The Saktas, as we have seen, are worshippers of the _sakti_, or the
female principle as a primary factor in the creation and reproduction of
the universe. And as each of the principal gods is supposed to have
associated with him his own particular _sakti_, as an indispensable
complement enabling him to properly perform his cosmic functions,
adherents of this persuasion might be expected to be recruited from all
sects. To a certain extent this is indeed the case; but though
Vaishnavism, and especially the Krishna creed, with its luxuriant growth
of erotic legends, might have seemed peculiarly favourable to a
development in this direction, it is practically only in connexion with
the Saiva system that an independent cult of the female principle has
been developed; whilst in other sects--and, indeed, in the ordinary
Saiva cult as well--such worship, even where it is at all prominent, is
combined with, and subordinated to, that of the male principle. What has
made this cult attach itself more especially to the Saiva creed is
doubtless the character of Siva as the type of reproductive power, in
addition to his function as destroyer which, as we shall see, is
likewise reflected in some of the forms of his Sakti. The theory of the
god and his Sakti as cosmic principles is perhaps already foreshadowed
in the Vedic couple of Heaven and Earth, whilst in the speculative
treatises of the later Vedic period, as well as in the post-Vedic
Brahmanical writings, the assumption of the self-existent being dividing
himself into a male and a female half usually forms the starting-point
of cosmic evolution.[7] In the later Saiva mythology this theory finds
its artistic representation in Siva's androgynous form of Ardha-narisa,
or "half-woman-lord," typifying the union of the male and female
energies; the male half in this form of the deity occupying the
right-hand, and the female the left-hand side. In accordance with this
type of productive energy, the Saktas divide themselves into two
distinct groups, according to whether they attach the greater importance
to the male or to the female principle; viz. the _Dakshinacharis_, or
"right-hand-observers" (also called _Dak-shina-margis_, or followers "of
the right-hand path"), and the _Vamacharis_, or "left-hand-observers"
(or _Vama-margis_, followers "of the left path"). Though some of the
Puranas, the chief repositories of sectarian doctrines, enter largely
into Sakta topics, it is only in the numerous Tantras that these are
fully and systematically developed. In these works, almost invariably
composed in the form of a colloquy, Siva, as a rule, in answer to
questions asked by his consort Parvati, unfolds the mysteries of this
occult creed.
The principal seat of Sakta worship is the north-eastern part of
India--Bengal, Assam and Behar. The great majority of its adherents
profess to follow the right-hand practice; and apart from the implied
purport and the emblems of the cult, their mode of adoration does not
seem to offer any very objectionable features. And even amongst the
adherents of the left-hand mode of worship, many of these are said to
follow it as a matter of family tradition rather than of religious
conviction, and to practise it in a sober and temperate manner; whilst
only an extreme section--the so-called _Kaulas_ or _Kulinas_, who
appeal to a spurious Upanishad, the Kaulopanishad, as the divine
authority of their tenets--persist in carrying on the mystic and
licentious rites taught in many of the Tantras. But strict secrecy
being enjoined in the performance of these rites, it is not easy to
check any statements made on this point. The Sakta cult is, however,
known to be especially prevalent--though apparently not in a very
extreme form--amongst members of the very respectable Kayastha or
writer caste of Bengal, and as these are largely employed as clerks
and accountants in Upper India, there is reason to fear that their
vicious practices are gradually being disseminated through them.
The divine object of the adoration of the Saktas, then, is Siva's
wife--the _Devi_ (goddess), _Mahadevi_ (great goddess), or _Jagan-mata_
(mother of the world)--in one or other of her numerous forms, benign or
terrible. The forms in which she is worshipped in Bengal are of the
latter category, viz. _Durga_, "the unapproachable," and _Kali_, "the
black one," or, as some take it, the wife of _Kala_, "time," or death
the great dissolver, viz. Siva. In honour of the former, the
_Durga-puja_ is celebrated during ten days at the time of the autumnal
equinox, in commemoration of her victory over the buffalo-headed demon
Mahishasura; when the image of the ten-armed goddess, holding a weapon
in each hand, is worshipped for nine days, and cast into the water on
the tenth day, called the Dasahara, whence the festival itself is
commonly called Dasara in western India. _Kali_, on the other hand, the
most terrible of the goddess's forms, has a special service performed to
her, at the _Kali-puja_, during the darkest night of the succeeding
month; when she is represented as a naked black woman, four-armed,
wearing a garland of heads of giants slain by her, and a string of
skulls round her neck, dancing on the breast of her husband (Mahakala),
with gaping mouth and protruding tongue; and when she has to be
propitiated by the slaughter of goats, sheep and buffaloes. On other
occasions also Vamacharis commonly offer animal sacrifices, usually one
or more kids; the head of the victim, which has to be severed by a
single stroke, being always placed in front of the image of the goddess
as a blood-offering (_bali_), with an earthen lamp fed with ghee burning
above it, whilst the flesh is cooked and served to the guests attending
the ceremony, except that of buffaloes, which is given to the low-caste
musicians who perform during the service. Even some adherents of this
class have, however, discontinued animal sacrifices, and use certain
kinds of fruit, such as coco-nuts or pumpkins, instead. The use of wine,
which at one time was very common on these occasions, seems also to have
become much more restricted; and only members of the extreme section
would still seem to adhere to the practice of the so-called five _m's_
prescribed by some of the Tantras, viz. _mamsa_ (flesh), _matsya_
(fish), _madya_ (wine), _maithuna_ (sexual union), and _mudra_ (mystical
finger signs)--probably the most degrading cult ever practised under the
pretext of religious worship.
In connexion with the principal object of this cult, Tantric theory
has devised an elaborate system of female figures representing either
special forms and personifications or attendants of the "Great
Goddess." They are generally arranged in groups, the most important of
which are the _Mahavidyas_ (great sciences), the 8 (or 9) _Mataras_
(mothers) or _Mahamataras_ (great mothers), consisting of the wives of
the principal gods; the 8 _Nayikas_ or mistresses; and different
classes of sorceresses and ogresses, called _Yoginis_, _Dakinis_ and
_Sakinis_. A special feature of the Sakti cult is the use of obscure
Vedic _mantras_, often changed so as to be quite meaningless and on
that very account deemed the more efficacious for the acquisition of
superhuman powers; as well as of mystic letters and syllables called
_bija_ (germ), of magic circles (_chakra_) and diagrams (_yantra_),
and of amulets of various materials inscribed with formulae of fancied
mysterious import.
General conclusions.
This survey of the Indian sects will have shown how little the character
of their divine objects of worship is calculated to exert that elevating
and spiritualizing influence, so characteristic of true religious
devotion. In all but a few of the minor groups religious fervour is only
too apt to degenerate into that very state of sexual excitation which
devotional exercises should surely tend to repress. If the worship of
Siva, despite the purport of his chief symbol, seems on the whole less
liable to produce these undesirable effects than that of the rival
deity, it is doubtless due partly to the real nature of that emblem
being little realized by the common people, and partly to the somewhat
repellent character of the "great god," more favourable to evoking
feelings of awe and terror than a spirit of fervid devotion. All the
more are, however, the gross stimulants, connected with the adoration of
his consort, calculated to work up the carnal instincts of the devotees
to an extreme degree of sensual frenzy. In the Vaishnava camp, on the
other hand, the cult of Krishna, and more especially that of the
youthful Krishna, can scarcely fail to exert an influence which, if of a
subtler and more insinuating, is not on that account of a less
demoralizing kind. Indeed, it would be hard to find anything less
consonant with godliness and divine perfection than the pranks of this
juvenile god; and if poets and thinkers try to explain them away by dint
of allegorical interpretation, the plain man will not for all their
refinements take these amusing adventures any the less _au pied de la
lettre_. No fault, in this respect, can assuredly be found with the
legendary Rama, a very paragon of knightly honour and virtue, even as
his consort Sita is the very model of a noble and faithful wife; and yet
this cult has perhaps retained even more of the character of mere
hero-worship than that of Krishna. Since by the universally accepted
doctrine of _karman_ (deed) or _karmavipaka_ ("the maturing of deeds")
man himself--either in his present, or some future, existence--enjoys
the fruit of, or has to atone for, his former good and bad actions,
there could hardly be room in Hindu pantheism for a belief in the
remission of sin by divine grace or vicarious substitution. And
accordingly the "descents" or incarnations of the deity have for their
object, not so much the spiritual regeneration of man as the deliverance
of the world from some material calamity threatening to overwhelm it.
The generally recognized principal Avatars do not, however, by any means
constitute the only occasions of a direct intercession of the deity in
worldly affairs, but--in the same way as to this day the eclipses of the
sun and moon are ascribed by the ordinary Hindu to these luminaries
being temporarily swallowed by the dragon _Rahu_ (or _Graha_, "the
seizer")--so any uncommon occurrence would be apt to be set down as a
special manifestation of divine power; and any man credited with
exceptional merit or achievement, or even remarkable for some strange
incident connected with his life or death, might ultimately come to be
looked upon as a veritable incarnation of the deity, capable of
influencing the destinies of man, and might become an object of local
adoration or superstitious awe and propitiatory rites to multitudes of
people. That the transmigration theory, which makes the spirit of the
departed hover about for a time in quest of a new corporeal abode, would
naturally lend itself to superstitious notions of this kind can scarcely
be doubted. Of peculiar importance in this respect is the worship of the
_Pitris_ ("fathers") or deceased ancestors, as entering largely into the
everyday life and family relations of the Hindus. At stated intervals to
offer reverential homage and oblations of food to the forefathers up to
the third degree is one of the most sacred duties the devout Hindu has
to discharge. The periodical performance of the commemorative rite of
obsequies called _Sraddha_--i.e. an oblation "made in faith" (_sraddha_,
Lat. _credo_)--is the duty and privilege of the eldest son of the
deceased, or, failing him, of the nearest relative who thereby
establishes his right as next of kin in respect of inheritance; and
those other relatives who have the right to take part in the ceremony
are called _sapinda_, i.e. sharing in the _pindas_ (or balls of cooked
rice, constituting along with libations of water the usual offering to
the Manes)--such relationship being held a bar to intermarriage. The
first _Sraddha_ takes place as soon as possible after the _antyeshti_
("final offering") or funeral ceremony proper, usually spread over ten
days; being afterwards repeated once a month for a year, and
subsequently at every anniversary and otherwise voluntarily on special
occasions. Moreover, a simple libation of water should be offered to the
Fathers twice daily at the morning and evening devotion called _sandhya_
("twilight"). It is doubtless a sense of filial obligation coupled with
sentiments of piety and reverence that gave rise to this practice of
offering gifts of food and drink to the deceased ancestors. Hence also
frequent allusion is made by poets to the anxious care caused to the
Fathers by the possibility of the living head of the family being
afflicted with failure of offspring; this dire prospect compelling them
to use but sparingly their little store of provisions, in case the
supply should shortly cease altogether. At the same time one also meets
with frank avowals of a superstitious fear lest any irregularity in the
performance of the obsequial rites should cause the Fathers to haunt
their old home and trouble the peace of their undutiful descendant, or
even prematurely draw him after them to the Pitri-loka or world of the
Fathers, supposed to be located in the southern region. Terminating as
it usually does with the feeding and feeing of a greater or less number
of Brahmans and the feasting of members of the performers' own caste,
the Sraddha, especially its first performance, is often a matter of very
considerable expense; and more than ordinary benefit to the deceased is
supposed to accrue from it when it takes place at a spot of recognized
sanctity, such as one of the great places of pilgrimage like Prayaga
(Allahabad, where the three sacred rivers, Ganga, Yamuna and Sarasvati,
meet), Mathura, and especially Gaya and Kasi (Benares). But indeed the
_tirtha-yatra_, or pilgrimage to holy bathing-places, is in itself
considered an act of piety conferring religious merit in proportion to
the time and trouble expended upon it. The number of such places is
legion and is constantly increasing. The banks of the great rivers such
as the Ganga (Ganges), the Yamuna (Jumna), the Narbada, the Krishna
(Kistna), are studded with them, and the water of these rivers is
supposed to be imbued with the essence of sanctity capable of cleansing
the pious bather of all sin and moral taint. To follow the entire course
of one of the sacred rivers from the mouth to the source on one side and
back again on the other in the sun-wise (pradakshina) direction--that
is, always keeping the stream on one's right-hand side--is held to be a
highly meritorious undertaking which it requires years to carry through.
No wonder that water from these rivers, especially the Ganges, is sent
and taken in bottles to all parts of India to be used on occasion as
healing medicine or for sacramental purposes. In Vedic times, at the
_Rajasuya_, or inauguration of a king, some water from the holy river
Sarasvati was mixed with the sprinkling water used for consecrating the
king. Hence also sick persons are frequently conveyed long distances to
a sacred river to heal them of their maladies; and for a dying man to
breathe his last at the side of the Ganges is devoutly believed to be
the surest way of securing for him salvation and eternal bliss.
Such probably was the belief of the ordinary Hindu two thousand years
ago, and such it remains to this day. In the light of facts such as
these, who could venture to say what the future of Hinduism is likely
to be? Is the regeneration of India to be brought about by the modern
theistic movements, such as the Brahma-samaj and Arya-samaj, as so
close and sympathetic an observer of Hindu life and thought as Sir A.
Lyall seems to think? "The Hindu mind," he remarks, "is essentially
speculative and transcendental; it will never consent to be shut up in
the prison of sensual experience, for it has grasped and holds firmly
the central idea that all things are manifestations of some power
outside phenomena. And the tendency of contemporary religious
discussion in India, so far as it can be followed from a distance, is
towards an ethical reform on the old foundations, towards searching
for some method of reconciling their Vedic theology with the practices
of religion taken as a rule of conduct and a system of moral
government. One can already discern a movement in various quarters
towards a recognition of impersonal theism, and towards fixing the
teaching of the philosophical schools upon some definitely authorized
system of faith and morals, which may satisfy a rising ethical
standard, and may thus permanently embody that tendency to substitute
spiritual devotion for external forms and caste rules which is the
characteristic of the sects that have from time to time dissented from
orthodox Brahminism."
AUTHORITIES.--_Census of India_ (1901), vol. i. part i.; _India_, by
H. H. Risley and E. A. Gait; vol. i. _Ethnographical Appendices_, by
H. H. Risley; _The Indian Empire_, vol. i. (new ed., Oxford, 1907); J.
Muir, _Original Sanskrit Texts_ (2nd ed., 5 vols., London, 1873);
Monier Williams, _Religious Thought and Life in India_ (London, 1883);
_Modern India and the Indians_ (London, 1878, 3rd ed. 1879);
_Hinduism_ (London, 1877); Sir Alfred C. Lyall, _Asiatic Studies_ (2
series, London, 1899); "Hinduism" in _Religious Systems of the World_
(London, 1904); "Brahminism" in _Great Religions of the World_ (New
York and London, 1902); W. J. Wilkins, _Modern Hinduism_ (London,
1887); J. C. Oman, _Indian Life, Religious and Social_ (London, 1879);
_The Mystics, Ascetics and Saints of India_ (London, 1903); _The
Brahmans, Theists and Muslims of India_ (London, 1907); S. C. Bose,
_The Hindus as they are_ (2nd ed., Calcutta, 1883); J. Robson,
_Hinduism and Christianity_ (Edinburgh and London, 3rd ed., 1905); J.
Murray Mitchell, _Hinduism Past and Present_ (2nd ed., London, 1897);
Jogendra Nath Bhattacharya, _Hindu Castes and Sects_ (Calcutta, 1896);
A. Barth, _The Religions of India_ (London, 1882); E. W. Hopkins, _The
Religions of India_ (London, 1896). (J. E.)