14. Arrian. Exp. Alex. l. 1. c. 27.

[241] Strabo, p. 570. Polyb. l. 5. c. 72. Dionys. Perieg. v. 858. Arrian.

lib. 1. c. 28. Zosim. l. 5. c. 15.

[242] Scylax Perip. Pamphylia. Arrian, l. 1. c. 26.

[243] Hierocl. Synecd.—Constantin. Porph. de Them.—Notit. Episcop.

[244] τοῦ Μέλανος καὶ τοῦ Εὐρυμέδοντος ὧν ὁ μὲν ἐπέκεινα διαβαίνει τῆς

Σίδης· ὁ δὲ διαῤῥεῖ τῇ Ἀσπένδῳ. Zosim. l. 5. c. 16.—Pomp. Mel. l. 1. c.

14.

[245] Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 27.

[246] Geograph. lib. 5. c. 5.

[247] Liv. l. 33. c. 20.

[248] Pharsal. lib. 8. v. 259.

[249] Eckhel, Doct. Num. Vet. Cilicia.

[250] Livy (l. 33. c. 20.) says: “Nephelida promontorium Ciliciæ,

inclitum fœdere antiquo Atheniensium.” What treaty this was it is

difficult to discover—not the treaty of Cimon with the Persians; for

according to that, the Chelidonian promontory was the point beyond which

the Persians were forbidden to sail.

[251] Pompon. Mel. lib. 1. c. 13.

[252] See Eckhel, Hunter, &c.

[253] Plin. Hist. Nat. lib. 5. cap. 27.

[254] Athen. l. 3. c. 5.

[255] In the copy of the treaty in Polybius (l. 22. c. 26.) Cape

Calycadnus is mentioned as the point. Μηδὲ πλείτωσαν ἐπὶ τάδε τοῦ

Καλυκάδνου ἀκρωτηρίου, εἰ μὴ φόρους ἢ πρέσβεις ἢ ὁμήρους ἄγοιεν. In

the Latin copy of the treaty in Livy (l. 38. c. 38.) both capes are

mentioned. “Neve navigatio citra Calycadnum neve Sarpedonem promontoria”

&c. Appian, who has given the substance only of the treaty, names also

both the capes: Ὅρον μὲν Ἀντιόχῳ τῆς ἀρχῆς εἶναι δύο ἄκρας Καλύκαδνόν τε

καὶ Σαρπηδόνιον. Appian Syr. c. 39.

[256] Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 27.

[257] Diodor. Sic. l. 19. c. 61.

[258] Liv. Hist. Nat. l. 33. c. 20.

[259] Among other places on this coast taken possession of by the Knights

of St. John were three fortresses, consigned to their care about the

year 1200 by Pope Innocent III., who had received them from Leo king of

Armenia, on the occasion of his coronation and acknowledgment of the

Latin church. The ancient Armenian inscriptions still existing at Korgos

and Selefke, render it probable that these were two of the fortresses.

See Beaufort’s Karamania, pp. 220, 245.

[260] Stephanus (in Σελεύκεια) says that this Seleuceia was formerly

called Olbia: which appears to be a mistake, arising from the similarity

of the names Olbia; and Holmi. Strabo is confirmed by Pliny (l. 5. c.

27.), who says, “Seleucia supra amnem Calycadnum, Trachiotis cognomine, a

mare relata, ubi vocabatur Hormia” (Holmia).

[261] Ptolemy calls the southern cape at the entrance of the Issic gulf

(now Cape Hanzir) by this name, Ῥωσσικὸς σκόπελος.

[262] Stephanus (in Ὑρία) says, the Calycadnus was sometimes called

Calydnus.

[263] Τῆς ἴδιως Κιλικίας μεσόγειοι ... Μοψυεστία, Καστάβαλα, Νικόπολις,

Ἐπιφάνεια, καὶ αἱ Ἀμανικαὶ πύλαι. Ptolem. l. 5. c. 8.

Ἡ Συρία περιορίζεται ἀπὸ μὲν ἄρκτων τῇ τὲ Κιλικίᾳ, &c. ... Μετὰ τὸν Ἰσσὸν

καὶ τὰς Κιλικίας πύλας Ἀλεξάνδρεια ἡ κατὰ Ἰσσὸν, Μυρίανδρος, &c....

Πιερίας δὲ πόλεις αἵδε. Πίναρα, Πάγραι καὶ αἱ Συρίαι πύλαι. Ptolem. l. 5.

c. 15.

[264] Pococke’s Travels, vol. 2. part 1. c. 20. M. Kinneir’s Journey in

Asia Minor, p. 135. Niebuhr’s Map in the Voyage en Arabie, tom. 2. pl.

52. Drummond’s Travels, letter 5.

[265] I saw the foundation of the wall which once fortified this pass.

Perhaps Beilan is only a corruption of Πύλην, or Pyla in the accusative.

[266] Strabo, p. 676. See the translation in p. 180 of this volume.

[267] Cicero ad Div. l. 15. ep. 4. ad Attic. l. 5. ep. 20. Cicero, in

clearing Mount Amanus of the Parthians, took Erana, the chief town, and

several smaller places.

[268] We find in Hierocles that Seleuceia was the metropolis of Isauria

at the time when Cilicia, divided into two ἐπαρχίαι, extended no further

westward than Corycus inclusive. The chief magistrate, however, is stated

by Hierocles to have been intitled ἡγεμών, not ἄρχων: but Hierocles

probably wrote long after the date of this inscription, and in the

interval some change may have taken place in the mode of government.

[269] Travels of Bertrandon de la Brocquière in the years 1432, 1433,

translated by Johnes, pp. 174, 190.

[270] Josaphat Barbaro—Viaggio in Persia.

[271] Liv. l. 33. c. 20. Plin. l. 5. c. 27. Pomp. Mela, l. 1. c. 13.

Stephan. in Κώρυκος.

[272] In Ἐλαιοῦσσα.

[273] In Σεβάστη.

[274] Joseph. Antiq. Jud. l. 16. c. 4. Strabo, p. 671.

[275] Xenoph. Exp. Cyr. l. 1. c. 4. Arrian, l. 2. c. 5. Q. Curt. l. 3. c.

7. Dio. Cass. l. 36. c. 20. Liv. l. 33. c. 20.—l. 37. c. 56. Pompon. Mel.

l. 1. c. 13. Ptol. l. 5. c. 8.

[276] Stephan. in Ἀγχιάλη. Eustath. in Dionys. Perieg.

[277] Arrian, l. 2. c. 5.

[278] Arrian, l. 2. c. 4. Q. Curt. l. 3. c. 5. Dionys. Perieg. v. 868.

[279] Dio. Cass. l. 47. c. 31. Procop. de Ædif. l. 5. c. 5. Stephan. in

Ἄδανα.

[280] Διὰ μὲν οὖν τῆς πόλεως ταύτης (scil. Comana) ὁ Σάρος ῥεῖ ποταμὸς

καὶ διὰ τῶν συναγκειῶν τοῦ Ταύρου διεκπεραιοῦται πρὸς τὰ τῶν Κιλίκων

πεδία καὶ τὸ ὑποκείμενον πέλαγος. p. 536. Comana is the modern Bostán.

[281] Strabo, ibid.

[282] Xenoph. de Exp. Cyr. l. 1. c. 4. Ptolem. l. 5. c. 8. Procop. de

Ædif. l. 5. c. 5.

[283] Stephan. in Μάγαρσος.

... Πυράμου πρὸς ἐκβολαῖς

...

Αἰπὺς δ’ ἀλιβρὸς ὄχμος ἐν μεταιχμίῳ

Μέγαρσος.

Lycophr. v. 439.

ἡ δὲ Μέγαρσος πόλις κεῖται πρὸς ταῖς ἐκχύσεσι τοῦ Πυράμου ποταμοῦ.

Tzetzes in Schol. ibid.

περὶ Μάγαρσα τοῦ Πυράμου πλησίον. Strabo, p. 676. See the translated

extract.

[284] Ap. Tzetz. in Lycoph. ubi sup.

[285] ποταμὸς Πύραμος καὶ πόλις Μαλλὸς, εἰς ἣν ἀνάπλους κατὰ τὸν ποταμόν.

Scylax in Cilicia.

[286] Steph. in Μάλλος.

[287] Pomp. Mel. l. 1. c. 13.

[288] Arrian, l. 2. c. 5.—... castris motis, et Pyramo amne ponte juncto,

Mallon pervenit. Q. Curt. l. 3. c. 7.

[289] Ap. Strabon. p. 675. See the translated extract.

[290] Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 27. Stephan. in Μόψου ἑστία. Procop. de

Ædif. l. 5. c. 5.

[291] Cod. Theodos.

ἡ Μάμιστα ἡ καὶ Μόψου ἑστία λεγομένη. M. Glycæ Annal. p. 306. Paris.

Civitas Adana, 18 M. P. Civitas Mansista 48 M. P. Mansio Baiæ.—Itin.

Hierosol.

[292] Hierocl. Synecd.

[293] Appian Mithridat. c. 96.—Epiphania quæ anteà Eniandus. Plin. Hist.

Nat. l. 5. c. 27. Ptolem. l. 5. c. 8. Hierocl. Synecd.

[294] Cicero ad Div. l. 15. ep. 4.

[295] Tab. Peutinger, seg. 7.

[296] Cicer. ubi supra.

[297] Q. Curt. l. 3. c. 7.

[298] Ἀντιόχεια ... ἕκτη Κιλικίας ἐπὶ τοῦ Πυράμου. Stephan. in Ἀντιόχεια.

[299] Μάλλος, Σεῤῥέπολις, Αἴγαι, Ἰσσός. Ptolem. l. 5. c. 8.

[300] Strabo, p. 651, 655, 664, 665.

[301] Strabo, p. 663. Strabo has committed a great error in stating that

Physcus was the nearest point of the coast to Mylasa. The gulf of Kos is

not one-third of the distance of Marmara from Mylasa.

[302] Caria mediæ Doridi circumfunditur ad mare utroque latere ambiens:

in ea promontorium Pedalium, amnis Glaucus deferens Telmissum; oppida

Dædala, Crya fugitivorum: flumen Axon: oppidum Calydna ... oppidum Caunos

liberum; deinde Pyrnos, portus Cressa a quo Rhodus insula xx M.; locus

Loryma. Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 27.

Here Pyrnus occupies the place of Physcus, which ought perhaps to be

substituted for the former word.

[303] Senec. Qu. Nat. l. 3. c. 19.

[304] Liv. l. 37. c. 17.

[305] viginti paullo amplius millia. Liv. l. 45. c. 10.

[306] Κνίδος πόλις καὶ ἄκρα, Ὀνουγνάθος ἄκρα· Λώρυμα, Κρῆσσα λιμὴν,

Φοίνιξ, Φοῦσκα, Κάλβιος ποταμοῦ ἐκβολαὶ, Καῦνος, Κάλινδα, Χύδαι, Καρύα,

Δαίδαλα τόπος, Τέλμησσος. Ptol. l. 5. c. 2. 3.

[307] Λοιπὸν Καρία.

Ἐκ Τελμενσοῦ εἰς Δαίδαλα σταδ. ν. (50.)

Ἐκ Δαιδάλων εἰς Καλλιμάχην σταδ. ν. (50.)

Ἐκ Καλλιμάχης εἰς Κρούαν σταδ. ξ. (60.)

Ἐκ Κρούων εἰς τὸν Κοχλίαν σταδ. ν. (50.)

Ἐκ Κλυδῶν ἐπὶ τὸ Πηδάλιον ἀκρωτήριον σταδ. λ. (30.)

Ἀπὸ τοῦ Πηδαλίου ἐπὶ τὸν Ἀγκῶνα τὸν ἐπὶ τοῦ Γλαυκοῦ σταδ. π. (80.)

Ἀπὸ τοῦ Ἀγκῶνος ἐπὶ τῶν Κουνίων (lege Καυνίων) Πάνορμον σταδ. ρκ. (120.)

200 stades from Pedalium to Panormus of the Caunii is nearly the real

distance from cape Bokomádhi to port Karagatsh, and renders it probable

that the latter was the ancient Panormus, a name which well applies to

that fine basin. Its having been a part of the territory of the Caunii,

may perhaps account for other authorities having omitted to mention it.

[308] Plutarch. de Virt. Mul.

[309]

ΛΥΣΑΝΔΡΟΥ ΛΥΣΑΝΔΡΟΥ

ΧΑΛΚΗΤΑ ΚΑΙ ΓΥΝΑΙΚΟΣ

ΚΛΕΑΙΝΙΔΟΣ ΚΑΛΛΙΚΡΑΤΙΔΑ

ΚΡΥΑΣΣΙΔΟΣ.

[310] Plin. l. 5. c. 31.

[311] Stephan. in Κρύα.—Stephanus has distinguished Crya from Cryassus,

ascribing the former to Lycia and the latter to Caria, copying

Artemidorus for the former, and Plutarch for the latter. The distinction

is probably an error; unless Crya was the old site, and that the other

was the new Cryassus mentioned by Plutarch.

[312] Pomp. Mel. l. 1. c. 16.

[313] Strabo, p. 656.

[314] Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 31. Stephanus in Πάσσαλα.

[315] At Lindus are the ruins of a dodecastyle Doric portico in front of

a cavern, at Cnidus there is a Doric stoa, and at Halicarnassus are the

ruins of a large Doric temple, supposed by Choiseul Gouffier, who has

published a design of it, to have been the temple of Mars mentioned by

Vitruvius.

It is not to be supposed that the people of the Hexapolis confined

themselves to Doric architecture, being so near the country where the

Ionic originated and was brought to perfection. At all the three places

just mentioned, but particularly at Cnidus, we find examples of the other

orders.

Cnidus formed one of the most important objects of the late mission

of the Society of Dilettanti. There is hardly any ruined Greek city

in existence which contains examples of Greek architecture in so many

different branches. There are still to be seen remains of the city walls,

of two closed ports, of several temples, of stoæ, of artificial terraces

for the public and private buildings, of three theatres, one of which

is 400 feet in diameter, and of a great number of sepulchral monuments.

Designs of the most important of these curious remains are about to be

published by the Society of Dilettanti.

[316] The following is an inscription at Cnidus:

Α ΒΟΥΛΑ ΚΑΙ Ο ΔΑΜΟΣ

ΑΥΡΗΛΙΑΝ ΕΙΡΗΝΗΝ ΘΥΓΑΤΕΡΑ ΜΕΝ

ΝΕΙΚΑΔΑ ΓΥΝΑΙΚΑ ΔΕ ΤΟΥ ΠΑΝΤΑ-

ΑΡΙΣΤΟΥ. ΜΑΡ. ΑΥΡ. ΕΥΔΟΞΟΥ ΔΙΣ

ΙΕΡΕΩΣ ΔΙΑ ΒΙΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΜΕΓΙΣΤΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΕΝ-

ΦΑΝΕΣΤΑΤΟΥ ΘΕΟΥ ΗΛΙΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΔΑΜΙ-

ΟΥΡΓΟΥ, ΑΡΕΤΑ ΒΙΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΣΩΦΡΟΣΥΝΑ

ΚΕΚΟΣΜΑΙΜΕΝΑΝ, ΠΑΝΗΓΥΡΙΑΡΧΗΣΑΣΑΝ

ΦΙΛΟΤΕΙΜΩΣ ΚΑΙ ΕΠΙΦΑΝΩΣ, ΤΑΝ ΤΕΙ-

ΜΑΝ ΑΝΑΣΤΑΝΤΟΣ ΕΚ ΤΩΝ ΙΔΙΩΝ

ΤΟΥ ΑΝΔΡΟΣ ΑΥΤΑΣ ΚΑΘ Α ΤΑ ΠΑΤΡΙΔΙ

ΥΠΕΣΧΕΤΟ

ΘΕΟΙΣ.

In a fragment of another Doric inscription at Cnidus, mention is

again made of the officer called δαμιουργὸς, also of a γυμνικὸς ἀγὼν

πενταετηρικὸς held at Cnidus. It was, probably, for these quinquennial

celebrations, common, no doubt, to all the surrounding country, that the

great theatre at Cnidus was principally intended.

In an inscription copied by Chandler (Ins. Ant. p. 19), at Iasus (Asýn

Kale), we find a decree of the Calymnii cited at length. This decree is

in the Doric dialect, whereas that of the Iasenses which contains it is

in common Hellenic. We are informed by Herodotus (l. 7. c. 99.) that the

islands Calydniæ, of which Calymna was the chief, were colonized from

Epidaurus; they were consequently included (as was Nisyrus likewise)

among the Dorians of the Hexapolis.

In Mitylene I found several inscriptions, shewing that the use of the

Æolic dialect was preserved to a late period in that island, which was

colonized from Thessaly: the most remarkable form is ΒΟΛΛΑ for ΒΟΥΛΗ, and

ΒΟΛΛΕΥΤΑΣ for ΒΟΥΛΕΥΤΗΣ.

Pococke has given copies (very inaccurately as usual) of some of these

inscriptions (Inscr. Antiq. p. 45); and one is to be seen in Gruter, p.

1091.

In reference to the use of the Doric dialect by the colonies of that race

of Greeks, it may be worthy of remark that the Greek inscription of the

time of Psammetichus king of Egypt, lately discovered by Mr. W. Bankes

on the temple of Ibsambal in Nubia, appears from the words Ψαματιχο

Ἐλεφαντιναν, and τοι for οἱ, to be in the Doric dialect. Herodotus tells

us that the Greeks in the service of Psammetichus were Ionians and

Carians: those who inscribed the temple of Ibsambal may therefore have

been from the Carian Doris. It was perhaps in memory of these first Greek

settlers in Upper Egypt that the Greeks of the Thebais often used the

Doric dialect as late as the time of the Roman emperors.

[317] Pliny also (Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 31.) numbers Caryanda among the

islands.

[318] Stephan. in Βάργυλα. Const. Porph. de Them. l. 1. th. 14.

[319] ... sinus Iasius et Basilicus. In Iasio est Bargylos. Pomp. Mel. l.

1. c. 16.

[320] Liv. l. 37. c. 17. Stephan. in Βάργυλα. Constant. Porph. ubi supr.

[321] Chishull, Antiq. Asiat. p. 155.—This inscription was copied at

Eski-hissár in 1709, by the celebrated botanist Sherard, then British

Consul at Smyrna. He also copied at the same place, a long Latin

inscription, containing a list of the prices of various commodities, as

regulated by one of the Roman emperors—which has recently been excavated

and more completely transcribed by Mr. W. Bankes. Sherard presented to

the Earl of Oxford a volume containing copies of between three and four

hundred inscriptions collected by him in Asia Minor. This MS. is now in

the British Museum. Catal. Harl. Cod. 7509.

[322] Pococke, vol. 2. part 2. c. 6. Chandler, Asia Minor, c. 56.