history of this remarkable enough man, well known, it is probable,
to most readers, who have been interested in the operations of the
African Association, but, perhaps, not immediately recognised in
the humble situation of a corporal of marines. Some years after this
voyage, viz. in 1786, Lediard, by birth an American, resolved on a
pedestrian excursion across his native continent; for which purpose,
he, first of all, fixed on travelling to Siberia, whence he expected
to be able to obtain a passage to its north-west coast. Sir Joseph
Banks, and other gentlemen, favouring his project, subscribed a sum of
money, not much exceeding fifty pounds, to enable him to put it into
execution. He proceeded to Hamburgh; from thence to Copenhagen; and,
as the gulf of Bothnia was not frozen over, actually walked round its
shores by the way of Tornea, till he arrived at Petersburgh, in the
beginning of March 1787. Here he remained till May, when he obtained
permission to go with a convoy of military stores, intended for
Captain Billings, formerly his ship-mate in Cook's voyage, and now
waiting for it to commence his own examination of the American
coast, &c. With this convoy, Lediard, in the month of August, reached
Irkutsk, in Siberia, at which place, after having gone to Yakutsk,
where he met with Billings, he purposed to remain a part of the
winter, till an opportunity occurred of going to Ochotsk, from which
his passage to America seemed very practicable. So far, then, he
had to congratulate himself on his success. But his enterprise was
speedily interrupted, and all his hopes frustrated, by an order from
the empress; in consequence of which he was arrested, and, under the
guard of an officer and two soldiers, hurried off in a sledge for
Moscow, without being suffered to carry with him either his clothes,
his money, or his papers. The reason of this extraordinary conduct has
not been explained in the communication made by Sir Joseph Banks
to the Biographia Britannica, from which we have collected these
particulars. We are told, however, that the disappointed adventurer
was successively conveyed from Moscow to Moialoff, in White Russia,
and Tolochin, in Poland; at which last place, he was informed, that
the empress had directed he should never enter her dominions again
without her express permission. During the whole of his route, since
he had been made a prisoner, he suffered extreme hardship from ill
health, fatigue, and mortification. At last he reached Konigsberg;
and, to use his own words, in a letter to his patron, after "a
miserable journey, in a miserable country, in a miserable season, in
miserable health, and with a miserable purse," arrived in England.
The ardour of his mind, however, was still entire; and he appeared
as ready as ever to engage in any service, however perilous, which
promised to gratify his own curiosity, and was recommended by men
whose judgment he respected. Accordingly, almost immediately on his
return, it was proposed to him to undertake the first speculative
excursion which the society alluded to projected. On this occasion it
was, as is noticed by the ingenious Mr Forster, in his valuable Essay
on Decision of Character, that he surprised the official person,
who put the Question to him, "When he would be ready for his African
journey?" by instantly answering, "To-morrow!" It may be doubted,
if his acquirements were altogether equally well suited to this
undertaking, as his undaunted spirit and enterprising disposition.
These, indeed, promised interest; and no one could hesitate to
believe, that he would zealously employ every faculty he possessed in
accomplishing the objects committed to him. It was appointed him to
traverse the continent of Africa from east to west, in the latitude of
the river Niger. But this he never accomplished; as, on his arrival at
Cairo, he was seized with a bilious disorder, which terminated in his
death. So much, it seemed but justice to record in this place, of the
person now employed by Captain Cook.--E.]
On the 10th, Lediard returned with three Russian seamen, or furriers,
who, with some others, resided at Egoochshac, where they had a
dwelling-house, some store-houses, and a sloop of about thirty tons
burthen. One of these men was either master or mate of this vessel,
another of them wrote a very good hand and understood figures, and
they were all three well-behaved intelligent men, and very ready
to give me all the information I could desire. But for want of an
interpreter, we had some difficulty to understand each other. They
appeared to have a thorough knowledge of the attempts that had been
made by their countrymen to navigate the Frozen Ocean, and of
the discoveries which had been made from Kamtschatka, by Beering,
Tscherikoff, and Spanberg. But they seemed to know no more of
Lieutenant Syndo, or Synd, than his name.[5] Nor had they the least
idea what part of the world Mr Stæhlin's map referred to, when it was
laid before them. When I pointed out Kamtschatka, and some other known
places, upon that map, they asked, whether I had seen the islands
there laid down; and on my answering in the negative, one of them
put his finger upon a part of this map, where a number of islands are
represented, and said, that he had cruized there for land, but never
could find any. I then laid before them my own chart, and found that
they were strangers to every part of the American coast, except what
lies opposite this island. One of these men said, that he had been
with Beering in his American voyage, but must then have been very
young, for he had not now, at the distance of thirty-seven years, the
appearance of being aged. Never was there greater respect paid to
the memory of any distinguished person, than by these men to that of
Beering.[6] The trade in which they are engaged is very beneficial;
and its being undertaken and extended to the eastward of Kamtschatka,
was the immediate consequence of the second voyage of that able
navigator, whose misfortunes proved to be the source of much private
advantage to individuals, and of public utility to the Russian nation.
And yet, if his distresses had not accidentally carried him to die in
the island which bears his name, and from whence the miserable remnant
of his ship's crew brought back sufficient specimens of its valuable
furs, probably the Russians never would have undertaken any future
voyages, which could lead them to make discoveries in this sea, toward
the coast of America. Indeed, after his time, government seems to have
paid less attention to this; and we owe what discoveries have been
since made, principally to the enterprising spirit of private traders,
encouraged, however, by the superintending care of the court of
Petersburg. The three Russians having remained with me all night,
visited Captain Clerke next morning, and then left us, very well
satisfied with the reception they had met with, promising to return
in a few days, and to bring with them a chart of the islands lying
between Oonalashka and Kamtschatka.
[Footnote 5: See the little that is known of Synd's voyage,
accompanied with a chart, in Mr Coxe's Russian Discoveries, p.
300.--D.]
[Footnote 6: This may be considered as a very decisive testimony to
the truth of the character given of him in Mr Coxe's publication.
We are indebted to the same work for ample evidence in proof of the
following remarks of Captain Cook--E.]
On the 14th, in the evening, while Mr Webber and I were at a village
at a small distance from Samganoodha, a Russian landed there, who, I
found, was the principal person amongst his countrymen in this and the
neighbouring islands. His name was Erasim Gregorioff Sin Ismyloff.
He arrived in a canoe carrying three persons, attended by twenty or
thirty other canoes, each conducted by one man. I took notice, that
the first thing they did after landing, was to make a small tent for
Ismyloff, of materials which they brought with them, and then they
made others for themselves, of their canoes and paddles, which they
covered with grass; so that the people of the village were at no
trouble to find them lodging. Ismyloff having invited us into his
tent, set before us some dried salmon and berries, which, I was
satisfied, was the best cheer he had. He appeared to be a sensible
intelligent man; and I felt no small mortification in not being able
to converse with him, unless by signs, assisted by figures and other
characters, which however were a very great help. I desired to see
him on board the next day; and accordingly he came, with all his
attendants. Indeed, he had moved into our neighbourhood, for the
express purpose of waiting upon us.
I was in hopes to have had by him, the chart which his three
countrymen had promised, but I was disappointed. However, he assured
me I should have it; and he kept his word. I found that he was very
well acquainted with the geography of these parts, and with all the
discoveries that had been made in them by the Russians. On seeing the
modern maps, he at once pointed out their errors. He told me, he
had accompanied Lieutenant Syndo, or Synd as he called him, in his
expedition to the north; and, according to his account, they did not
proceed farther than the Tschukotskoi Noss, or rather than the bay
of St Laurence, for he pointed on our chart to the very place where I
landed. From thence, he said, they went to an island in latitude 63°,
upon which they did not land, nor could he tell me its name. But I
should guess it to be the same to which I gave the name of Clerke's
Island. To what place Synd went after that, or in what manner he spent
the two years, during which, as Ismyloff said, his researches lasted,
he either could not or would not inform us. Perhaps he did not
comprehend our enquiries about this; and yet, in almost every other
thing, we could make him understand us. This created a suspicion,
that he had not really been in that expedition, notwithstanding his
assertion.
Both Ismyloff and the others affirmed, that they knew nothing of the
continent of America to the northward; and that neither Lieutenant
Synd, nor any other Russian, had ever seen it. They call it by
the same name which Mr Stæhlin gives to his great island, that is
Alaschka. Stachtan Nitada, as it is called in the modern maps, is a
name quite unknown to these people, natives of the islands as well as
Russians; but both, of them know it by the name of America. From what
we could gather from Ismyloff and his countrymen, the Russians
have made several attempts to get a footing upon that part of this
continent that lies contiguous to Oonalashka and the adjoining
islands, but have always been repulsed by the natives, whom they
describe as a very treacherous people. They mentioned two or three
captains, or chief men, who had been murdered by them; and some of the
Russians shewed us wounds which, they said, they had received there.
Some other information which we got from Ismyloff is worth recording,
whether true or false. He told us, that in the year 1773, an
expedition had been made into the Frozen Sea in sledges, over the
ice, to three large islands that lie opposite the mouth of the river
Kovyma. We were in some doubt, whether he did not mean the same
expedition of which Muller gives an account; and yet he wrote down the
year, and marked the islands on the chart.[7] But a voyage which he
himself had performed, engaged our attention more than any other. He
said, that on the 12th of May, 1771, he sailed from Bolscheretzk, in
a Russian vessel, to one of the Kuril islands, named Mareekan, in the
latitude of 47°, where there is a harbour, and a Russian settlement.
From this island, he proceeded to Japan, where be seems to have made
but a short stay. For when the Japanese came to know that he and his
companions were Christians, they made signs for them to be gone; but
did not, so far as we could understand him, offer any insult or force.
From Japan, he got to Canton, and from thence to France, in a French
ship. From France, he travelled to Petersburgh, and was afterward sent
out again to Kamtschatka. What became of the vessel in which he first
embarked, we could not learn, nor what was the principal object of
the voyage. His not being able to speak one word of French, made this
story a little suspicious. He did not even know the name of any one of
the most common things that must have been in use every day, while he
was on board the ship, and in France. And yet he seemed clear as to
the times of his arriving at the different places, and of his leaving
them, which he put down in writing.[8]
[Footnote 7: The latest expedition of this kind, taken notice of by Mr
Muller, was in 1724. But in justice to Mr Ismyloff, it may be proper
to mention, which is done on the authority of a MS. communicated by
Mr Pennant, and the substance of which has been published by Mr
Coxe, that, so late as 1768, the Governor of Siberia sent three young
officers over the ice in sledges to the islands opposite the mouth of
the Kovyma. There seems no reason for not supposing, that a subsequent
expedition of this sort might also be undertaken in 1773. Mr Coxe, p.
324, places the expedition on sledges in 1764, but Mr Pennant's MS.
may be depended upon.--D.]
[Footnote 8: There is nothing at all unlikely in the voyage now spoken
of. According to Captain Krusenstern, whose information is in all
probability quite unexceptionable, the Kuril islands and Jesso have
been often visited by Russian merchants since 1741, when Spanberg
and Walton reached the coast of Japan; though without any positive
advantage, he says, accruing either to science or commerce from their
visits.--E.]
The next morning, he would fain have made me a present of a sea-otter
skin, which, he said, was worth eighty rubles at Kamtschatka. However,
I thought proper to decline it; but I accepted of some dried fish, and
several baskets of the lily, or _saranne_ root, which is described at
large in the History of Kamtschatka.[9] In the afternoon, Mr Ismyloff,
after dining with Captain Clerke, left us with all his retinue,
promising to return in a few days. Accordingly, on the 19th, he made
us another visit, and brought with him the charts before-mentioned,
which he allowed me to copy, and the contents of which furnish matter
for the following observations:--
There were two of them, both manuscripts, and bearing every mark of
authenticity. The first comprehended the _Penschinskian Sea_, the
coast of Tartary, as low as the latitude of 41°, the Kuril islands,
and the peninsula of Kamtschatka. Since this map had been made,
Wawseelee Irkecchoff, captain of the fleet, explored, in 1758, the
coast of Tartary, from Okotsk, and the river Amur, to Japan, or 41°
of latitude. Mr Ismyloff also informed us, that great part of the
sea-coast of the peninsula of Kamtschatka had been corrected by
himself, and described the instrument he made use of, which must have
been a _theodolite_. He also informed us, that there were only two
harbours fit for shipping, on all the east coast of Kamtschatka, viz.
the bay of _Awatska_, and the river _Olutora_, in the bottom of the
gulf of the same name, that there was not a single harbour upon its
west coast, and that _Yamsk_ was the only one on all the west side of
the Penschinskian Sea, except Okotsk, till we come to the river Amur.
The Kuril islands afford only one harbour, and that is on the N.E.
side of Mareekan, in the latitude of 47-1/2°, where, as I have before
observed, the Russians have a settlement.
[Footnote 9: English translation, p. 83, 84.]
The second chart was to me the most interesting; for it comprehended
all the discoveries made by the Russians to the eastward of
Kamtschatka, toward America, which, if we exclude the voyage of
Beering and Tscherikoff, will amount to little or nothing. The part of
the American coast, with which the latter fell in, is marked in this
chart, between the latitude of 58° and 58-1/2°, and 75° of longitude
from Okotsk, or, 218-1/2° from Greenwich; and the place where the
former anchored, in 59-1/2° of latitude, and 63-1/2° of longitude from
Okotsk, or 207° from Greenwich. To say nothing of the longitude,
which may be erroneous from many causes, the latitude of the coast,
discovered by these two navigators, especially the part of it
discovered by Tscherikoff, differs considerably from the account
published by Mr Muller, and his chart. Indeed, whether Muller's
chart, or this now produced by Mr Ismyloff, be most erroneous in this
respect, it may be hard to determine, though it is not now a point
worth discussing. But the islands that lie dispersed between 52° and
55° of latitude, in the space between Kamtschatka and America, deserve
some notice. According to Mr Ismyloff's account, neither the number
nor the situation of these islands is well ascertained. He struck out
about one-third of them, assuring me they had no existence, and he
altered the situation of others considerably, which, he said, was
necessary, from his own observations. And there was no reason to doubt
about this. As these islands lie all nearly under the same parallel,
different navigators, being misled by their different reckonings,
might easily mistake one island, or group of islands, for another, and
fancy they had made a new discovery, when they had only found old ones
in a different position from that assigned to them by their former
visitors.
The islands of St Macarius, St Stephen, St Theodore, St Abraham,
Seduction Island, and some others, which are to be found in Mr
Muller's chart, had no place in this now produced to us; nay, both Mr
Ismyloff, and the others, assured me, that they had been several times
sought for in vain. And yet it is difficult to believe how Mr Muller,
from whom subsequent map-makers have adopted them, could place them in
this chart without some authority. Relying, however, on the testimony
of these people, whom I thought competent witnesses, I have left them
out of my chart, and made such corrections amongst the other islands
as I was told was necessary. I found there was wanting another
correction; for the difference of longitude, between the Bay of
Awatska, and the harbour of Samganoodha, according to astronomical
observations, made at these two places, is greater by five degrees
and a half, than it is by the chart. This error I have supposed to
be infused throughout the whole, though it may not be so in reality.
There was also an error in the latitude of some places, but this
hardly exceeded a quarter of a degree.
I shall now give some account of the islands, beginning with those
that lie nearest to Kamtschatka, and reckoning the longitude from
the harbour of Petropaulowska, in the Bay of Awatska. The first is
_Beering's Island_, in 55° of latitude, and 6° of longitude. Ten
leagues from the south end of this, in the direction of E. by S., or
E.S.E., lies _Meidenoi Ostroff_, or the Copper Island. The next island
is _Atakou_, laid down in 52° 45' of latitude, and in 15° or 16° of
longitude. This island is about eighteen leagues in extent, in the
direction of E. and W., and seems to be the same land which Beering
fell in with, and named _Mount St John_. But there are no islands
about it, except two inconsiderable ones, lying three or four leagues
from the east end, in the direction of E.N.E.
We next come to a group, consisting of six or more islands, two of
which, _Atghka_ and _Amluk_ are tolerably large, and in each of them
is a good harbour. The middle of this group lies in the latitude of
52° 30', and 28° of longitude from Awatska, and its extent, E. and W.,
is four degrees. These are the isles that Mr Ismyloff said were to be
removed four degrees to the E., which was done. And in the situation
they have in my chart, was a group, consisting of ten small islands,
which, I was told, were wholly to be struck out, and also two islands
lying between them and the group to which Oonalashka belongs. In the
place of these two, an island called Amoghta (which in the chart was
situated in the latitude of 51° 45', and 4° of longitude to the W.)
was brought.
Nothing more need be said to shew how erroneous the situation of many
of these islands may be, and for which I am in nowise accountable. But
the position of the largest group, of which Oonalashka is one of the
principal islands, and the only one in which there is a harbour, is
not liable to any such errors. Most of these islands were seen by
us, and consequently their latitude and longitude were pretty exactly
determined, particularly the harbour of Samganoodha in Oonalashka,
which must be looked upon as a fixed point. This group of islands
maybe said to extend as far as Halibut Isles, which are forty leagues
from Oonalashka toward the E.N.E. Within these isles, a passage was
marked in Ismyloff's chart, communicating with Bristol Bay, which
converts about fifteen leagues of the coast, that I had supposed to
belong to the continent, into an island, distinguished by the name of
_Ooneemak_. This passage might easily escape us, as we were informed,
that it is very narrow, shallow, and only to be navigated through with
boats, or very small vessels.[10]
[Footnote 10: This passage is marked on all the modern maps, no doubt
on the somewhat scanty authority here given. With respect to most of
the islands now alluded to, the opinion entertained of their utter
insignificance, will account for and perhaps justify the sparing
solicitude we have used to ascertain their number and position. Some
less suspicious data than are to be met with in the accounts of early
Russian voyages, would be requisite, to induce much attention to a
subject of even greater importance.--E.]
It appeared by the chart, as well as by the testimony of Ismyloff and
the other Russians, that this is as far as their countrymen have made
any discoveries, or have extended themselves, since Beering's time.
They all said, that no Russians had settled themselves so far to the
east as the place where the natives gave the note to Captain Clerke,
which Mr Ismyloff, to whom I delivered it, on perusing it, said, had
been written at Oomanak. It was, however, from him that we got the
name of _Kodiak_, the largest of Schumagin's Islands; for it had no
name upon the chart produced by him.[11] The names of all the other
islands were taken from it, and we wrote them down as pronounced by
him. He said, they were all such as the natives themselves called
their islands by; but, if so, some of the names seem to have been
strangely altered. It is worth observing, that no names were put to
the islands which Ismyloff told us were to be struck out of the
chart, and I considered this as some confirmation that they have no
existence.
[Footnote 11: A Russian ship had been at Kodiak in 1776, as appears
from a MS. obligingly communicated by Mr Pennant.--D.]
I have already observed, that the American continent is here called
by the Russians, as well as by the islanders, Alaschka; which name,
though it properly belong only to the country adjoining to Oonemak, is
used by them when speaking of the American continent in general, which
they know perfectly well to be a great land.
This is all the information I got from these people, relating to the
geography of this part of the world; and I have reason to believe that
this was all the information they were able to give. For they assured
me, over and over again, that they knew of no other islands, besides
those which were laid down upon this chart; and that no Russian had
ever seen any part of the continent of America to the northward,
except that which lies opposite the country of the Tschutskis.
If Mr Stæhlin was not grossly imposed upon, what could induce him
to publish a map so singularly erroneous, and in which many of these
islands are jumbled together in regular confusion, without the least
regard to truth; and yet he is pleased to call it _a very accurate
little map_.[12] Indeed, it is a map to which the most illiterate of
his illiterate sea-faring countrymen would have been ashamed to set
his name.
[Footnote 12: Stæhlin's New Northern Archipelago, p. 15.]
Mr Ismyloff remained with us till the 21st, in the evening, when he
took his final leave. To his care I intrusted a letter to the Lords
Commissioners of the Admiralty, in which was inclosed a chart of
all the northern coasts I had visited. He said there would be an
opportunity of sending it to Kamtschatka, or Okotsk, the ensuing
spring, and that it would be at Petersburg the following winter. He
gave me a letter to Major Behm, governor of Kamtschatka, who
resides at Bolscheretsk, and another to the commanding officer,
at Petropaulowska. Mr Ismyloff seemed to have abilities that might
entitle him to a higher station in life, than that in which we found
him. He was tolerably well versed in astronomy, and in the most useful
branches of the mathematics. I made him a present of an Hadley's
octant; and though, probably, it was the first he had ever seen, he
made himself acquainted, in a very short time, with most of the uses
to which that instrument can be applied.
In the morning of the 22d, we made an attempt to get to sea, with
the wind at S.E., which miscarried. The following afternoon, we were
visited by one Jacob Ivanovitch Soposnicoff, a Russian, who commanded
a boat, or small vessel, at Oomanak. This man had a great share of
modesty, and would drink no strong liquor, of which the rest of his
countrymen, whom we had met with here, were immoderately fond. He
seemed to know more accurately what supplies could be got at the
harbour of Petropaulowska, and the price of the different articles,
than Mr Ismyloff. But, by all accounts, every thing we should want
at that place was very scarce, and bore a high price. Flour, for
instance, was from three to five roubles the pood,[13] and deer from
three to five roubles each. This man told us that he was to be at
Petropaulowska in May next, and, as I understood, was to have the
charge of my letter. He seemed to be exceedingly desirous of having
some token from me to carry to Major Behm, and to gratify him, I sent
a small spying-glass.
[Footnote 13: 36 lb.]
After we became acquainted with these Russians, some of our gentlemen,
at different times, visited their settlement on the island, where
they always met with a hearty welcome. This settlement consisted of a
dwelling-house and two store-houses. And, besides the Russians, there
was a number of the Kamtschadales, and of the natives, as servants,
or slaves, to the former. Some others of the natives, who seemed
independent of the Russians, lived at the same place. Such of them
as belonged to the Russians were all males, and they are taken, or
perhaps purchased, from their parents when young. There was, at this
time, about twenty of these, who could be looked upon in no other
light than, as children. They all live in the same house; the Russians
at the upper end, the Kamtschadales in the middle, and the natives at
the lower end, where is fixed a large boiler for preparing their food,
which consists chiefly of what the sea produces, with the addition of
wild roots and berries. There is little difference between the first
and last table, besides what is produced by cookery, in which the
Russians have the art to make indifferent things palatable. I have eat
whale's flesh of their dressing, which I thought very good; and they
made a kind of pan-pudding of salmon roe, beaten up fine, and fried,
that is no bad _succedaneum_ for bread. They may, now and then, taste
real bread, or have a dish in which flour is an ingredient; but this
can only be an occasional luxury. If we except the juice of berries
which they sip at their meals, they have no other liquor besides pure
water; and it seems to be very happy for them that they have nothing
stronger.
As the island supplies them with food, so it does, in a great measure,
with clothing. This consists chiefly of skins, and is, perhaps, the
best they could have. The upper garment is made like our waggoner's
frock, and reaches as low as the knee. Besides this, they wear a
waistcoat or two, a pair of breeches, a fur cap, and a pair of boots,
the soles and upper leathers of which are of Russian leather, but the
legs are made of some kind of strong gut. Their two chiefs, Ismyoff
and Ivanovitch, wore each a calico frock, and they, as well as some
others, had shirts, which were of silk. These, perhaps, were the only
part of their dress not made amongst themselves.
There are Russians settled upon all the principal islands between
Oonalashka and Kamtschatka, for the sole purpose of collecting furs.
Their great object is the sea-beaver or otter. I never heard them
enquire after any other animal; though those, whose skins are of
inferior value, are also made part of their cargoes. I never thought
to ask how long they have had a settlement upon Oonalashka, and the
neighbouring isles; but to judge from the great subjection the natives
are under, this cannot be of a very late date.[14] All these furriers
are relieved, from time to time, by others. Those we met with arrived
here from Okotsk, in 1776, and are to return in 1781; so that their
stay at the island will be four years at least.[15]
[Footnote 14: The Russians began to frequent Oonalashka in 1762. See
_Coxe's Russian Discoveries_, ch. viii. p. 80.--D.]
[Footnote 15: Captain Cook says nothing of the condition of these
furriers, and probably indeed knew nothing of it. According to
Krusenstern, who cannot be supposed to seek for occasion to censure
his countrymen, it is wretched in the extreme. He himself admits that
his transcript, though softened down from his original notes made at
the time, will nevertheless expose him to the anger of a number of
persons for whom, in other respects, he entertains the highest regard.
But one may question if any of the accounts that have been given of
the African slave-trade produce greater horror than this modified
description occasions. The reader must not imagine that the physical
difficulties of the climate constitute the misery of these deluded
beings. These are certainly very formidable, and of themselves present
a sufficient barrier to the enjoyment of any thing bearing the shape
of comfort. But evils of another sort, arising from avarice and the
abuse of power, are so galling, as would induce a man "to fly from
even the most beautiful and the best-gifted country," if his
residence in it subjected him to their tyranny. The agents of the
Russian-American Company, as the reader will instantly divine, are
chargeable with the enormous barbarity and injustice to which these
remarks apply; and the fearless seaman does not scruple to expose
them to public indignation, in consequence. We shall communicate a
few particulars, referring those who desire more information on the
subject to the work itself. The persons who engage in the Company's
service, we are informed, are vagabonds and adventurers,--but not
criminals, be it remembered,--to whom the fabulous reports of the
state of affluence to be easily attained, which are industriously
circulated, operate as an incentive to sail to America in the
condition of Promiischleniks, a word originally signifying any who
carry on a trade, but here, as it is the only occupation, restricted
to those who collect furs. Their misery commences with their voyage,
which is generally performed in vessels so exceedingly crowded, that a
large proportion of the passengers are necessitated to sleep upon the
deck, which, in such a climate, it is obvious, must expose them to
almost certain disease and death. This last, indeed, is the most
desirable destiny they can experience, as those who have the
misfortune to survive are subjected to almost incalculable calamities
from the want of proper food and clothing, under the rigours of the
climate, and the still more relentless severity of their task-masters.
From the treatment which the sick receive, we may perhaps, with some
exercise of imagination, infer, what the mode of life must be,
of those whom superior force of constitution preserves in health.
Speaking of a particular case which he had an opportunity of
witnessing, Captain K. says, "We went to visit the sick, and it is
impossible for me to describe the shocking, the disgusting state in
which we found them; nearly all appeared to labour under incurable
scorbutic and venereal sores, although they had been ten months on
shore, and had enjoyed the assistance of the surgeon of St Peter and
St Paul. Even of this they were now about to be deprived, and on the
point of being removed, by a long and tedious navigation, to places
where they must either forego all surgical attendance, or obtain it
from people totally unskilled in the practice. I was curious to learn
on what food the sick were kept, and was shewn two casks of salt meat
destined for them. I requested to see a piece of it; but, on opening
the cask, so disgusting and pestilential a smell took possession
of the hold as compelled me instantly to quit it. Two tons of this
stinking salt meat, and some sacks of mouldy black biscuit, were the
only nourishing provisions on board for twenty invalids, for, to this
number, (out of seventy,) they actually amounted before the Maria (the
vessel they were on board) left St Peter and St Paul (for Kodiak)."
Was not the practice said to have been adopted at Jaffa by an
extraordinary character, to be esteemed for mercifulness in comparison
of this? Train oil and the flesh of the sea-lion, with a mixture of
rye-meal and water, form the choicest provisions of those who are
well, either on board a ship or on shore; these, it must be owned, are
quite suitable to the iron rule of the agent, under whom there can
be neither personal property nor individual security, because he is
subject to no law, and there are no courts of justice in Kodiak, or
any other of the company's possessions. Few of these wretched outcasts
ever again reach Russian ground, very few indeed attain the object
of their wishes (we dare not say hopes) to return to Europe. Disease,
disappointment, innumerable sufferings, continual drunkenness, the
only solace in which, for obvious reasons, they are indulged, bring
them speedily to the end of their unhappy existence, and leave a
vacant stage for the miseries of new victims. Should a remnant have
a more lengthened career, and having, by infinite pain and trouble,
amassed a little property, get back to Ochotsk, thinking to return
home and spend their days in comfort with their relatives, they are
beset by fresh and perhaps still more aggravated vexations. They
cannot leave that place, it seems, till they have closed accounts with
the agents, and, as this is frequently protracted, no doubt with
the most diabolical design, they become idle, spend what they had
acquired, run into debt, (for sufficient credit is allowed them),
and at last are necessitated to revert to their former slavery with
perhaps far less ability than formerly, and with no other expectation
of relief than what is afforded by the certainty of their dissolution.
It is impossible to contemplate this distressing picture a moment
longer. Let us leave it.--E.]
It is now time to give some account of the native inhabitants. To all
appearance, they are the most peaceable, inoffensive people, I ever
met with. And, as to honesty, they might serve as a pattern to the
most civilized nation upon earth. But, from what I saw of their
neighbours, with whom the Russians have no connection, I doubt whether
this was their original disposition, and rather think that it has been
the consequence of their present state of subjection. Indeed, if some
of our gentlemen did not misunderstand the Russians, they had been
obliged to make some severe examples, before they could bring the
islanders into any order. If there were severities inflicted at first,
the best apology for them is, that they have produced the happiest
consequences, and, at present, the greatest harmony subsists between
the two nations. The natives have their own chiefs in each island, and
seem to enjoy liberty and property unmolested. But whether or no they
are tributaries to the Russians, we could never find out. There was
some reason to think that they are.[16]
[Footnote 16: See the particulars of hostilities between the Russians
and the natives, in Coxe, as cited above.--D.
It will readily be inferred from what has already been mentioned of
the conduct of the Russian agents towards their own countrymen, that
the circumstance of the unfortunate islanders, who are also subjected
to their sway, cannot be very eligible. A single quotation from the
work referred to, will answer every purpose we can have in view in
alluding to them in this place. "The chief agent of the American
Company is the boundless despot over an extent of country, which,
comprising the Aleutic islands, stretches from 57 to 61 degrees
of latitude, and from 130 to 190 degrees of east longitude. The
population of the islanders annually decreasing, and the wretched
condition of the Russians living there, sufficiently proves, that,
from their first migration to these islands and to the American
coast, up to the present moment, the Company's possessions have been
entrusted to people, who were, indeed, zealous for its own advantage,
but frequently more so for that of a few subordinate agents." A
Lieutenant Davidoff, he gives us to understand, had collected some
very important notices respecting these possessions of the Company,
and had imparted to him a fragment of them relative to the
situation of the islanders and their conquerors. This however is
not communicated, apparently for a reason mentioned, viz. that this
officer proposed publishing on the subject when he returned to St
Petersburg; and that though unfortunately he lost his life in the
Neva before that took place, his manuscript, which was in the hands of
Admiral Schischkoff, will be printed by the Admiralty. We shall wonder
if it be so, concluding as to its contents from what is already made
known. Though it is possible, indeed, to imagine, that it may be made
use of as a testimony against the bad management and inhuman conduct
of the agents of the Company, in order to justify the interference of
the legislature in their concerns, which certainly appears to be much
wanted. Altogether, it is obvious then, that the statement of matters
which Captain Cook has given in the text, applies to a golden age,
in comparison of what we are assured was lately existing in these
regions. What changes have been wrought by the representations of
Krusenstern we have not heard.--E.]
These people are rather low of stature, but plump and well-shaped,
with rather short necks, swarthy chubby faces, black eyes, small
beards, and long, straight, black hair, which the men wear loose
behind and cut before, but the women tie up in a bunch.
Their dress has been occasionally mentioned. Both sexes wear the same
in fashion, the only difference is in the materials. The women's frock
is made of seal-skin, and that of the men, of the skins of birds, both
reaching below the knee. This is the whole dress of the women. But
over their frock, the men wear another made of gut, which resists
water, and has a hood to it, which draws over the head. Some of them
wear boots, and all of them have a kind of oval snouted cap, made of
wood, with a rim to admit the head. These caps are dyed with green and
other colours; and round the upper part of the rim are stuck the long
bristles of some sea-animal, on which are strung glass-beads, and on
the front is a small image or two made of bone.
They make use of no paint; but the women puncture their faces
slightly; and both men and women bore the under-lip, to which they
fix pieces of bone. But it is as uncommon, at Oonalashka, to see a man
with this ornament, as to see a woman without it. Some fix beads to
the upper-lip, under the nostrils; and all of them hang ornaments in
their ears.
Their food consists of fish, sea-animals, birds, roots, and berries,
and even of sea-weed. They dry large quantities of fish in summer,
which they lay up in small huts for winter use; and probably they
preserve roots and berries for the same time of scarcity. They eat
almost every thing raw. Boiling and broiling were the only methods of
cookery that I saw them make use of; and the first was probably learnt
from the Russians. Some have got little brass-kettles; and those who
have not, make one of a flat stone, with sides of clay, not unlike a
standing pye.
I was once present, when the chief of Oonalashka made his dinner of
the raw head of a large halibut, just caught. Before any was given
to the chief, two of his servants eat the gills, without any other
dressing, besides squeezing out the slime. This done, one of them cut
off the head of the fish, took it to the sea and washed it, then came
with it, and sat down by the chief, first pulling up some grass, upon
a part of which the head was laid, and the rest was strewed before the
chief. He then cut large pieces of the cheeks, and laid these
within the reach of the great man, who swallowed them with as much
satisfaction as we should do raw oysters. When he had done, the
remains of the head were cut in pieces, and given to the attendants,
who tore off the meat with their teeth, and gnawed the bones like so
many dogs.
As these people use no paint, they are not so dirty in their persons
as the savages who thus besmear themselves; but they are full as lousy
and filthy in their houses. Their method of building is as follows:
They dig in the ground an oblong square pit, the length of which
seldom exceeds fifty feet, and the breadth twenty; but in general the
dimensions are smaller. Over this excavation they form the roof of
wood which the sea throws ashore. This roof is covered first with
grass, and then with earth, so that the outward appearance is like a
dunghill. In the middle of the roof, toward each end, is left a square
opening, by which the light is admitted; one of these openings being
for this purpose only, and the other being also used to go in and out
by, with the help of a ladder, or rather a post, with steps cut in
it.[17] In some houses there is another entrance below; but this is
not common. Round the sides and ends of the huts, the families, (for
several are lodged together) have their separate apartments, where
they sleep, and sit at work, not upon benches, but in a kind of
concave trench, which is dug all round the inside of the house, and
covered with mats; so that this part is kept tolerably decent. But
the middle of the house, which is common to all the families, is
far otherwise. For, although it be covered with dry grass, it is a
receptacle for dirt of every kind, and the place for the urine trough;
the stench of which is not mended by raw hides, or leather being
almost continually steeped in it. Behind and over the trench, are
placed the few effects they are possessed of, such as their cloathing,
mats, and skins.
[Footnote 17: Mr Coxe's description of the habitations of the natives
of Oonalashka, and the other Fox Islands, in general, agrees with
Captain Cook's. See _Russian Discoveries_, p. 149. See also _Histoire
des differents Peuples soumis à la Domination des Russes_, par M.
Levesque, tom. i. p. 40, 41.--D.]
Their household furniture consists of bowls, spoons, buckets, piggins
or cans, matted-baskets, and perhaps a Russian kettle or pot. All
these utensils are very neatly made, and well formed; and yet we saw
no other tools among them but the knife and the hatchet, that is,
a small flat piece of iron, made like an adze, by fitting it into a
crooked wooden handle. These were the only instruments we met with
there made of iron. For although the Russians live amongst them, we
found much less of this metal in their possession, than we had met
with in the possession of other tribes on the American continent, who
had never seen, nor perhaps had any intercourse with, the Russians.
Probably a few beads, a little tobacco, and snuff, purchase all they
have to spare. There are few, if any of them, that do not both smoke
and chew tobacco, and take snuff; a luxury that bids fair to keep them
always poor.
They did not seem to wish for more iron, or to want any other
instruments, except sewing-needles, their own being made of bone. With
these they not only sew their canoes, and make their clothes, but
also very curious embroidery. Instead of thread they use the fibres
of sinews, which they split to the thickness which each sort of work
requires. All sewing is performed by the women. They are the tailors,
shoe-makers, and boat-builders, or boat-coverers; for the men, most
probably, construct the frame of wood over which the skins are sewed.
They make mats and baskets of grass, that are both beautiful and
strong. Indeed, there is a neatness and perfection in most of their
work, that shews they neither want ingenuity nor perseverance.
I saw not a fire-place in any one of their houses; they are lighted as
well as heated, by lamps, which are simple, and yet answer the purpose
very well. They are made of a flat stone, hollowed on one side like a
plate, and about the same size, or rather larger. In the hollow part
they put the oil, mixed with a little dry grass, which serves the
purpose of a wick. Both men and women frequently warm their bodies
over one of these lamps, by placing it between their legs, under their
garments, and sitting thus over it for a few minutes.
They produce fire both by collision and by attrition; the former by
striking two stones one against another, on one of which a good deal
of brimstone is first rubbed. The latter method is with two pieces of
wood; one of which is a stick of about eighteen inches in length, and
the other a flat piece. The pointed end of the slick they press upon
the other, whirling it nimbly round as a drill; thus producing fire in
a few minutes. This method is common in many parts of the world. It is
practised by the Kamtschadales, by these people, by the Greenlanders,
by the Brazilians, by the Otaheiteans, by the New Hollanders, and
probably by many other nations. Yet some learned and ingenious men
have founded an argument on this custom to prove, that this and that
nation are of the same extraction. But accidental agreements, in a few
particular instances, will not authorise such a conclusion; nor will
a disagreement, either in manners or customs, between two different
nations, of course, prove that they are of different extraction. I
could support this opinion by many instances besides the one just
mentioned.[18]
[Footnote 18: We formerly hazarded some observations, on this subject,
which may properly claim regard, if the concurrent opinion of Cook
be any commendation. It is rare with him to venture on theoretic
conjectures; but his truly excellent remarks, so indicative of candid
and unbiassed enquiry, may justly serve as the basis of very extensive
reasoning. His professional career, in short, may be considered as
a course of experimental investigations, from which there results a
system of philosophy of no ordinary interest or importance. Can one
help regretting, that he did not live, like Newton, to deduce the
legitimate consequences of his own discoveries? But, alas! how rapidly
are we now approaching to the last suggestions of his sagacious
mind!--E.]
No such thing as an offensive or even defensive weapon was seen
amongst the natives of Oonalashka. We cannot suppose that the Russians
found them in such a defenceless state; it is more probable that, for
their own security, they have disarmed them. Political reasons too
may have induced the Russians not to allow these islanders to have
any large canoes; for it is difficult to believe they had none such
originally, as we found them amongst all their neighbours. However,
we saw none here but one or two belonging to the Russians. The canoes
made use of by the natives are the smallest we had any where seen
upon the American coast, though built after the same manner, with some
little difference in the construction. The stern of these terminates
a little abruptly; the head is forked, the upper point of the fork
projecting without the under one, which is even with the surface
of the water. Why they should thus construct them is difficult to
conceive; for the fork is apt to catch hold of every thing that comes
in the way; to prevent which, they fix a piece of small stick from
point to point. In other respects, their canoes are built after the
manner of those used by the Greenlanders and Esquimaux; the framing
being of slender laths, and the covering of seal-skins. They are about
twelve feet long, a foot and a half broad in the middle, and twelve or
fourteen inches deep. Upon occasion, they can carry two persons; one
of whom is stretched at full length in the canoe, and the other sits
in the seat, or round hole, which is nearly in the middle. Round this
hole is a rim or hoop of wood, about which is sewed gut-skin, that can
be drawn together, or opened like a purse, with leathern thongs fitted
to the outer edge. The man seats himself in this place, draws the skin
tight round his body over his gut-frock, and brings the ends of the
thongs or purse-string, over the shoulder to keep it in its place.
The sleeves of his frock are tied tight round his wrists, and it being
close round his neck, and the hood drawn over his head, where it is
confined by his cap, water can scarcely penetrate either to his body,
or into the canoe. If any should, however, insinuate itself, the
boatman carries a piece of spunge, with which he dries it up. He uses
the double-bladed paddle, which is held with both hands in the middle,
striking the water with a quick regular motion, first on one side
and then on the other. By this means the canoe is impelled at a
great rate, and in a direction as straight as a line can be drawn. In
sailing from Egoochshak to Samganoodha, two or three canoes kept way
with the ship, though she was going at the rate of seven miles an
hour.
Their fishing and hunting implements lie ready upon the canoes, under
straps fixed for the purpose. They are all made, in great perfection,
of wood and bone, and differ very little from those used by the
Greenlanders, as they are described by Crantz. The only difference is
in the point of the missile dart, which, in some we saw here, is
not above an inch long; whereas Crantz says, that those of the
Greenlanders are a foot and a half in length. Indeed, these darts, as
well as some others of their instruments, are so curious, that they
deserve a particular description; but, as many of them were brought
away on board the ships, this can be done at any time, if thought
necessary. These people are very expert in striking fish, both in the
sea, and in rivers. They also make use of hooks and lines, nets and
wears. The hooks are composed of bone, and the lines of sinews.
The fishes which are common to other northern seas, are found here;
such as whales, grampusses, porpoises, swordfish, halibut, cod,
salmon, trout, seals, flat-fish; several other sorts of small fish;
and there may be many more that we had no opportunity of seeing.
Halibut and salmon seem to be in the greatest plenty, and on them the
inhabitants of these isles subsist chiefly; at least, they were the
only sort of fish, except a few cod, which we observed to be laid up
for their winter store. To the north of 60°, the sea is, in a manner,
destitute of small fish of every kind; but then whales are more
numerous.
Seals and that whole tribe of sea-animals, are not so numerous as
in many other seas. Nor can this be thought strange, since there is
hardly any part of the coast, on either continent, nor any of
the islands lying between them, that is not inhabited, and whose
inhabitants hunt these animals for their food and clothing. Sea-horses
are, indeed, in prodigious numbers about the ice; and the sea-otter
is, I believe, no where found but in this sea. We sometimes saw an
animal, with a head like a seal's, that blew after the manner of
whales. It was larger than a seal, and its colour was white, with some
dark spots. Probably this was the sea-cow, or _manati_.
I think I may venture to assert, that sea and water fowls are neither
in such numbers, nor in such variety, as with us in the northern parts
of the Atlantic Ocean. There are some, however, here, that I do
not remember to have seen any where else; particularly the _alca
monochroa_ of Steller, before mentioned; and a black and white duck,
which I conceive to be different from the stone-duck described by
Krascheninicoff.[19] All the other birds seen by us are mentioned by
this author, except some that we met with near the ice; and most, if
not all, of these, are described by Martin in his voyage to Greenland.
It is a little extraordinary, that penguins, which are common in many
parts of the world, should not be found in this sea. Albatrosses too
are so very scarce, that I cannot help thinking that this is not their
proper climate.
[Footnote 19: History of Kamtschatka. Eng. Trans. p. 160.]
The few land birds that we met with are the same with those in Europe;
but there may be many others which we had no opportunity of knowing. A
very beautiful bird was shot in the woods at Norton Sound, which, I
am told, is sometimes found in England, and known by the name of
Chatterer. Our people met with other small birds there, but in no
great variety and abundance; such as the wood pecker, the bullfinch,
the yellow finch, and a small bird called a tit-mouse.
As our excursions and observations were confined wholly to the
sea-coast, it is not to be expected, that we could know much of the
animals or vegetables of the country. Except musquitoes, there are
few other insects; nor reptiles, that I saw, but lizards. There are no
deer upon Oonalashka, or upon any other of the islands. Nor have they
any domestic animals, not even dogs. Foxes and weasels were the only
quadrupeds we saw; but they told us, that they had hares also, and
the _marmottas_ mentioned by Krascheninicoff.[20] Hence it is evident,
that the sea and rivers supply the greatest share of food to the
inhabitants. They are also obliged to the sea for all the wood made
use of for building, and other necessary purposes; for not a stick
grows upon any of the islands, nor upon the adjacent coast of the
continent.
[Footnote 20: History of Kamtschatka, p. 99.]
The learned tell us, that the seeds of plants are, by various means,
conveyed from one part of the world to another, even to islands in the
midst of great oceans, and far remote from any other land. How comes
it to pass, that there are no trees growing on this part of the
continent of America, nor any of the islands lying near it? They are
certainly as well situated for receiving seeds, by all the various
ways I have heard of, as any of those coasts are that abound in wood.
May not nature have denied to some soil the power of raising trees,
without the assistance of art? As to the drift-wood upon the shores of
the islands, I have no doubt that it comes from America. For although
there may be none on the neighbouring coast, enough may grow farther
up the country, which torrents in the spring may break loose, and
bring down to the sea. And not a little may be conveyed from the woody
coasts, though they lie at a greater distance.[21]
[Footnote 21: More extensive observations than what Cook's time
allowed him to make, would be requisite to determine the questions
which he has just now started. Besides, it is fair to remark, that
there is some reason for demurring at one of the premises, with which
he sets out, viz. that the islands, he speaks of, are as well situate
for receiving seeds, as any of the coasts are that abound in wood.
At least, before admitting it, we ought to be assured of the equal
vicinity of sources from which these seeds might be received, the
predominance or occasional alteration of currents fit for their
conveyance, &c. On the other hand, what is conjectured about the
variety of soils, is so obvious, as to need no pointing out. With
respect to the drift-wood, it may be right to state, by way of
corroborating a supposition hazarded by Cook, that there is reason to
believe, that much of the internal parts of North America, and even
the declivities, though not the summits of most of the high ranges of
mountains traversing it, either have been, or are, well covered
with trees. Here, it is worth while to allude to a very singular
circumstance mentioned in the account of Lewis and Clarke's Travels to
the Source of the Missouri, &c. viz. that a great number of the trunks
of trees of the pine genus were found standing erect, and with their
roots fixed, but in a state of decay, in the bottom of the Columbia
river, on the west coast. It is difficult to explain this, but on the
supposition of some considerable change in the course of the river;
and it is sufficiently obvious, that such changes, which we know have
often occurred elsewhere, might soon occasion the removal of trees
from their original situation to any distance. We cannot spare time or
room to carry on the investigation of the subject; but no reader
can be at a loss to estimate the probable results of the fact now
mentioned. To some persons, however, it may be necessary to mention,
that the Missouri itself is a striking instance of both changeability
of course, and a corresponding operation in transporting trees, &c.;
the latter circumstance being apparently both the cause and the effect
of the former. Thus we are informed in the work already referred
to, that at the place where the party embarked on the last-mentioned
river, its current, which was extremely rapid, brought down great
quantities of drift-wood, that its bottom was full of logs of trees,
and that the course of the water was frequently varying from the
effects of sand-bars, &c. of its own formation. For an obvious reason,
it is to be wished, that Cook had mentioned to what species of trees
the drift-wood he found had belonged. How rarely are even intelligent
persons quite aware of the importance of the facts which are presented
to them; and how much has been lost, or which is, in fact, the same
thing, not gained to science, in consequence of the carelessness with
which they have been examined!--E.]
There are a greater variety of plants at Oonalashka, and most of them
were in flower the latter end of June. Several of them are such as
we find in Europe, and in other parts of America, particularly
in Newfoundland; and others of them, which are also met with in
Kamtschatka, are eat by the natives both there and here. Of these,
Krascheninicoff has given us descriptions. The principal one is the
_saranne_, or lily root, which is about the size of a root of garlic,
round, made up of a number of small cloves, and grains like
groats. When boiled, it is somewhat like saloop; the taste is not
disagreeable, and we found means to make some good dishes with it. It
does not seem to be in great plenty; for we got none but what Ismyloff
gave us. We must reckon amongst the food of the natives, some other
wild roots; the stalk of a plant resembling _angelica_, and berries
of several different sorts; such as bramble-berries, cran-berries,
hurtle-berries, heath-berries, a small red berry, which, in
Newfoundland, is called partridge-berry, and another brown berry,
unknown to us. This has somewhat of the taste of a sloe, but is unlike
it in every other respect. It is very astringent, if eaten in any
quantity. Brandy might be distilled from it. Captain Clerke attempted
to preserve some; but they fermented, and became as strong as if they
had been steeped in spirits.
There were a few other plants, which we found serviceable, but are
not made use of by either Russians or natives. Such as wild purslain,
pea-tops, a kind of scurvy-grass, cresses, and some others. All these
we found very palatable, dressed either in soups or in sallads. On the
low ground, and in the vallies, is plenty of grass, which grows very
thick, and to a great length. I am of opinion, that cattle might
subsist at Oonalashka all the year round, without being housed. And
the soil, in many places, seemed capable of producing grain, roots,
and vegetables. But, at present, the Russian traders, and the natives,
seem satisfied with what nature brings forth.
Native sulphur was seen amongst the inhabitants of the island; but I
had no opportunity of learning where they got it. We found also ochre,
a stone that gives a purple colour, and another that gives a very good
green. It may be doubted, whether this last is known. In its natural
state, it is of a greyish green colour, coarse and heavy. It easily
dissolves in oil; but when put into water it entirely loses its
properties. It seemed to be scarce in Oonalashka; but we were told,
that it was in greater plenty on the island Oonemak. As to the
stones about the shore and hills, I saw nothing in them that was
uncommon.[22]
[Footnote 22: Very probably the stone that gave a green colour was
an ore of copper; but the scanty description renders it difficult to
ascertain the species. The other, which is said to have given a purple
colour, may also have contained the same metal.--E.]
The people of Oonalashka bury their dead on the summits of hills, and
raise a little hillock over the grave. In a walk into the country,
one of the natives, who attended me, pointed out several of these
receptacles of the dead. There was one of them, by the side of the
road leading from the harbour to the village, over which was raised a
heap of stones. It was observed, that every one who passed it, added
one to it. I saw in the country several stone-hillocks, that seemed
to have been raised by art. Many of them were apparently of great
antiquity.
What their notions are of the Deity, and of a future state, I know
not. I am equally unacquainted with their diversions; nothing having
been seen that could give us an insight into either.
They are remarkably cheerful and friendly amongst each other, and
always behaved with great civility to us. The Russians told us, that
they never had any connections with their women, because they were not
Christians. Our people were not so scrupulous; and some of them had
reason to repent that the females of Oonalashka encouraged their
addresses without any reserve; for their health suffered by a
distemper that is not unknown here. The natives of this island are
also subject to the cancer, or a complaint like it, which those
whom it attacks are very careful to conceal. They do not seem to
be long-lived. I no where saw a person, man or woman, whom I could
suppose to be sixty years of age; and but very few who appeared to
be above fifty. Probably their hard way of living may be the means of
shortening their days.
I have frequently had occasion to mention, from the time of our
arrival in Prince William's Sound, how remarkably the natives, on this
north-west side of America, resemble the Greenlanders and Esquimaux,
in various particulars of person, dress, weapons, canoes, and the
like. However, I was much less struck with this, than with the
affinity which we found subsisting between the dialects of the
Greenlanders and Esquimaux, and those of Norton's Sound and
Oonalashka. This will appear from a table of corresponding words which
I put together.
It must he observed, however, with regard to the words which we
collected on this side of America, that too much stress is not to be
laid upon their being accurately represented; for, after Mr Anderson's
death, we had few who took much pains about such matters; and I have
frequently found, that the same words written down by two or more
persons, from the mouth of the same native, on being compared
together, differed not a little. But still, enough is certain, to
warrant this judgment, that there is great reason to believe, that
all these nations are of the same extraction; and if so, there can be
little doubt of there being a northern communication of some sort,
by sea, between this west side of America and the east side, through
Baffin's Bay, which communication, however, may be effectually shut
up against ships by ice, and other impediments. Such, at least, was my
opinion at this time.[23]
[Footnote 23: This subject has been alluded to in the Introduction,
and will in all probability receive consideration in the course of
this Collection. It is unnecessary, therefore, to enter upon it in
this place. We shall merely mention a few particulars. The west coast
of Greenland has not been explored beyond 72° latitude. Little or
nothing, that can be relied on, is known concerning the sea of Davis
or Baffin's Bay; the latter, indeed, being generally considered as
imaginary, and having no other evidence for its existence, than the
assertions, of a man conceived unworthy of credit. The whole distance
from the coast of that bay, as commonly laid down, to the point where
Hearne saw the sea, viz. in 69° latitude, being about sixty degrees
of longitude, is totally unknown. The same thing is to be said of
both the space betwixt the last mentioned spot, and that at which
Mackenzie's river is conceived to enter, which is denominated the
Arctic Sea, amounting to upwards of twenty degrees more, and also
of about an equal space betwixt this last position and Icy Cape, the
highest point at which Captain Cook arrived in this voyage. If any
passage do exist, it is certain, that it must be beyond 69° latitude,
as high as which, it has been indubitably proved by the labours of
Cook, Mackenzie, and Hearne, that the continent of America is unbroken
by any navigable passage from sea to sea. Above that latitude, it
is not only possible, but also even probable, that the Arctic Sea,
supposing it to be the same which Mackenzie and Hearne saw, and that
it is equally low down, or nearly so, throughout the other spaces
alluded to, may, in some peculiarly mild seasons, admit the passage
of canoes, if not of larger vessels. The circumstance of a much higher
latitude having been actually navigated in the Atlantic Ocean, might
seem to warrant such an opinion, and would, of course, justify some
renewed attempts in such an enterprise, were it not, that it has been
proved by the present voyage, that the ice extends lower down in the
Pacific Ocean, and that there is no small reason to believe, that
Greenland forms an integral part of the American continent. Still,
however, in every view of the subject, there does appear encouragement
to make some experiments of the nature of Hearne's and Mackenzie's,
particularly towards the east of the track explored by the former; and
it is even extremely probable, that some marine co-operation in the
direction of both Hudson's Bay and Davis' Strait, would facilitate and
secure some discovery of more utility, than a mere improvement of our
maps. But it is improper to disburden imagination on such a subject in
this place.--E.]
I shall now quit these northern regions, with a few particulars
relative to the tides and currents upon the coast, and an account of
the astronomical observations made by us in Samganoodha harbour.
The tide is no where considerable but in the great river.[24]
[Footnote 24: Cook's River.]
The flood comes from the south or south-east, every where following
the direction of the coast to the north-westward. Between Norton
Sound and Cape Prince of Wales, we found a current setting to the
north-west, particularly off the cape and within Sledge Island. But
this current extended only a little way from the coast, nor was it
either consistent or uniform. To the north of Cape Prince of Wales,
we found neither tide nor current, either on the American or on the
Asiatic coast, though several times looked for. This gave rise to an
opinion entertained by some on board our ships, that the two coasts
were connected, either by land or by ice; which opinion received some
strength, by our never having any hollow waves from the north, and by
our seeing ice almost the whole way across.
The following are the results of the several observations made ashore,
during our stay in the harbour of Samganoodha.
The latitude, by the mean of several observed
meridian altitudes of the sun, 53° 5' 0"
By the mean of 20 sets \
of lunar observations, } 193 47 45
/ with the sun east of the }
The longitude { moon /
\By the mean of 14 sets, \
with the sun and stars } 193 11 45
west of the moon /
-------------
The mean of these 193 29 45
The longitude assumed 193 30 0
By the mean of equal altitudes of the sun,
taken on the 12th, 14th, 17th, and 21st,
the time-keeper was found to be losing
on mean time 8", 8 each day; and, on
the last of these days, was too slow for
mean time 13^h 46^m 43^s, 98. Hence the
time-keeper must have been too slow on
the 4th, the day after our arrival, by 13^h
44^m 26^s, 62; and the longitude, by Greenwich
rate, will be 13^h 23^m 53^s, 8 200 58 27
By King George's (or Nootka) Sound rate,
12^h 56^m 40^s, 4 194 10 6
The 30th of June, the time-keeper, by the
same rate, gave 193 12 0
The error of the time-keeper, at that time,
was 0 18 0 W.
At this time, its error was 0 39 54 E.
The error of the time-keeper, between our
leaving Samganoodha, and our return to
it again, was 0 57 54
On the 12th of October, the variation /A.M. 20° 17' 2"\ Mean 19° 59'
By the mean of three compasses, \P.M. 19 41' 27 / 15" East.
Dip of the needle / Unmarked end \Dipping, /68° 45'\ Face / 69° 30'
\ Marked end / face East \69 55 / West \ 69 17
Mean of the dip of the north end of the needle 62° 23' 30".
SECTION XII.
_Departure from Oonalashka, and future Views,--The Island
Amoghta.--Situation of a remarkable Rock.--The Strait between
Oonalashka and Oonella repassed.--Progress to the South.--Melancholy
Accident on board the Discovery.--Mowee, one of the Sandwich
Islands, discovered.--Intercourse with the Natives.--Visit from
Terreeoboo.--Another Island, called Owhyhee, discovered.--The
Ships ply to windward to get round it.--An Eclipse of the Moon
observed.--The Crew refuse to drink Sugar-cane Beer.--Cordage
deficient in Strength.--Commendation of the Natives of Owhyhee.--The
Resolution gets to Windward of the Island.--Her Progress down
the South-East Coast.--Views of the Country, and Visits from the
Natives.--The Discovery joins.--Slow Progress Westward.--Karakakooa
Bay examined by Mr Bligh.--Vast Concourse of the Natives.--The Ships
anchor in the Bay._
In the morning of Monday the 26th, we put to sea from Samganoodha
harbour; and, as the wind was southerly, stood away to the westward.
My intention was now to proceed to Sandwich Islands, there to spend
a few of the winter months, in case we should meet with the necessary
refreshments, and then to direct our course to Kamtschatka, so as to
endeavour to be there by the middle of May, the ensuing summer. In
consequence of this resolution, I gave Captain Clerke orders how to
proceed, in case of separation; appointing Sandwich Islands for the
first place of rendezvous, and the harbour of Petropaulowska, in
Kamtschatka, for the second.
Soon after we were out of the harbour, the wind veered to the S.E. and
E.S.E., which, by the evening, carried us as far as the western part
of Oonalashka, where we got the wind at S. With this we stretched to
the westward, till seven o'clock the next morning, when we wore, and
stood to the E. The wind, by this time, had increased in such a manner
as to reduce us to our three courses. It blew in very heavy squalls,
attended with rain, hail, and snow.
At nine o'clock in the morning of the 28th, the island of Oonalashka
bore S.E., four leagues distant. We then wore and stood to the
westward. The strength of the gale was now over, and toward evening
the little wind that blew insensibly veered round to the E., where it
continued but a short time before it got to N.E., and increased to a
very hard gale with rain. I steered first to the southward, and as the
wind inclined to the N. and N.W., I steered more westerly.
On the 29th, at half past six in the morning, we saw land extending
from E. by S. to S. by W., supposed to be the island Amoghta. At
eight, finding that we could not weather the island, as the wind had
now veered, to the westward, I gave over plying, and bore away for
Oonalashka, with a view of going to the northward and eastward of that
island, not daring to attempt a passage to the S.E. of it, in so hard
a gale of wind. At the time we bore away, the land extended from E.
by S. 1/2 S. to S.S.W., four leagues distant. The longitude by the
time-keeper was 191° 17', and the latitude 53° 38'. This will give a
very different situation to this island from that assigned to it upon
the Russian map. But it must be remembered, that this is one of the
islands which Mr Ismyloff said was wrong placed. Indeed, it is a doubt
if this be Amoghta;[1] for after Ismyloff had made the correction, no
land appeared upon the map in this latitude; but, as I have observed
before, we must not look for accuracy in this chart.
[Footnote 1: On the chart of Krenitzen's and Levasheff's voyage in
1768 and 1769, which we find in Mr Coxe's book, p. 251, an island
called Amuckta, is laid down, not very far from the place assigned to
Amoghta by Captain Cook.--D.]
At eleven o'clock, as we were steering to the N.E., we discovered
an elevated rock, like a tower, bearing N.N.E. 1/2 E., four leagues
distant. It lies in the latitude of 53° 57', and in the longitude of
191° 2', and hath no place in the Russian map.[2] We must have passed
very near it in the night. We could judge of its steepness from this
circumstance, that the sea, which now run very high, broke no where
but against it. At three in the afternoon, after getting a sight of
Oonalashka, we shortened sail, and hauled the wind, not having time to
get through the passage before night. At day-break the next morning,
we bore away under courses, and close-reefed top-sails, having a very
hard gale at W.N.W., with heavy squalls, attended with snow. At noon,
we were in the middle of the Strait, between Oonalashka, and Oonella,
the harbour of Samganoodha bearing S.S.E., one league distant. At
three in the afternoon, being through the Strait, and clear of the
isles, Cape Providence bearing W.S.W., two or three leagues distant,
we steered to the southward, under double-reefed top-sails and
courses, with the wind at W.N.W., a strong gale, and fair weather.
[Footnote 2: Though this rock had no place in the Russian map
produced by Ismyloff, it has a place in the chart of Krenitzen's and
Levasheff's voyage above referred to. That chart also agrees with
Captain Cook's, as to the general position of this group of islands.
The singularly indented shores of the island of Oonalashka are
represented in both charts much alike. These circumstances are worth
attending to, as the more modern Russian maps of this Archipelago are
so wonderfully erroneous.--D.]
On Monday, the 2d of November, the wind veered to the southward; and,
before night, blew a violent storm, which obliged us to bring to. The
Discovery fired several guns, which we answered; but without knowing
on what occasion they were fired. At eight o'clock, we lost sight of
her, and did not see her again till eight the next morning. At ten,
she joined us; and, as the height of the gale was now over, and the
wind had veered back to W.N.W., we made sail, and resumed our course
to the southward.
The 6th, in the evening, being in the latitude of 42° 12', and in the
longitude of 201° 26'", the variation was 17° 15' E. The next morning,
our latitude being 41° 20', and our longitude 202°, a shag, or
cormorant, flew several times round the ship. As these birds are
seldom, if ever, known to fly far out of sight of land, I judged
that some was not far distant. However, we could see none. In the
afternoon, there being but little wind, Captain Clerke came on board,
and informed me of a melancholy accident that happened on board his
ship, the second night after we left Samganoodha. The main tack gave
way, killed one man, and wounded the boatswain, and two or three more.
In addition to this misfortune, I now learned, that, on the evening of
the 2d, his sails and rigging received considerable damage; and that
the guns which he fired were the signal to bring to.'
On the 8th, the wind was at N.; a gentle breeze with clear weather. On
the 9th, in the latitude of 39-1/2°, we had eight hours calm. This
was succeeded by the wind from, the S., attended with fair weather.
Availing ourselves of this, as many of our people as could handle a
needle, were set to work to repair the sails; and the carpenters were
employed to put the boats in order.
On the 12th at noon, being then in the latitude of 38° 14', and in the
longitude of 206° 17', the wind returned back to the northward; and,
on the 15th, in the latitude of 33° 30', it veered to the E. At this
time, we saw a tropic-bird, and a dolphin, the first that we had
observed during the passage. On the 17th, the wind veered to the
southward, where it continued till the afternoon of the 19th, when a
squall of wind and rain brought it at once round by the W. to the N.
This was in the latitude of 32° 26', and in the longitude of 207° 30'.
The wind presently increased to a very strong gale, attended with
rain, so as to bring us under double-reefed top-sails. In lowering
down the main top-sail to reef it, the wind tore it quite out of the
foot rope, and it was split in several other parts. This sail had only
been brought to the yard the day before, after having had a repair.
The next morning we got another top-sail to the yard. This gale proved
to be the forerunner of the trade-wind, which, in, latitude 25°,
veered to E. and E.S.E.
I continued to steer to the southward till day-light in the morning
of the 25th, at which time we were in the latitude of 20° 55'. I now
spread the ships, and steered to the W. In the evening we joined,
and at midnight brought-to. At day-break, next morning, land was seen
extending from S.S.E. to W. We made sail, and stood for it. At eight,
it extended from S.E. 1/2 S. to W., the nearest part two leagues
distant. It was supposed that we saw the extent of the land to the
east, but not to the west. We were now satisfied, that the group of
the Sandwich Islands had been only imperfectly discovered; as those
of them which we had visited in our progress northward, all lie to the
leeward of our present station.
In the country was an elevated saddle hill, whose summit appeared
above the clouds. From this hill, the land fell in a gentle slope, and
terminated in a steep rocky coast, against which the sea broke in a
dreadful surf. Finding that we could not weather the island, I bore
up, and ranged along the coast to the westward. It was not long before
we saw people on several parts of the shore, and some houses and
plantations. The country seemed to be both well wooded and watered,
and running streams were seen falling into the sea in various places.
As it was of the last importance to procure a supply of provisions at
these islands; and experience having taught me that I could have no
chance to succeed in this if a free trade with the natives were to be
allowed; that is, if it were left to every man's discretion to
trade for what he pleased, and in the manner he pleased; for this
substantial reason, I now published an order, prohibiting all persons
from trading, except such as should be appointed by me and Captain
Clerke; and even these were enjoined to trade only for provisions and
refreshments. Women were also forbidden to be admitted into the ships,
except under certain restrictions. But the evil I meant to prevent by
this regulation, I soon found, had already got amongst them.
At noon, the coast extended from S., 81° E., to N. 56° W.; a low flat,
like an isthmus, bore S., 42° W.; the nearest shore three or four
miles distant; the latitude was 20° 59', and the longitude 203° 50'.
Seeing some canoes coming off to us, I brought-to. As soon as they got
alongside, many of the people, who conducted them, came into the ship,
without the least hesitation. We found them to be of the same nation
with the inhabitants of the islands more to leeward, which we had
already visited; and, if we did not mistake them, they knew of our
having been there. Indeed, it rather appeared too evident; for these
people had got amongst them, the venereal distemper; and, as yet, I
knew of no other way of its reaching them but by an intercourse with
their neighbours since our leaving them.
We got from our visitors a quantity of cuttle-fish for nails and
pieces of iron. They brought very little fruit and roots; but told us
that they had plenty or them on their island, as also hogs and fowls.
In the evening, the horizon being clear to the westward, we judged
the westernmost land in sight to be an island, separated from that off
which we now were. Having no doubt that the people would return to the
ships next day, with the produce of their country, I kept plying off
all night, and in the morning stood close in shore. At first, only a
few of the natives visited us; but, toward noon, we had the company
of a good many, who brought with them bread-fruit, potatoes, tarro,
or eddy roots, a few plantains, and small pigs; all of which they
exchanged for nails and iron tools. Indeed, we had nothing else to
give them. We continued trading with, them till four o'clock in the
afternoon, when, having disposed of all their cargoes, and not seeming
inclined to fetch more, we made sail, and stood off shore.
While we were lying-to, though the wind blew fresh, I observed that
the ships drifted to the east, consequently there must have been
a current setting in that direction. This encouraged me to ply to
windward, with a view to get round the east end of the island, and so
have the whole lee-side before us. In the afternoon of the 30th, being
off the N.E. end of the island, several canoes came off to the ships.
Most of these belonged to a chief, named Terreeoboo, who came in one
of them. He made me a present of two or three small pigs; and we got,
by barter, from the other people, a little fruit. After a stay
of about two hours they all left us, except six or eight of their
company, who chose to remain on board. A double-sailing canoe came
soon after to attend upon them, which we towed astern all night.
In the evening, we discovered another island to windward, which the
natives call _Owhyhee_. The name of that, off which we had been for
some days, we were also told is _Mowee_.
On the 1st of December, at eight in the morning, Owhyhee extended from
S., 22' E, to S. 12° W.; and Mowee from N. 41° to N. 83° W. Finding
that we could fetch Owhyhee, I stood for it; and our visitors from
Mowee not choosing to accompany us, embarked in their canoe, and went
ashore. At seven in the evening, we were close up with the north side
of Owhyhee; where we spent the night, standing off and on.
In the morning of the 2d, we were surprised to see the summits of the
mountains on Owhyhee covered with snow. They did not appear to be of
any extraordinary height; and yet, in some places, the snow seemed to
be of a considerable depth, and to have lain there some time. As we
drew near the shore, some of the natives came off to us. They were a
little shy at first; but we soon enticed some of them on board; and at
last prevailed upon them to return to the island, and bring off what
we wanted. Soon after they reached the shore, we had company enough;
and few coming empty-handed, we got a tolerable supply of small pigs,
fruit, and roots. We continued trading with them till six in the
evening; when we made sail, and stood off, with a view of plying to
windward round the island.
In the evening of the 4th, we observed an eclipse of the moon. Mr King
made use of a night-telescope, a circular aperture being placed at
the object end, about one-third of the size of the common aperture.
I observed with the telescope of one of Ramsden's sextants; which, I
think, answers this purpose as well as any other. The following times
are the means, as observed by us both:
Longitude.
6^h 3' 25" beginning of the eclipse 204° 40' 45"
8 27 25 end of the eclipse 204 25 15
------------
Mean 204 35 0
The _penumbra_ was visible at least ten minutes before the beginning
and after the end of the eclipse. I measured the uneclipsed part of
the moon with one of Ramsden's sextants, several times before, at, and
after the middle of the eclipse; but did not get the middle so near
as might have been effected by this method. Indeed, these observations
were made only as an experiment, without aiming at much nicety. I also
measured mostly one way; whereas I ought to have brought alternately
the reflected and direct images on contrary sides with respect to each
other; reading the numbers off the quadrant, in one case, to the left
of the beginning of the divisions; and, in the other case, to the
right hand of the same. It is evident, that half the sum of these two
numbers must be the true measurement, independent of the error of the
quadrant; and this is the method that I would recommend.
But I am well assured, that it might have been observed much nearer;
and that this method maybe useful when neither the beginning nor end
of an eclipse can be observed, which may often happen.
Immediately after the eclipse was over, we observed the distance of
each limb of the moon from _Pollux_ and _alpha Arietis_; the one being
to the east, and the other to the west. An opportunity to observe,
under all these circumstances, seldom happens; but when it does, it
ought not to be omitted; as, in this case, the local errors to which
these observations are liable, destroy each other; which, in all other
cases, would require the observations of a whole moon. The following
are the results of these observations:
Myself with / _a Arietis_ - 204° 22' 07" \ mean 204° 21' 5"
\ _Pollux_ - 204 20 4 /
Mr King with / _a Arietis_ - 204 27 45 \ mean 204 18 29
\ _Pollux_ - 204 9 12 /
-----------
Mean of the two means 204 19 47
The time-keeper, at 4^h 30', to which time all the \ 204 04 45
lunar observations are reduced /
The current which I have mentioned, as setting to the eastward, had
now ceased; for we gained but little by plying. On the 6th, in the
evening, being about five leagues farther up the coast, and near the
shore, we had some traffic with the natives. But, as it had furnished
only a trifling supply, I stood in again next morning, when we had
a considerable number of visitors; and we lay-to, trading with them,
till two in the afternoon. By that time, we had procured pork, fruit,
and roots, sufficient for four or five days. We then made sail, and
continued to ply to windward.
Having procured a quantity of sugar-cane; and having, upon a trial,
made but a few days before, found, that a strong decoction of it
produced a very palatable beer, I ordered some more to be brewed for
our general use. But when the cask was now broached, not one of my
crew-would even so much as taste it. As I had no motive in preparing
this beverage, but to save our spirit for a colder climate, I gave
myself no trouble, either by exerting authority, or by having recourse
to persuasion, to prevail upon them to drink it; knowing that there
was no danger of the scurvy, so long as we could get a plentiful
supply of other vegetables. But, that I might not be disappointed in
my views, I gave orders that no grog should be served in either ship.
I myself, and the officers, continued to make use of the sugar-cane
beer whenever we could get materials for brewing it. A few hops, of
which we had some on board, improved it much. It has the taste of
new malt beer; and I believe no one will doubt of its being very
wholesome. And yet my inconsiderate crew alleged that it was injurious
to their health.
They had no better reason to support a resolution, which they took on
our first arrival in King George's Sound, not to drink the spruce-beer
made there. But, whether from a consideration that it was not the
first time of their being required to use that liquor, or from some
other reason, they did not attempt to carry their purpose into actual
execution; and I had never heard of it till now, when they renewed
their ignorant opposition to my best endeavours to serve them. Every
innovation whatever on board a ship, though ever so much to
the advantage of seamen, is sure to meet with their highest
disapprobation. Both portable soup, and sour krout, were, at first,
condemned as stuff unfit for human beings. Few commanders have
introduced into their ships more novelties, as useful varieties of
food and drink, than I have done. Indeed, few commanders have had the
same opportunities of trying such experiments, or been driven to
the same necessity of trying them. It has, however, been, in a great
measure, owing to various little deviations from established practice,
that I have been able to preserve my people, generally speaking, from
that dreadful distemper, the scurvy, which has, perhaps, destroyed
more of our sailors, in their peaceful voyages, than have fallen by
the enemy in military expeditions.[3]
[Footnote 3: So much for the effect of ignorance and prejudice. One
requires the strong evidence of such a careful observer as Captain
Cook to be convinced of their existence, in such intense degree, among
a set of people, accustomed, from the nature of their profession, to
witness the vast variety of different manners and modes of life in
different countries; though every notion we could form of their habits
and tempers might lead us to infer _a priori_, the obstinacy with
which they would resist any innovation on their established practices.
Probably, however, when left to themselves, they readily enough fall
in with changes; and hence it may often be more judicious to put
temptations in their way, in order to obtain a salutary purpose, than
to recommend or enforce it as conducive to their welfare. It is easy
to understand, on the common principles of human nature, that the
former method will generally prove most efficient; whereas the
latter, because it implies a kind of restraint, will, consequently, be
disliked, and opposed or evaded. Sailors, on the whole, perhaps, bear
the greatest resemblance to children of any of the full-grown species.
It is of some consequence to know how to treat them as such. A little
coaxing and flattery is a very necessary ingredient in any thing
intended for them; and often it may be extremely politic to seem to
refuse, or to be averse to give them what we are at the same time
really anxious they should have. But it is easy to prescribe in such
cases!--E.]
I kept at some distance from the coast, till the 13th, when I stood
in again, six leagues farther to windward than we had as yet reached;
and, after having some trade with the natives who visited us, returned
to sea. I should have got near the shore again on the 15th, for a
supply of fruit or roots, but the wind happening to be at S.E. by S.,
and S.S.E., I thought this a good time to stretch to the eastward, in
order to get round, or, at least, to get a sight of the S.E. end of
the island. The wind continued at S.E. by S., most part of the 16th.
It was variable between S. and E, on the 17th; and on the 18th, it was
continually veering from one quarter to another; blowing, sometimes,
in hard squalls, and, at other times, calm, with thunder, lightning,
and rain. In the afternoon, we had the wind westerly for a few
hours; but in the evening it shifted to E. by S., and we stood to the
southward, close hauled, under an easy sail, as the Discovery was at
some distance astern. At this time the S.E. point of the island bore
S.W. by S., about five leagues distant; and I made no doubt that I
should be able to weather it. But at one o'clock, next morning, it
fell calm, and we were left to the mercy of a north-easterly swell,
which impelled us fast towards the land; so that, long before
day-break, we saw lights upon the shore, which was not more than a
league distant. The night was dark, with thunder, lightning, and rain.
At three o'clock, the calm was succeeded by a breeze from the S.E. by
E., blowing in squalls, with rain. We stood to the N.E., thinking it
the best tack to clear the coast; but, if it had been day-light,
we should have chosen the other. At day-break, the coast was seen
extending from N. by W., to S.W. by W.; a dreadful surf breaking
upon the shore, which was not more than half a league distant. It was
evident that we had been in the most imminent danger. Nor were we yet
in safety, the wind veering more easterly; so that, for some time, we
did but just keep our distance from the coast. What made our situation
more alarming, was the leach-rope of the main top-sail giving way,
which was the occasion of the sail's being rent in two; and the two
top-gallant sails gave way in the same manner, though not half worn
out. By taking a favourable opportunity, we soon got others to the
yards, and then we left the land astern. The Discovery, by being at
some distance to the north, was never near the land, nor did we see
her till eight o'clock.
On this occasion, I cannot help observing, that I have always found,
that the bolt-ropes to our sails have not been of sufficient strength
or substance. This at different times, has been the source of infinite
trouble and vexation, and of much expence of canvas, ruined by their
giving way. I wish also, that I did not think there is room for
remarking, that the cordage and canvas, and, indeed, all the other
stores made use of in the navy, are not of equal goodness with those,
in general, used in the merchant service.
It seems to be a very prevalent opinion, amongst naval officers of all
ranks, that the king's stores are better than any others, and that no
ships are so well fitted out as those of the navy. Undoubtedly they
are in the right, as to the quantity; but, I fear, not as to the
quality of the stores. This, indeed, is seldom tried; for things are
generally condemned, or converted to some other use, by such time as
they are half worn out. It is only on such voyages as ours, that we
have an opportunity of making the trial, as our situation makes it
necessary to wear every thing to the very utmost.[4]
[Footnote 4: Captain Cook may, in part, be right in his comparison of
some cordage used in the king's service, with what is used in that
of the merchants; especially in time of war, when part of the cordage
wanted in the navy is, from necessity, made by contract. But it is
well known, that there is no better cordage than what is made in the
king's yards. This explanation of the preceding paragraph has been
subjoined, on the authority of a naval officer of distinguished rank,
and great professional ability, who has, at the same time, recommended
it as a necessary precaution, that ships fitted out on voyages of
discovery, should be furnished with no cordage, but what is made in
the king's yards; and, indeed, that every article of their store, of
every kind, should be the best that can be made.--D.]
As soon as day-light appeared, the natives ashore displayed a white
flag, which we conceived to be a signal of peace and friendship. Some
of them ventured out after us; but the wind freshening, and it not
being safe to wait, they were soon left astern.
In the afternoon, after making another attempt to weather the eastern
extreme, which, failed, I gave it up, and run down to the Discovery.
Indeed, it was of no consequence to get round the island; for we had
seen its extent to the S.E., which was the thing I aimed at; and,
according to the information which we had got from the natives, there
is no other island to the windward of this. However, as we were
so near the S.E. end of it, and as the least shift of wind, in our
favour, would serve to carry us round, I did not wholly give up the
idea of weathering it, and therefore continued to ply.
On the 20th, at noon, this S.E. point bore S., three leagues distant;
the snowy hills W.N.W., and we were about four miles from the nearest
shore. In the afternoon, some of the natives came off in their canoes,
bringing with them a few pigs and plantains. The latter were very
acceptable, having had no vegetables for some days; but the supply we
now received was so inconsiderable, being barely sufficient for one
day, that I stood in again the next morning, till within three or four
miles of the land, where we were met by a number of canoes, laden with
provisions. We brought-to, and continued trading with the people
in them, till four in the afternoon, when, having got a pretty good
supply, we made sail, and stretched off to the northward.
I had never met with a behaviour so free from reserve and suspicion,
in my intercourse with any tribes of savages, as we experienced in the
people of this island. It was very common for them to send up into the
ship the several articles they brought off for barter; afterward, they
would come in themselves, and make their bargains on the quarter-deck.
The people of Otaheite, even after our repeated visits, do not care to
put so much confidence in us. I infer from this, that those of Owhyhee
must be more faithful in their dealings with one another, than the
inhabitants of Otaheite are. For, if little faith were observed
amongst themselves, they would not be so ready to trust strangers.
It is also to be observed, to their honour, that they had never
once attempted to cheat us in exchanges, nor to commit a theft. They
understand trading as well as most people; and seemed to comprehend
clearly the reason of our plying upon the coast. For, though they
brought off provisions in great plenty, particularly pigs, yet they
kept up their price; and, rather than dispose of them for less than
they thought they were worth, would take them on shore again.[5]
[Footnote 5: The reader is desired to pay particular attention to the
high testimony borne by Cook to the characters of these islanders. It
is a circumstance too singularly interesting not to give rise to some
painful reflections, that, on apparently good grounds, he should have
entertained the best opinion of those very people, from whom he was
destined shortly afterwards to receive the greatest of injuries.
However that event is to be explained, it seems very fair that his
evidence in their favour obtain full regard, and that they, therefore,
be entitled to any benefits it may be supposed to confer.--E.]
On the 22d, at eight in the morning, we tacked to the southward, with
a fresh breeze at E. by N. At noon, the latitude was 20° 28' 30"; and
the snowy peak bore S.W. 1/2 S. We had a good view of it the preceding
day, and the quantity of snow seemed to have increased, and to extend
lower down the hill. I stood to the S.E. till midnight, then tacked
to the N. till four in the morning, when we returned to the S.E. tack;
and, as the wind was at N.E. by E., we had hopes of weathering the
island. We should have succeeded, if the wind had not died away, and
left us to the mercy of a great swell, which carried us fast toward
the land, which was not two leagues distant. At length, we got our
head off, and some light puffs of wind, which came with showers
of rain, put us out of danger. While we lay, as it were, becalmed,
several of the islanders came off with hogs, fowls, fruit, and roots.
Out of one canoe we got a goose, which was about the size of a Muscovy
duck. Its plumage was dark-grey, and the bill and legs black.
At four in the afternoon, after purchasing every thing that the
natives had brought off, which was full as much as we had occasion
for, we made sail, and stretched to the N., with the wind at E.N.E. At
midnight, we tacked, and stood to the S.E. Upon a supposition that the
Discovery would see us tack, the signal was omitted; but she did not
see us, as we afterwards found, and continued standing to the N.;
for at day-light next morning she was not in sight. At this time the
weather being hazy we could not see far, so that it was possible the
Discovery might be following us; and, being past the N.E. part of the
island, I was tempted to stand on, till, by the wind veering to N.E.,
we could not weather the land upon the other tack. Consequently we
could not stand to the N, to join, or look for, the Discovery. At
noon, we were, by observation, in latitude of 19° 55', and in the
longitude of 205° 3'; the S.E. point of the island bore S. by E. 1/4
E, six leagues distant; the other extreme bore N, 60° W., and we
were two leagues from the nearest shore. At six in the evening, the
southernmost extreme of the island bore S.W., the nearest shore seven
or eight miles distant; so that we had now succeeded in getting
to windward of the island, which we had aimed at with so much
perseverance.
The Discovery, however, was not yet to be seen. But the wind, as we
had it, being very favourable for her to follow us, I concluded, that
it would not be long before she joined us. I therefore kept cruizing
off this S.E. point of the island, which lies in the latitude of
19° 34', and in the longitude of 205° 6', till I was satisfied that
Captain Clerke could not join me here. I now conjectured, that he had
not been able to weather the N.E. part of the island, and had gone to
leeward, in order to meet me that way.
As I generally kept from five to ten leagues from the land, no canoes,
except one, came off to us till the 28th, when we were visited by a
dozen or fourteen. The people who conducted them brought, as usual,
the produce of the island. I was very sorry that they had taken the
trouble to come so far. For we could not trade with them, our
old stock not being, as yet, consumed; and we had found, by late
experience, that the hogs could not be kept alive, nor the roots
preserved from putrefaction, many days. However, I intended not to
leave this part of the island before I got a supply, as it would not
be easy to return to it again, in case it should be found necessary.
We began to be in want on the 30th, and I would have stood in near
the shore, but was prevented by a calm; but a breeze springing up at
midnight from S. and S.W., we were enabled to stand in for the land at
day-break. At ten o'clock in the morning, we were met by the islanders
with fruit and roots; but, in all the canoes, were only three small
pigs. Our not having bought those which had been lately brought
off, may be supposed to be the reason of this very scanty supply. We
brought-to for the purposes of trade; but, soon after, our marketing
was interrupted by a very hard rain, and, besides, we were rather too
far from the shore. Nor durst I go nearer; for I could not depend upon
the wind's remaining where it was for a moment; the swell also being
high, and setting obliquely upon the shore, against which it broke
in a frightful surf. In the evening the weather mended; the night was
clear, and it was spent in making short boards.
Before day-break, the atmosphere was again loaded with heavy clouds,
and the new year was ushered in with very hard rain, which continued,
at intervals, till past ten o'clock. The wind was southerly; a light
breeze with some calms, when the rain ceased and the sky cleared, and
the breeze freshened. Being, at this time, about five miles from the
land, several canoes arrived with fruit and roots, and, at last,
some hogs were brought off. We lay to, trading with, them till three
o'clock in the afternoon, when, having a tolerable supply, we made
sail, with a view of proceeding to the N.W., or lee-side of the
island, to look for the Discovery. It was necessary, however, the wind
being at S., to stretch first to the eastward, till midnight, when
the wind came more favourable, and we went upon the other tack.
For several days past, both wind and weather had been exceedingly
unsettled, and there fell a great deal of rain.
The three following days were spent in running down the S.E. side of
the island. For, during the nights, we stood off and on; and part of
each day was employed in lying-to, in order to furnish an opportunity
to the natives of trading with us. They sometimes came on board,
while we were five leagues from the shore. But, whether from a fear
of losing their goods in the sea, or from the uncertainty of a market,
they never brought much with them. The principal article procured was
salt, which was extremely good.
On the 5th in the morning, we passed the south point of the island,
which lies in the latitude of 18° 54', and beyond it we found the
coast to trend N. 60° W. On this point stands a pretty large village,
the inhabitants of which thronged off to the ship with hogs and women.
It was not possible to keep the latter from coming on board, and no
women I ever met with were less reserved. Indeed it appeared to me,
that they visited us with no other view, than to make a surrender of
their persons. As I had now got a quantity of salt, I purchased no
hogs but such as were fit for salting, refusing all that were under
size. However, we could seldom get any above fifty or sixty pounds
weight. It was happy for us, that we had still some vegetables on
board, for we now received few such productions. Indeed this part of
the country, from its appearance, did not seem capable of affording
them. Marks of its having been laid waste by the explosion of a
volcano, every where presented themselves; and though we had as yet
seen nothing like one upon the island, the devastation that it had
made in this neighbourhood, was visible to the naked eye.
This part of the coast is sheltered from the reigning winds, but we
could find no bottom to anchor upon, a line of an hundred and sixty
fathoms not reaching it, within the distance of half a mile from the
shore. The islanders having all left us, toward the evening, we ran
a few miles down the coast, and then spent the night standing off and
on.