SECTION II.

_Interview with Otoo, King of the Island.--Imprudent Conduct of

Omai.--Employments on Shore.--European Animals landed.--Particulars

about a Native who had visited Lima.--About Oedidee--A Revolt

in Eimeo.--War with that Island determined upon, in a Council of

Chiefs.--A human Sacrifice on that Account.--A particular Relation

of the Ceremonies at the great Morai, where the Sacrifice was

offered.--Other barbarous Customs of this People._

About nine o'clock in the morning, Otoo, the king of the whole island,

attended by a great number of canoes full of people, came from Oparre,

his place of residence and having landed on Matavai Point, sent a

message on board, expressing his desire to see me there. Accordingly

I landed, accompanied by Omai, and some of the officers. We found a

prodigious number of people assembled on this occasion, and in the

midst of them was the king, attended by his father, his two brothers,

and three sisters. I went up first and saluted him, being followed by

Omai, who kneeled and embraced his legs. He had prepared himself for

this ceremony, by dressing himself in his very best suit of clothes,

and behaved with a great deal of respect and modesty. Nevertheless,

very little notice was taken of him. Perhaps envy had some share in

producing this cold reception. He made the chief a present of a large

piece of red feathers, and about two or three yards of gold cloth; and

I gave him a suit of fine linen, a gold-laced hat, some tools, and,

what was of more value than all the other articles, a quantity of red

feathers, and one of the bonnets in use at the Friendly Islands.

After the hurry of this visit was over, the king and the whole royal

family accompanied me on board, followed by several canoes, laden with

all kinds of provisions, in quantity sufficient to have served the

companies of both ships for a week. Each of the family owned, or

pretended to own, a part; so that I had a present from every one of

them, and every one of them had a separate present in return from me,

which was the great object in view. Soon after, the king's mother, who

had not been present at the first interview, came on board, bringing

with her a quantity of provisions and cloth, which she divided between

me and Omai. For, although he was but little noticed at first by his

countrymen, they no sooner gained the knowledge of his riches, than

they began to court his friendship. I encouraged this as much as I

could, for it was my wish to fix him with Otoo. As I intended to leave

all my European animals at this island, I thought he would be able to

give some instruction about the management of them, and about their

use. Besides, I knew and saw, that the farther he was from his native

island, he would be the better respected. But, unfortunately, poor

Omai rejected my advice, and conducted himself in so imprudent a

manner, that he soon lost the friendship of Otoo, and of every other

person of note in Otaheite. He associated with none but vagabonds and

strangers, whose sole views were to plunder him. And, if I had not

interfered, they would not have left him a single article worth the

carrying from the island. This necessarily drew upon him the ill-will

of the principal chiefs, who found that they could not procure, from

any one in the ships, such valuable presents as Omai bestowed on the

lowest of the people, his companions.

As soon as we had dined, a party of us accompanied Otoo to Oparre,

taking with us the poultry, with which we were to stock the island.

They consisted of a peacock and hen (which Lord Besborough was so kind

as to send me for this purpose, a few days before I left London); a

turkey-cock and hen; one gander, and three geese; a drake and four

ducks. All these I left at Oparre, in the possession of Otoo; and

the geese and ducks began to breed before we sailed. We found there

a gander, which the natives told us, was the same that Captain Wallis

had given to Oberea ten years before; several goats, and the Spanish

bull, whom they kept tied to a tree near Otoo's house. I never saw a

finer animal of his kind. He was now the property of Etary, and had

been brought from Oheitepeha to this place, in order to be shipped

for Bolabola. But it passes my comprehension, how they can contrive to

carry him in one of their canoes. If we had not arrived, it would have

been of little consequence who had the property of him, as, without

a cow, he could be of no use; and none had been left with him. Though

the natives told us, that there were cows on board the Spanish ships,

and that they took them away with them, I cannot believe this, and

should rather suppose, that they had died in the passage from Lima.

The next day, I sent the three cows, that I had on board, to this

bull; and the bull, which I had brought, the horse and mare, and

sheep, I put ashore at Matavai.

Having thus disposed of these passengers, I found my self lightened

of a very heavy burthen. The trouble and vexation that attended the

bringing this living cargo thus far, is hardly to be conceived. But

the satisfaction that I felt, in having been so fortunate as to fulfil

his majesty's humane design, in sending such valuable animals, to

supply the wants of two worthy nations, sufficiently recompensed

me for the many anxious hours I had passed, before this subordinate

object of my voyage could be carried into execution.

As I intended to make some stay here, we set up the two observatories

on Matavai Point. Adjoining to them, two tents were pitched for the

reception of a guard, and of such people as it might be necessary to

leave on shore, in different departments. At this station, I

entrusted the command to Mr King, who, at the same time, attended the

observations, for ascertaining the going of the time-keeper, and other

purposes. During our stay, various necessary operations employed the

crews of both ships. The Discovery's main-mast was carried ashore,

and made as good as ever. Our sails and water-casks were repaired, the

ships were caulked, and the rigging all overhauled. We also inspected

all the bread that we had on board in casks; and had the satisfaction

to find that but little of it was damaged.

On the 26th, I had a piece of ground cleared for a garden, and planted

it with several articles, very few of which, I believe, the natives,

will ever look after. Some melons, potatoes, and two pine-apple

plants, were in a fair way of succeeding before we left the place. I

had brought from the Friendly Islands several shaddock trees. These I

also planted here; and they can hardly fail of success, unless their

growth should be checked by the same premature curiosity, which

destroyed a vine planted by the Spaniards at Oheitepeha. A number of

the natives got together to taste the first fruit it bore; but, as

the grapes were still sour, they considered it as little better than

poison, and it was unanimously determined to tread it under foot.

In that state, Omai found it by chance, and was overjoyed at the

discovery. For he had a full confidence, that, if he had but grapes,

he could easily make wine. Accordingly, he had several slips cut off

from the tree, to carry away with him; and we pruned and put in order

the remains of it. Probably, grown wise by Omai's instructions, they

may now suffer the fruit to grow to perfection, and not pass so hasty

a sentence upon it again.

We had not been eight and forty hours at anchor in Matavai Bay, before

we were visited by all our old friends, whose names are recorded in

the account of my last voyage. Not one of them came empty-handed; so

that we had more provisions than we knew what to do with. What was

still more, we were under no apprehensions of exhausting the island,

which presented to our eyes every mark of the most exuberant plenty,

in every article of refreshment.

Soon after our arrival here, one of the natives, whom the Spaniards

had carried with them to Lima, paid us a visit; but, in his

external appearance, he was not distinguishable from the rest of his

countrymen. However, he had not forgot some Spanish words which he

had acquired, though he pronounced them badly. Amongst them, the most

frequent were, _si Sennor_; and, when a stranger was introduced to

him, he did not fail to rise up and accost him, as well as he could.

We also found here the young man whom we called Oedidee, but whose

real name is Heete-heete. I had carried him from Ulietea in 1773, and

brought him back in 1774; after he had visited the Friendly Islands,

New Zealand, Easter Island, and the Marqueses, and been on board my

ship, in that extensive navigation, about seven months. He was, at

least, as tenacious of his good breeding, as the man who had been

at Lima; and _yes, Sir_, or _if you please, Sir_, were as frequently

repeated by him, as _si Sennor_ was by the other. Heete-heete, who

is a native of Bolabola, had arrived in Otaheite about three months

before, with no other intention, that we could learn, than to gratify

his curiosity, or, perhaps, some other favourite passion; which

are very often the only objects of the pursuit of other travelling

gentlemen. It was evident, however, that he preferred the modes, and

even garb, of his countrymen, to ours. For, though I gave him some

clothes, which our Admiralty Board had been pleased to send for his

use (to which I added a chest of tools, and a few other articles, as a

present from myself), he declined wearing them, after a few days. This

instance, and that of the person who had been at Lima, may be urged

as a proof of the strong propensity natural to man, of returning to

habits acquired at an early age, and only interrupted by accident.

And, perhaps, it may be concluded, that even Omai, who had imbibed

almost the whole English manners, will, in a very short time after our

leaving him, like Oedidee, and the visiter of Lima, return to his own

native garments.[5]

[Footnote 5: Captain Cook's remark has often been exemplified in other

instances. The tendency to revert to barbarism is so strong, as to

need to be continually checked by the despotism of refined manners,

and all the healthful emulations of civilized societies. Perhaps the

rather harsh observation of Dr Johnson, that there is always a great

deal of _scoundrelism_ in a low man, is more strictly applicable to

the cases of savages in general, than to even the meanest member of

any cultivated community. But in the case of a superiorly endowed

individual situate amongst a mass of ruder beings, to all of whom he

is attached by the strongest ties of affection and early acquaintance,

another powerfully deranging cause is at work in addition to the

natural tendency to degenerate, viz. the necessity of accommodating

himself to established customs and opinions. The former agent alone,

we know, has often degraded Europeans. Is it to be thought wonderful

then, that, where both principles operate, a man of Omai's character

should speedily relinquish foreign acquirements, and retrograde into

his original barbarity?--E.]

In the morning of the 27th, a man came from Oheitepeha, and told us,

that two Spanish ships had anchored in that bay the night before; and,

in confirmation of this intelligence, he produced a piece of coarse

blue cloth, which, he said, he got out of one of the ships, and which,

indeed, to appearance, was almost quite new. He added, that Mateema

was in one of the ships, and that they were to come down to Matavai

in a day or two. Some other circumstances which he mentioned, with

the foregoing ones, gave the story so much the air of truth, that I

dispatched Lieutenant Williamson in a boat, to look into Oheitepeha

bay; and, in the mean time, I put the ships into a proper posture

of defence. For, though England and Spain were in peace when I left

Europe, for aught I knew, a different scene might, by this time, have

opened. However, on farther enquiry, we had reason to think that the

fellow who brought the intelligence had imposed upon us; and this was

put beyond all doubt, when Mr Williamson returned next day, who made

his report to me, that he had been at Oheitepeha, and found that no

ships were there now, and that none had been there since we left it.

The people of this part of the island where we now were, indeed, told

us, from the beginning, that it was a fiction invented by those

of Tiaraboo. But what view they could have, we were at a loss to

conceive, unless they supposed that the report would have some effect

in making us quit the island, and, by that means, deprive the people

of Otaheite-nooe of the advantages they might reap from our ships

continuing there; the inhabitants of the two parts of the island being

inveterate enemies to each other.

From the time of our arrival at Matavai, the weather had been very

unsettled, with more or less rain every day, till the 29th; before

which we were not able to get equal altitudes of the sun for

ascertaining the going of the time-keeper. The same cause also

retarded the caulking and other necessary repairs of the ships.

In the evening of this day, the natives made a precipitate retreat,

both from on board the ships, and from our station on shore. For what

reason, we could not, at first, learn; though, in general, we guessed

it arose from their knowing that some theft had been committed, and

apprehending punishment on that account. At length, I understood what

had happened. One of the surgeon's mates had been in the country to

purchase curiosities, and had taken with him four hatchets for that

purpose. Having employed one of the natives to carry them for him, the

fellow took an opportunity to run off with so valuable a prize. This

was the cause of the sudden flight, in which Otoo himself, and his

whole family, had joined; and it was with difficulty that I stopped

them, after following them two or three miles. As I had resolved to

take no measures for the recovery of the hatchets, in order to put

my people upon their guard against such negligence for the future,

I found no difficulty in bringing the natives back, and in restoring

every thing to its usual tranquillity.

Hitherto, the attention of Otoo and his people had been confined to

us; but, next morning, a new scene of business opened, by the arrival

of some messengers from Eimeo, or (as it is much oftener called by the

natives) Morea,[6] with intelligence, that the people in that island

were in arms; and that Otoo's partizans there had been worsted, and

obliged to retreat to the mountains. The quarrel between the two

islands, which commenced in 1774, as mentioned in the account of

my last voyage, had, it seems, partly subsisted ever since. The

formidable armament which I saw at that time, and described, had

sailed soon after I then left Otaheite; but the malcontents of Eimeo

had made so stout a resistance, that the fleet had returned without

effecting much; and now another expedition was necessary.

[Footnote 6: Morea, according to Dr Forster, is a district in Eimeo.

See his _Observations_, p. 217.]

On the arrival of these messengers, all the chiefs, who happened to

be at Matavai, assembled at Otoo's house, where I actually was at the

time, and had the honour to be admitted into their council. One of

the messengers opened the business of the assembly, in a speech

of considerable length. But I understood little of it, besides its

general purport, which was to explain the situation of affairs in

Eimeo; and to excite the assembled chiefs of Otaheite to arm on

the occasion. This opinion was combated by others who were against

commencing hostilities; and the debate was carried on with great

order, no more than one man speaking at a time. At last, they became

very noisy, and I expected that our meeting would have ended like a

Polish diet. But the contending great men cooled as fast as they

grew warm, and order was soon restored. At length, the party for war

prevailed; and it was determined, that a strong force should be sent

to assist their friends in Eimeo. But this resolution was far from

being unanimous. Otoo, during the whole debate, remained silent;

except that, now and then, he addressed a word or two to the speakers.

Those of the council, who were for prosecuting the war, applied to me

for my assistance; and all of them wanted to know what part I would

take. Omai was sent for to be my interpreter; but, as he could not be

found, I was obliged to speak for myself, and told them, as well as I

could, that as I was not thoroughly acquainted with the dispute, and

as the people of Eimeo had never offended me, I could not think

myself at liberty to engage in hostilities against them. With this

declaration they either were, or seemed, satisfied. The assembly then

broke up; but, before I left them, Otoo desired me to come to him in

the afternoon, and to bring Omai with me.

Accordingly, a party of us waited upon him at the appointed time; and

we were conducted by him to his father, in whose presence the dispute

with Eimeo was again talked over. Being very desirous of devising some

method to bring about an accommodation, I sounded the old chief on

that head. But we found him deaf to any such proposal, and fully

determined to prosecute the war. He repeated the solicitations which

I had already resisted, about giving them my assistance. On our

enquiring into the cause of the war, we were told, that, some years

ago, a brother of Waheiadooa, of Tiaraboo, was sent to Eimeo, at the

request of Maheine, a popular chief of that island, to be their king;

but that he had not been there a week before Maheine, having caused

him to be killed, set up for himself, in opposition to Tierataboonooe,

his sister's son, who became the lawful heir; or else had been pitched

upon, by the people of Otaheite, to succeed to the government on the

death of the other.

Towha, who was a relation of Otoo, and chief of the district of

Tettaha, a man of much weight in the island, and who had been

commander-in-chief of the armament fitted out against Eimeo in 1774,

happened not to be at Matavai at this time; and, consequently, was not

present at any of these consultations. It, however, appeared that he

was no stranger to what was transacted; and that he entered with more

spirit into the affair than any other chief. For, early in the morning

of the 1st of September, a messenger arrived from him to acquaint Otoo

that he had killed a man to be sacrificed to the _Eatooa_, to implore

the assistance of the god against Eimeo. This act of worship was to be

performed at the great _Morai_ at Attahooroo; and Otoo's presence, it

seems, was absolutely necessary on that solemn occasion.

That the offering of human sacrifices is part of the religious

institutions of this island, had been mentioned by Mons. de

Bougainville, on the authority of the native whom he carried with

him to France. During my last visit to Otaheite, and while I had

opportunities of conversing with Omai on the subject, I had satisfied

myself that there was too much reason to admit that such a practice,

however inconsistent with the general humanity of the people, was here

adopted. But as this was one of those extraordinary facts, about which

many are apt to retain doubts, unless the relater himself has had

ocular proof to confirm what he had heard from others, I thought this

a good opportunity of obtaining the highest evidence of its certainty,

by being present myself at the solemnity; and, accordingly, proposed

to Otoo that I might be allowed to accompany him. To this he readily

consented; and we immediately set out in my boat, with my old friend

Potatou, Mr Anderson, and Mr Webber; Omai following in a canoe.

In our way we landed upon a little island, which lies off Tettaha,

where we found Towha and his retinue. After some little conversation

between the two chiefs, on the subject of the war, Towha addressed

himself to me, asking my assistance. When I excused myself, he seemed

angry, thinking it strange, that I, who had always declared myself to

be the friend of their island, would not now go and fight against its

enemies. Before we parted, he gave to Otoo two or three red feathers,

tied up in a tuft, and a lean half-starved dog was put into a canoe

that was to accompany us. We then embarked again, taking on board a

priest who was to assist at the solemnity.

As soon as we landed at Attahooroo, which was about two o'clock in the

afternoon, Otoo expressed his desire that the seamen might be ordered

to remain in the boat; and that Mr Anderson, Mr Webber, and myself,

might take off our hats as soon as we should come to the _morai_, to

which we immediately proceeded, attended by a great many men and some

boys, but not one woman. We found four priests, and their attendants,

or assistants, waiting for us. The dead body, or sacrifice, was in a

small canoe that lay on the beach, and partly in the wash of the

sea, fronting the _morai_. Two of the priests, with some of their

attendants, were sitting by the canoe, the others at the _morai_. Our

company stopped about twenty or thirty paces from the priests. Here

Otoo placed himself; we, and a few others, standing by him, while the

bulk of the people remained at a greater distance.

The ceremonies now began. One of the priest's attendants brought a

young plantain-tree, and laid it down before Otoo. Another approached

with a small tuft of red feathers, twisted on some fibres of the

cocoa-nut husk, with which he touched one of the king's feet, and then

retired with it to his companions. One of the priests, seated at

the _morai_, facing those who were upon the beach, now began a long

prayer, and at certain times, sent down young plantain-trees, which

were laid upon the sacrifice. During this prayer, a man, who stood by

the officiating priest, held in his hands two bundles, seemingly of

cloth. In one of them, as we afterward found, was the royal _maro_;

and the other, if I may be allowed the expression, was the ark of the

_Eatooa_. As soon as the prayer was ended, the priests at the _morai_,

with their attendants, went and sat down by those upon the beach,

carrying with them the two bundles. Here they renewed their prayers;

during which the plantain-trees were taken, one by one, at different

times, from off the sacrifice, which was partly wrapped up in cocoa

leaves and small branches. It was now taken out of the canoe, and

laid upon the beach, with the feet to the sea. The priests placed

themselves around it, some sitting and others standing, and one or

more of them repeated sentences for about ten minutes. The dead body

was now uncovered, by removing the leaves and branches, and laid in

a parallel direction with the sea-shore. One of the priests then

standing at the feet of it, pronounced a long prayer, in which he was

at times joined by the others, each holding in his hand a tuft of red

feathers. In the course of this prayer, some hair was pulled off the

head of the sacrifice, and the left eye taken out, both which were

presented to Otoo, wrapped up in a green leaf. He did not however

touch it, but gave to the man who presented it, the tuft of feathers

which he had received from Towha. This, with the hair and eye, was

carried back to the priests. Soon after, Otoo sent to them another

piece of feathers, which he had given me in the morning to keep in my

pocket. During some part of this last ceremony, a kingfisher making a

noise in the trees, Otoo turned to me, saying, "That is the _Eatooa_"

and seemed to look upon it to be a good omen.

The body was then carried a little way, with its head towards the

_morai_, and laid under a tree, near which were fixed three broad thin

pieces of wood, differently but rudely carved. The bundles of cloth

were laid on a part of the _morai_, and the tufts of red feathers

were placed at the feet of the sacrifice, round which the priests took

their stations, and we were now allowed to go as near as we pleased.

He who seemed to be the chief priest sat at a small distance, and

spoke for a quarter of an hour, but with different tones and gestures,

so that he seemed often to expostulate with the dead person, to

whom he constantly addressed himself; and sometimes asked several

questions, seemingly with respect to the propriety of his having been

killed. At other times, he made several demands, as if the deceased

either now had power himself, or interest with the divinity, to engage

him to comply with such requests. Amongst which, we understood, he

asked him to deliver Eimeo, Maheine its chief, the hogs, women, and

other things of the island, into their hands; which was, indeed, the

express intention of the sacrifice. He then chanted a prayer, which

lasted near half an hour, in a whining, melancholy tone, accompanied

by two other priests; and in which Potatou and some others joined. In

the course of this prayer, some more hair was plucked by a priest from

the head of the corpse, and put upon one of the bundles. After this,

the chief priest prayed alone, holding in his hand the feathers which

came from Towha. When he had finished, he gave them to another, who

prayed in like manner. Then all the tufts of feathers were laid upon

the bundles of cloth, which closed the ceremony at this place.

The corpse was then carried up to the most conspicuous part of the

_morai_, with the feathers, the two bundles of cloth, and the drums;

the last of which beat slowly. The feathers and bundles were laid

against the pile of stones, and the corpse at the foot of them.

The priests having again seated themselves round it, renewed their

prayers, while some of their attendants dug a hole about two feet

deep, into which they threw the unhappy victim, and covered it over

with earth and stones. While they were putting him into the grave,

a boy squeaked aloud, and Omai said to me, that it was the _Eatooa_.

During this time, a fire having been made, the dog before-mentioned,

was produced, and killed, by twisting his neck and suffocating him.

The hair was singed off, and the entrails taken out, and thrown into

the fire, where they were left to consume. But the heart, liver,

and kidneys were only roasted, by being laid on hot stones for a

few minutes; and the body of the dog, after being besmeared with the

blood, which had been collected into a cocoa-nut shell, and dried over

the fire, was, with the liver, &c. carried and laid down before

the priests, who sat praying round the grave. They continued their

ejaculations over the dog for some time, while two men, at intervals,

beat on two drums very loud; and a boy screamed, as before, in a loud,

shrill voice, three different times. This, as we were told, was to

invite the _Eatooa_ to feast on the banquet that they had prepared for

him. As soon as the priests had ended their prayers, the carcass

of the dog, with what belonged to it, were laid on a _whatta_, or

scaffold, about six feet high, that stood close by, on which lay the

remains of two other dogs, and of two pigs, which had lately been

sacrificed, and, at this time, emitted an intolerable stench. This

kept us at a greater distance, than would otherwise have been required

of us. For after the victim was removed from the sea-side toward the

_morai_, we were allowed to approach as near as we pleased. Indeed,

after that, neither seriousness nor attention were much observed by

the spectators. When the dog was put upon the _whatta_, the priests

and attendants gave a kind of shout, which closed the ceremonies for

the present. The day being now also closed, we were conducted to a

house belonging to Potatou, where we were entertained, and lodged

for the night. We had been told that the religious rites were to be

renewed in the morning; and I would not leave the place, while any

thing remained to be seen.

Being unwilling to lose any part of the solemnity, some of us repaired

to the scene of action pretty early, but found nothing going forward.

However, soon after a pig was sacrificed, and laid upon the same

_whatta_ with the others. About eight o'clock, Otoo took us again to

the _morai_, where the priests, and a great number of men, were by

this time assembled. The two bundles occupied the place in which we

had seen them deposited the preceding evening; the two drums stood in

the front of the _morai_, but somewhat nearer it than before, and the

priests were beyond them. Otoo placed himself between the two drums,

and desired me to stand by him.

The ceremony began, as usual, with bringing a young plantain-tree, and

laying it down at the king's feet. After this a prayer was repeated

by the priests, who held in their hands several tufts of red feathers,

and also a plume of ostrich feathers, which I had given to Otoo on my

first arrival, and had been consecrated to this use. When the priests

had made an end of the prayer, they changed their station, placing

themselves between us and the _morai_; and one of them, the same

person who had acted the principal part the day before, began another

prayer, which lasted about half an hour. During the continuance of

this, the tufts of feathers were, one by one, carried and laid upon

the ark of the _Eatooa_.

Some little time after, four pigs were produced, one of which was

immediately killed, and the others were taken to a sty hard by,

probably reserved for some future occasion of sacrifice. One of the

bundles was now untied; and it was found, as I have before observed,

to contain the _maro_, with which these people invest their kings,

and which seems to answer, in some degree, to the European ensigns

of royalty, it was carefully taken out of the cloth, in which, it had

been wrapped up, and spread at full length upon the ground before the

priests. It is a girdle, about five yards long; and fifteen inches

broad; and, from its name, seems to be put on in the same manner as

is the common _maro_, or piece of cloth, used by these people to wrap

round the waist. It was ornamented with red and yellow feathers, but

mostly with the latter, taken from a dove found upon the island. The

one end was bordered with eight pieces, each about the size and shape

of a horse-shoe, having their edges fringed with black feathers. The

other end was forked, and the points were of different lengths.

The feathers were in square compartments, ranged in two rows, and

otherwise so disposed, as to produce a pleasing effect. They had been

first pasted or fixed upon some of their own country cloth, and

then sewed to the upper end of the pendant which Captain Wallis had

displayed, and left flying ashore, the first time that he landed at

Matavai. This was what they told us; and we had no reason to doubt it,

as we could easily trace the remains of an English pendant. About six

or eight inches square of the _maro_ was unornamented, there being

no feathers upon that space, except a few that had been sent by

Waheiadooa, as already mentioned. The priests made a long prayer,

relative to this part of the ceremony; and, if I mistook not, they

called it the prayer of the _maro_. When it was finished, the badge

of royalty was carefully folded up, put into the cloth, and deposited

again upon the _morai_.

The other bundle, which I have distinguished by the name of the ark,

was next opened at one end. But we were not allowed to go near enough

to examine its mysterious contents. The information we received was,

that the _Eatooa_, to whom they had been sacrificing, and whose

name is _Ooro_, was concealed in it, or rather what is supposed to

represent him. This sacred repository is made of the twisted fibres

of the husk of the cocoa-nut, shaped somewhat like a large fig, or

sugar-loaf, that is, roundish, with one end much thicker than the

other. We had very often got small ones from different people, but

never knew their use before.

By this time, the pig that had been killed, was cleaned, and the

entrails taken out. These happened to have a considerable share of

those convulsive motions, which often appear, in different parts,

after an animal is killed; and this was considered by the spectators

as a very favourable omen to the expedition on account of which the

sacrifices had been offered. After being exposed for some time, that

those who chose might examine their appearances, the entrails were

carried to the priests, and laid down before them. While one of their

number prayed, another inspected the entrails more narrowly, and kept

turning them gently with a stick. When they had been sufficiently

examined, they were thrown into the fire, and left to consume. The

sacrificed pig and its liver, &c. were now put upon the _whatta_,

where the dog had been deposited the day before; and then all the

feathers, except the ostrich plume, were enclosed with the _Eatooa_ in

the ark, and the solemnity finally closed.

Four double canoes lay upon the beach, before the place of sacrifice,

all the morning. On the fore part of each of these was fixed a small

platform, covered with palm-leaves, tied in mysterious knots; and

this also is called a _morai_. Some cocoa-nuts, plantains, pieces

of bread-fruit, fish, and other things, lay upon each of these naval

_morais_. We were told that they belonged to the _Eatooa_, and that

they were to attend the fleet designed to go against Eimeo.

The unhappy victim, offered to the object of their worship upon this

occasion, seemed to be a middle-aged man; and, as we were told, was a

_toutou_, that is, one of the lowest class of the people. But, after

all my enquiries, I could not learn that he had been pitched upon on

account of any particular crime committed by him meriting death. It

is certain, however, that they generally make choice of such guilty

persons for their sacrifices, or else of common, low fellows who

stroll about, from place to place, and from island to island, without

having any fixed abode, or any visible way of getting an honest

livelihood; of which description of men, enough are to be met with at

these islands. Having had an opportunity of examining the appearance

of the body of the poor sufferer now offered up, I could observe, that

it was bloody about the head and face, and a good deal bruised upon

the right temple, which marked the manner of his being killed. And

we were told, that he had been privately knocked on the head with a

stone.

Those who are devoted to suffer, in order to perform this bloody act

of worship, are never apprised of their fate, till the blow is given

that puts an end to their existence. Whenever any one of the

great chiefs thinks a human sacrifice necessary, on any particular

emergency, he pitches upon the victim. Some of his trusty servants

are then sent, who fall upon him suddenly, and put him to death with

a club, or by stoning him. The king is next acquainted with it,

whose presence, at the solemn rites that follow, is, as I was told,

absolutely necessary; and indeed on the present occasion, we could

observe, that Otoo bore a principal part. The solemnity itself is

called _Poore Eree_, or chief's prayer; and the victim, who is offered

up, _Taata-taboo_, or consecrated man. This is the only instance where

we have heard the word _taboo_ used at this island, where it seems to

have the same mysterious signification as at Tonga, though it is

there applied to all cases where things are not to be touched. But

at Otaheite, the word _raa_ serves the same purpose, and is full as

extensive in its meaning.

The _morai_, (which undoubtedly is a place of worship, sacrifice, and

burial, at the same time,) where the sacrifice was now offered, is

that where the supreme chief of the whole island is always buried, and

is appropriated to his family, and some of the principal people. It

differs little from the common ones, except in extent. Its principal

part is a large oblong pile of stones, lying loosely upon each; other,

about twelve or fourteen feet high; contracted toward the top, with

a square area on each side, loosely paved with pebble stones, under

which the bones of the chiefs are buried. At a little distance from

the end nearest the sea is the place where the sacrifices are offered,

which, for a considerable extent, is also loosely paved. There is here

a very large scaffold, or _whatta_, on which the offerings of fruits

and other vegetables are laid. But the animals are deposited on a

smaller one, already mentioned, and the human sacrifices are buried

under different parts of the pavement. There are several other

reliques which ignorant superstition had scattered about this place;

such as small stones, raised in different parts of the pavement, some

with bits of cloth tied round them, others covered with it; and upon

the side of the large pile, which fronts the area, are placed a great

many pieces of carved wood, which are supposed to be sometimes the

residence of their divinities, and consequently held sacred. But one

place more particular than the rest, is a heap of stones at one end

of the large _whatta_, before which the sacrifice was offered, with a

kind of platform at one side. On this are laid the sculls of all the

human sacrifices, which are taken up after they have been several

months under ground. Just above them are placed a great number of the

pieces of wood; and it was also here, where the _maro_, and the other

bundle supposed to contain the god Ooro (and which I call the ark),

were laid during the ceremony, a circumstance which denotes its

agreement with the altar of other nations.

It is much to be regretted, that a practice so horrid in its

own nature, and so destructive of that inviolable right of

self-preservation which every one is born with, should be found still

existing; and (such is the power of superstition to counteract the

first principles of humanity!) existing amongst a people, in many

other respects, emerged from the brutal manners of savage life. What

is still worse, it is probable that these bloody rites of worship

are prevalent throughout all the wide-extended islands of the Pacific

Ocean. The similarity of customs and language, which our late voyages

have enabled us to trace, between the most distant of these islands,

makes it not unlikely that some of the more important articles of

their religious institutions should agree. And indeed we had the most

authentic information, that human sacrifices continue to be offered at

the Friendly Islands. When I described the _Natche_ at Tongataboo, I

mentioned that on the approaching sequel of that festival, we had been

told that ten men were to be sacrificed. This may give us an idea of

the extent of this religious massacre in that island. And though we

should suppose that never more than one person is sacrificed on any

single occasion at Otaheite, it is more than probable that these

occasions happen so frequently, as to make a shocking waste of the

human race, for I counted no less than forty-nine sculls of former

victims, lying before the _morai_, where we saw one more added to

the number. And as none of those sculls had as yet suffered any

considerable change from the weather, it may hence be inferred,

that no great length of time had elapsed, since, at least, this

considerable number of unhappy wretches had been offered upon this

altar of blood.

The custom, though no consideration can make it cease to be

abominable, might be thought less detrimental in some respects, if it

served to impress any awe for the divinity or reverence for religion

upon the minds of the multitude. But this is so far from being the

case, that though a great number of people had assembled at the

_morai_ on this occasion, they did not seem to shew any proper

reverence for what was doing or saying during the celebration of the

rites. And Omai happening to arrive, after they had begun, many of the

spectators flocked round him, and were engaged the remainder of the

time in making him relate some of his adventures, which they listened

to with great attention, regardless of the solemn offices performing

by their priests. Indeed, the priests themselves, except the one who

chiefly repeated the prayers, either from their being familiarized

to such objects, or from want of confidence in the efficacy of

their institutions, observed very little of that solemnity which is

necessary to give to religious performances their due weight. Their

dress was only an ordinary one, they conversed together without

scruple, and the only attempt made by them to preserve any appearance

of decency, was by exerting their authority to prevent the people from

coming upon the very spot where the ceremonies were performed, and

to suffer us as strangers to advance a little forward. They were,

however, very candid in their answers to any questions that were put

to them concerning the institution. And particularly on being asked

what the intention of it was, they said that it was an old custom, and

was agreeable to their god, who delighted in, or in other words, came

and fed upon the sacrifices; in consequence of which, he complied with

their petitions. Upon its being objected that he could not feed on

these, as he was neither seen to do it, nor were the bodies of the

animals quickly consumed, and that as to the human victim, they

prevented his feeding on him by burying him. But to all this they

answered, that he came in the night, but invisibly, and fed only on

the soul, or immaterial part, which, according to their doctrine,

remains about the place of sacrifice, until the body of the victim be

entirely wasted by putrefaction.

It were much to be wished, that this deluded people may learn to

entertain the same horror of murdering their fellow-creatures, in

order to furnish such an invisible banquet to their god, as they now

have of feeding corporeally on human flesh themselves. And yet we

have great reason to believe, that there was a time when they were

cannibals. We were told (and indeed partly saw it) that it is a

necessary ceremony when a poor wretch is sacrificed, for the priest to

take out the left eye. This he presents to the king, holding it to

his mouth, which he desires him to open; but instead of putting it in,

immediately withdraws it. This they call "eating the man," or "food

for the chief;" and perhaps we may observe here some traces of former

times, when the dead body was really feasted upon.

But not to insist upon this, it is certain, that human sacrifices are

not the only barbarous custom we find still prevailing amongst this

benevolent humane people. For besides cutting out the jaw-bones of

their enemies slain in battle, which they carry about as trophies,

they, in some measure, offer their bodies as a sacrifice to the

_Eatooa_. Soon after a battle, in which they have been victors, they

collect all the dead that have fallen into their hands and bring them

to the _morai_, where, with a great deal of ceremony, they dig a hole,

and bury them all in it, as so many offerings to the gods; but their

sculls are never after taken up.

Their own great chiefs that fall in battle are treated in a

different manner. We were informed, that their late king Tootaha,

Tubourai-tamaide, and another chief, who fell with them in the

battle fought with those of Tiaraboo, were brought to this _morai_ at

Attahooroo. There their bowels were cut out by the priests before

the great altar, and the bodies afterward buried in three different

places, which were pointed out to us, in the great pile of stones that

compose the most conspicuous part of this _morai_. And their common

men who also fell in this battle, were all buried in one hole at the

foot of the pile. This, Omai, who was present, told me, was done the

day after the battle, with much pomp and ceremony, and in the midst

of a great concourse of people, as a thanksgiving-offering to the

_Eatooa_, for the victory they had obtained; while the vanquished had

taken refuge in the mountains. There they remained a week or ten days,

till the fury of the victors was over, and a treaty set on foot, by

which it was agreed, that Otoo should be declared king of the whole

island, and the solemnity of investing him with the _maro_ was

performed at the same _morai_ with great pomp, in the presence of all

the principal men of the country.[7]

[Footnote 7: We must trespass a little on the reader's patience as

was formerly threatened. But on so curious, and indeed so exceedingly

important a subject as human sacrifices, it is allowable to claim the

serious attention of every intelligent being. Who can withhold anxiety

from an enquiry into the reality of the fact, as a fundamental part

of religion in every nation at some period of its history--or dare to

affect indifference as to the origin and meaning of so portentous and

horrible a rite? It will be our study to be as brief as possible in

conveying the information respecting both, which every man ought to

possess, who values correct opinions respecting the moral condition of

our nature. First, then, as to the universality of the practice.

This is of course to be ascertained from testimony. And perhaps on no

subject in the history of mankind, is there a more decided agreement

in the assertions of different witnesses. We shall run over the

various nations of the earth, of whom we have any thing like

satisfactory evidence. Here we avail ourselves of the labours of

several authors, as Dr Jenkin, De Paauw, Mr Bryant, Mr Parkhurst, Dr

Magee, and others. We commence with the Egyptians, of whom alone, we

believe, any doubt as to their being implicated in the practice has

been entertained. Thus Dr Forster, in his Observations on Cook's

Second Voyage, excepts them from his remark that all the ancient

nations sacrificed men, saying that where-ever it is affirmed in old

writers that these people were addicted to it, we are to understand

them as alluding to the Arabian shepherds, who at one time subdued

Egypt. Such _was_ the opinion of the writer of this note, but more

attentive enquiry has induced him, in this instance, to disregard

the distinction. Diodorus Siculus and Plutarch, quoted by Dr Magee,

mention their sacrificing red-haired men at the tomb of Osiris; and

from other sources, it appears that they had a custom of sacrificing

a virgin to the river Nile, by flinging her into its stream. The

Phoenicians, Canaanites, Moabites, Ammonites, and other neighbouring

people, were in the habit of sacrificing their children to their

idols, especially Moloch, on certain, calamities, and for various

reasons. See on this head some of the commentators on Scripture, as

Ainsworth on Levit. 18th, and still more particularly, consult Selecta

Sacra Braunii, a work formerly referred to. The Ethiopians, according

to the Romance of Heliodorus, admitted to be good authority as to

manners, &c. sacrificed their children to the sun and moon. The

Scythians, as related in the curious description given of them by

Herodotus, in Melpom. 62, particularly honoured the god Mars, by

sacrificing to him every hundredth captive. This they did, he says, by

cutting their throats, &c. The same author informs us of the Persians,

that they had a custom of burying persons alive, generally young ones

it would seem, in honour of the river Strymon, considered by them as a

deity. Polym. 114. In this he is confirmed by Plutarch. Other writers,

also, charge the Persians with using human sacrifices, as is shewn by

Dr Magee. The same may be said of the Chinese and Indians, according

to works mentioned by that gentleman. The case of the latter people

has been made notorious by Dr Buchanan. With respect to the Grecian

states in general, we have the most indubitable evidence of the

prevalence of supplicating their gods by human sacrifices, when going

against their enemies, as we see done by the Otaheitans, and on other

occasions. The Roman history, in its early state especially, abounds

in like examples, as every reader will be prepared to prove. The

practice was shockingly prevalent amongst the Carthaginians and other

inhabitants of Africa. The writer above quoted, specifies the works

which mention it, and has enumerated the authorities for asserting the

same of a great many other ancient people, as the Getae, Leucadians,

Goths, Gauls, Heruli, Britons, Germans; besides the Arabians, Cretans,

Cyprians, Rhodians, Phocians, and the inhabitants of Chios, Lesbos,

Tenedos, and Pella. The northern nations, without exception, are

chargeable with the same enormity. Of this, satisfactory evidence has

been adduced by Dr Magee from various authors, as Mr Thorkelin in his

Essay on the Slave Trade, Mallet, in his work on Northern Antiquities,

&c. And it is well known that the evil existed amongst the Mexicans,

Peruvians, and other people of America, in a degree surpassing its

magnitude in any other country. The perusal of the present narrative,

and of other accounts of voyages, will evince the continuance of the

practice throughout more recent people. On the whole then, we assert,

that the fact of the universality of human sacrifice amongst the

various nations of the world is perfectly well authenticated. Let

us next say a word or two respecting its origin and meaning. Here

we shall find it necessary to consider the origin and meaning of

sacrifice in general, as it is self-evident that the notion of

sacrifice is previous to the selection of the subjects for it, that

of human beings differing only in degree of worth or excellence from

those of any other kind. What then could induce mankind universally to

imagine, that sacrifices of animals could be agreeable to those beings

whom they judged superior to themselves, and the proper objects of

religious adoration? Reason gives no sanction to the practice; on the

contrary, most positively condemns it, as unnecessary, unjust, cruel,

and therefore more likely to incur displeasure than to obtain favour.

Besides, it must always have been expensive, and very often dangerous,

so that we must entirely discard the notion of a sense of interest

having given occasion to it, unless we can prove, that some valuable

consequence was to result from it. This however cannot be done without

first shewing its acceptableness to the Being whose regard is thereby

solicited. There remain, perhaps, only two other motives which we can

conceive to have given origin to the custom, viz. some instinctive

principle of our nature by which we are led to it, independent of

either reason or a sense of interest, as in the case of our appetites,

and a positive injunction or command to that effect by some being

who has the requisite authority over our conduct. The author so often

alluded to, Dr Magee, who has so profoundly considered this subject in

his work on Atonement, &c. rejects the former supposition, affirming

that we have no natural instinct to gratify, in spilling the blood

of an innocent creature; and, as he has also set aside the other

two notions, of course, he adopts the latter as sufficient for the

solution of the question. The writer concurs in this opinion, but at

the same time, he thinks it of the utmost importance to observe, that

as the original injunction or command was assuredly subsequent to the

sense of moral delinquency, and was directed in the view of a

relief to the conscience of man, so the continuance of the practice,

according to any perversion of the primitive and consequently proper

institution, is always connected with, and in fact implies, the

existence of a feeling of personal demerit and danger. In other words,

he conceives there is a suitableness betwixt the operation of man's

conscience and that effectual remedy for its uneasiness to which the

original institution of animal sacrifices pointed. But it does not

follow from this, that man's conscience or reason, or any thing else

within him, could ever have made the discovery of the remedy. A sense

of his need of it, would undoubtedly set him on various efforts

to relieve himself, but this, it is probable, would be as blind a

principle as the appetite of hunger, and as much would require aid

from an external power. Among the devices to which it might have

recourse, very possibly, the notion of giving up a darling object,

ought to be included; so it would appear, thought a king of Moab,

spoken of by Micah the prophet, chap. 6th, "Shall I give my first-born

for my transgression," &c. But even admitting this, we still see the

primary difficulty remaining, viz. what reason is there for imagining

that the gift in any shape, and more especially when slaughtered, will

be accepted? We are driven then to contemplate the revelation of the

divine will as the only adequate explanation; and this, it is evident,

we must consider as having been handed down by a corrupt process of

tradition, among the various nations of the earth. It would be easy to

urge arguments in behalf of this opinion. But already the matter has

gone beyond common bounds, and the writer dare not hazard another

remark. All he shall do then, is to commend this interesting topic to

the reader's attention, and to request, that due allowances be made

for the omission of certain qualifications which are requisite for

some of the remarks now made, but which the limits of the note could

not allow to be inserted.--E.]

A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Volume 16 · 第 2 / 19 章