That the Territory of Hawaii shall comprise a customs district
of the United States, with ports of entry and delivery at
Honolulu, Hilo, Mahukona, and Kahului.
HAWAII: A. D. 1900.
Census of the Islands.
Progress of educational work.
"The last Hawaiian census, taken in the year 1896, gives a
total population of 109,020, of which 31,019 were native
Hawaiians. The number of Americans reported was 8,485. The
results of the Federal census taken this year [1900] show the
islands to have a total population of 154,001, an increase
over that reported in 1896 of 44,981, or 41.2 per cent. The
total land surface of the Hawaiian Islands is approximately
6,449 square miles: the average number of persons to the
square mile at the last three censuses being as follows: For
1890, 13.9; 1896, 16.9; 1900,23.8.
"Education in Hawaii is making favorable progress. In Honolulu
two large schoolhouses have recently been erected at a cost of
$24,778 and $20,349, respectively. The department of education
is under the management of a superintendent of public
instruction, assisted by six commissioners of public
instruction, two of whom are ladies. The tenure of office of
the commissioners is six years, the term of two of them
expiring each year. They serve without pay. The system is the
same as that existing under the Republic of Hawaii. In the
biennial period ending December 31 there were 141 public and
48 private schools in the Hawaiian Islands; 344 teachers in
the public schools, of whom 113 were men and 231 were women,
and 200 teachers in the private schools, of whom 79 were men
and 121 were women. In the same period there were 11,436
pupils in the public schools, of whom 6,395 were boys and
5,041 were girls, and 4,054 pupils in the private schools, of
whom 2,256 were boys and 1,798 were girls. This gives a total
of 15,490 pupils, of whom 8,651 were boys and 6,839 were
girls. … Of the 15,490 pupils, 5,045 were Hawaiian, 2,721 part
Hawaiian, 601 American, 213 British, 337 German, 3,882
Portuguese, 84 Scandinavian, 1,141 Japanese, 1,314 Chinese, 30
South Sea Islanders, and 124 other foreigners. Each
nationality had its own teacher. The expenditures for the two
years ending December 31, 1899, were $575,353. Since the year
1888 nearly all the common schools, in which the Hawaiian
language was the medium of instruction, have been converted
into schools in which English alone is so employed, 98 per
cent. of the children being at present instructed by teachers
who use English."
_United States, Secretary of the Interior,
Annual Report, November 30, 1900._
----------HAWAII: End--------
HAY-PAUNCEFOTE TREATY, The.
See (in this volume)
CANAL, INTEROCEANIC:
A. D. 1900 (DECEMBER); and 1901 (MARCH).
HAYTI: A. D. 1896.
Election of President Sam.
Hayti elected a new President, General Theresias Simon Sam, to
succeed General Hippolyte, who died suddenly on the 24th of
March.
HAYTI: A. D. 1897.
Quarrel with Germany.
The government of Hayti came into conflict with that of
Germany, in September, 1897, over what was claimed to be the
illegal arrest of a Haytien-born German, named Lueders, who
had secured German citizenship. Germany demanded his release,
with an indemnity at the rate of $1,000 per day for his
imprisonment. The demand not being acceded to promptly, the
German consul at Port-au-Prince hauled down his flag. Then the
United States Minister persuaded the Haytien President,
General Simon Sam, to set Lueders free. But the demand for
indemnity, still pending, brought two German war-ships to
Port-au-Prince on the 6th of December, with their guns ready
to open fire on the town if payment were not made within eight
hours. For Hayti there was nothing possible but submission,
and $30,000 was paid, with apologies and expressions of
regret.
HEBREWS, The ancient:
Their position in history as affected by recent archæological
research.
See (in this volume)
ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH; IN BIBLE LANDS.
HECKER, Father Isaac Thomas,
and the opinions called "Americanism."
See (in this volume)
PAPACY: A. D. 1899 (JANUARY).
HELIUM, The discovery of.
See (in this volume)
SCIENCE, RECENT; CHEMISTRY AND PHYSICS.
HENRY, General Guy V.: Military Governor of Porto Rico.
See (in this volume)
PORTO RICO: A. D. 1898-1899 (OCTOBER-OCTOBER).
HERVEY, or COOK, ISLANDS:
Annexation to New Zealand.
See (in this volume)
NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1900 (OCTOBER).
HEUREAUX, President: Assassination.
See (in this volume)
DOMINICAN REPUBLIC: A. D. 1899.
{259}
HICKS-BEACH, Sir Michael,
Chancellor of the Exchequer, in the British Cabinet.
See (in this volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1894-1895.
HILPRECHT, Professor H. V.:
Researches on the site of ancient Nippur.
See (in this volume)
ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA: AMERICAN EXPLORATION.
HINTCHAK, The.
See (in this volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1895.
HINTERLAND.
A German word which has come into general use to describe
unnamed and poorly defined regions lying behind, or on the
inland side, of coast districts, in Africa more especially,
which have been occupied or claimed by European powers.
HISTORICAL DISCOVERIES, Recent.
See (in this volume)
ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH.
HOAR, Senator George F.:
Action to recover the manuscript of Bradford's History.
See (in this volume)
MASSACHUSETTS: A. D. 1897.
HOAR, Senator George F.:
Speech in opposition to the retention of the
Philippine Islands as a subject State.
See (in this volume)
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (APRIL).
HOBART, Garret A.: Vice President of the United States.
Death.
See (in this volume)
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1899 (November).
HOBOKEN, Great fire at.
On the 30th of June, 1900, between 200 and 300 people lost
their lives in a fire which destroyed the pier system of the
North German Lloyd steamship line, at Hoboken, N. J. The fire
wrecked three of the large ships of the company, and is said
to have been the most destructive blaze that ever visited the
piers and shipping of the port of New York. An estimate placed
the loss of life at nearly 300, and the damage to property at
about $10,000,000, but the company's estimate of the loss of
life and the value of the property wiped out was considerably
less. The fire started in some cotton on one of the four large
piers at 4 o'clock in the afternoon. In a few minutes the pier
on which it broke out was enveloped in flames, and in six
minutes the whole pier system was burning. The flames spread
so quickly that many men on the piers and on the vessels,
lighters and barges were hemmed in before they realized that
their lives were in danger.
HOBSON, Lieutenant Richmond Pearson:
The sinking of the collier Merrimac at Santiago.
See (in this volume)
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL-JUNE).
HOLLAND.
See (in this volume)
NETHERLANDS, THE KINGDOM OF THE.
HOLLS, Frederick W.:
American Commissioner to the Peace Conference at The Hague.
See (in this volume)
PEACE CONFERENCE.
HOLY YEAR 1900, Proclamation of the Universal Jubilee of the,
Its extension.
See (in this volume)
PAPACY: A. D. 1900-1901.
HONDURAS.
See (in this volume)
CENTRAL AMERICA.
HONG KONG: A. D. 1894.
The Bubonic Plague.
See (in this volume)
PLAGUE.
HONG KONG: A. D. 1898.
British lease of territory on the mainland.
See (in this volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL-AUGUST).
HORMIGUEROS, Engagement at.
See (in this volume)
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
A. D. 1898 (JULY-AUGUST: PORTO RICO).
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, The United States:
The "Spoils System" in its service.
See (in this volume)
CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: A. D. 1901.
HOVA, The.
See (in this volume)
MADAGASCAR.
HUA SANG, Massacre of missionaries at.
See (in this volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1895 (AUGUST).
HUDSON BAY, Investigation of.
See (in this volume)
POLAR EXPLORATION, 1897.
HUMBERT I., King of Italy: Assassination.
See (in this volume)
ITALY: A. D. 1899-1900; and 1900 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).
HUNGARY.
See ((in this volume)
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY.
HUSBANDISTS, The.
See (in this volume)
GERMANY: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY).
I.
ICELAND, Recent exploration of.
See (in this volume)
POLAR EXPLORATION, 1898-1899.
IDAHO: A. D. 1896.
Adoption of Woman Suffrage.
On the 11th of December, 1896, an amendment of the
constitution of Idaho, extending the suffrage to women, was
submitted to the then voters of the State, and carried by
12,126, against 6,282. Though carried by a large majority of
the votes given on the suffrage issue, it did not receive a
majority of the whole vote cast on other questions at the same
election; but the supreme court of the State decided that the
amendment had been adopted.
I-HO-CH'UAN, The.
See (in this volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JANUARY-MARCH).
ILLINOIS: A. D. 1898.
Strike of coal miners.
Bloody conflict at Virden.
See (in this volume)
INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES: A. D. 1898.
ILOCANOS, The.
See (in this volume)
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: THE NATIVE INHABITANTS.
ILOILO: The American occupation of the city.
See (in this volume)
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1899 (JANUARY-NOVEMBER).
ILORIN, British subjugation of.
See (in this volume)
AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (NIGERIA).
IMPERIAL BRITISH EAST AFRICA COMPANY:
Transfer of territory to the British Government.
See (in this volume)
AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (BRITISH EAST AFRICA).
IMPERIAL CONFERENCE:
Meeting of British Colonial Prime Ministers at the Colonial
Office, London.
See (in this volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (JUNE-JULY).
IMPERIALISM:
The question in American politics.
See (in this volume)
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
A. D. 1900 (APRIL); and (MAY-NOVEMBER).
{260}
INCOME TAX: Decision against by United States Supreme Court.
See (in this volume)
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1895 (APRIL-MAY).
INDIA: A. D. 1894.
The Waziri War.
A fierce attempt to interrupt the demarcation of the Afghan
boundary was made by the Waziris. The escort of 5,000 troops,
consisting mainly of Sikhs and Goorkhas, was desperately
attacked in camp at Wano, November 3. The attack was repulsed,
but with heavy loss on the British side. It became afterwards
necessary to send three strong columns into the country, under
Sir William Lockhart, in order to carry out the work.
INDIA: A. D. 1895 (March-September).
The defense and relief of Chitral.
The British frontier advanced.
At the extreme northwestern limit of British-Indian dominion
and semi-dominion, under the shadow of the lofty Hindu-Kush
mountains, lie a group of quasi-independent tribal states over
which the Amir of Afghanistan claimed at least a "sphere of
influence" until 1893. In that year the Amir and the
Government of India agreed upon a line which defined the
eastern and southern frontier of Afghanistan, "from Wakhan to
the Persian border," and agreed further as follows: "The
Government of India will at no time exercise interference in
the territories lying beyond this line on the side of
Afghanistan, and his Highness the Amir will at no time
exercise interference in the territories lying beyond this
line on the side of India. The British Government thus agrees
to his Highness the Amir retaining Asmar and the valley above
it, as far as Chanak. His Highness agrees, on the other hand,
that he will at no time exercise interference in Swat, Bajaur,
or Chitral, including Arnawai or Bashgal valley." Under this
agreement, the Indian Government prepared itself to be
watchful of Chitral affairs. The little state was notoriously
a nest of turbulence and intrigue. Its rulers, who bore the
Persian title of Mehtar, signifying "Greater," can never have
expected to live out their days. Changes of government were
brought about commonly by assassination. The reigning prince,
Nizam-ul-Mulk, owed his seat to the murder of his father,
Aman-ul-Mulk, though not by himself. In turn, he fell, on New
Year's day, 1895, slain at the instigation of his
half-brother, Amir-ul-Mulk, who mounted the vacant chair of
state. The usurper was then promptly assailed by two rivals,
one of them his brother-in-law, Umra Khan, a mountain
chieftain of Bajaur, the other an uncle, Sher Afzul, who had
been a refugee at Kabul. On the news of these occurrences at
Chitral, the Government of India sent thither, from Gilgit,
its political agent, Surgeon-Major Robertson, with a small
escort, to learn the state of affairs.
The result of Dr. Robertson's attempt to settle matters was an
alliance of Umra Khan and Sher Afzul in a desperate attempt to
destroy him and his small force of native troops, which had
five English officers at its head. The latter took possession
(March 1) of the fort at Chitral, a structure about 80 yards
square, walled partly with wood, and so placed in a valley
that it was commanded from neighboring hills. In this weak
fortification the little garrison held off a savage swarm of
the surrounding tribes during 46 days of a siege that is as
thrilling in the story of it as any found in recent history.
The first reinforcements sent to Dr. Robertson, from near
Gilgit, were disastrously beaten back, with the loss of the
captain in command and 50 of his men. As speedily as possible,
when the situation was known in India, an army of about 14,000
men was made ready at Peshawur, under the command of
Major-General Sir Robert Low, and relieving columns were
pushed with great difficulty through the Malakand Pass, then
filled deep with snow. A smaller force, of 600 men, under
Colonel Kelly, fought its way from Gilgit, struggling through
the snows of a pass 12,000 feet above the level of the sea.
Colonel Kelly was the first to reach Chitral, which he did on
the 20th of April. The besiegers had fled at his approach. The
beleaguered garrison was found to have lost 40 killed and 70
wounded, out of its fighting force of about 370 men. Sher
Afzul was caught by the Khan of Dir, who led 2,000 of his
followers to the help of the British. Umra Khan escaped to
Kabul, where he was imprisoned by the Amir. Shuja-ul-Mulk, a
younger brother of Amir-ul-Mulk was declared Mehtar. The
question whether British authority should be maintained in
Chitral or withdrawn was now sharply debated in England; but
Lord Salisbury and his party, coming into power at that
moment, decided that the advanced frontier of Indian Empire
must be held. The young Mehtar was installed in the name of
the Maharaja of Kashmir as his suzerain, and the terms under
which his government should be carried on were announced at
his installation (September 2, 1895) by the British Agent, as
follows:
"The general internal administration of the country will be
left in the hands of the Mehtar and of his advisers. The
Government of India do not intend to undertake themselves the
management of the internal affairs of Chitral, their concern
being with the foreign relations of the State, and with its
general welfare. It, however, has to be remembered that
Shuja-ul-Mulk is only a boy, and that, at an age when other
boys are engaged in education and amusement, he has been
called upon to hold the reins of State. Bearing this fact in
mind, the Government of India recognise the necessity of his
receiving some help during the time of his minority, and it
has consequently been decided to leave at Chitral an
experienced Political Officer upon whom the Mehtar may always
call for advice and assistance, while it is proposed to
appoint three persons, Raja Bahadur Khan, the Governor of
Mastuj, Wazir Inayat Khan and Aksakal Fateh Ali Shah, to give
him help, instruction and advice in the management of his
State and in the laws and customs of the people. Ordinarily
the entire country will be governed in accordance with their
experience and judgment; but nevertheless the Assistant
British Agent, if he thinks it necessary to do so, may, at any
time, ask the Mehtar to delay action recommended by his three
advisers, until the opinion of the British Agent at Gilgit has
been obtained, whose decision shall be final and
authoritative.
{261}
"The desirability of abolishing traffic in slaves is a matter
to which the Government of India attach much importance, and
that they have lately interested themselves with some success
in procuring the release of Natives of Kashmir and her
dependencies, including Chitralis, who are held in bondage in
Chinese Turkistan. It is in accordance therefore with the
general policy of the Government of India that in Chitral also
all buying and selling of slaves, whether for disposal in the
country or with the intention of sending them abroad, should
be altogether prohibited. Any such selling of slaves is
therefore from this time forward absolutely illegal."
_Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications:
Papers by Command, 1896 (C.-8037)._
Also in:
_C. Lowe,
The Story of Chitral
(Century magazine, volume 55, page 89)._
INDIA: A. D. 1895 (April).
Report of the Opium Commission.
"The long-deferred publication of the report of this
commission was made in April, and the report was signed by
eight out of nine members of the commission. The commissioners
declared that it had not been shown to be necessary, or to be
demanded by the people, that the growth of the poppy and the
manufacture of opium in British India should be prohibited.
Such a prohibition, if extended to the protected States, would
be an unprecedented act of interference on the part of the
paramount Power, and would be sure to be resisted by the
chiefs and their people. The existing treaties with China in
regard to the importation of Indian opium into that country
had been admitted by the Chinese Government to contain all
they desired. The evidence led the commissioners to the
conclusion that the common use of opium in India is moderate,
and its prohibition is strongly opposed by the great mass of
native opinion."
_Annual Register, 1895,
pages 337-338._
INDIA: A. D. 1896-1897.
Famine in northwestern and central provinces.
A failure of rains, especially in northwestern and central
India, produced the inevitable consequence of famine, lasting
with awful severity from the spring of 1896 until the autumn
of 1897. In December of the former year there were 561,800
persons employed on relief works which the Indian government
organized. In the following March the number had risen to more
than three millions, and in June it exceeded four millions.
Rain fell in July, and August, and the distress began soon
afterwards to grow less. In addition to the heavy expenditures
of the government, the charitable contributions for the relief
of sufferers from this famine were officially reported to have
amounted to 1,750,000 pounds sterling ($8,750,000).
INDIA: A. D. 1896-1900.
The Bubonic Plague.
See (in this volume)
PLAGUE.
INDIA: A. D. 1897.
Change in the government of Burmah.
See (in this volume)
BURMAH: A. D. 1897.
INDIA: A. D. 1897.
Rejection of American proposals for a
reopening of mints to silver.
See (in this volume)
MONETARY QUESTIONS: A. D. 1897 (APRIL-OCTOBER).
INDIA: A. D. 1897-1898.
Frontier wars.
From the early summer of 1897 until beyond the close of the
year, the British were once more seriously in conflict with
the warlike tribes of the Afghan frontier. The risings of the
latter were begun in the Tochi Valley, on the 10th of June,
when a sudden, treacherous attack was made by Waziri tribesmen
on the escort of Mr. Gee, the political agent, at the village
of Maizar. A number of officers and men were killed and
wounded, and the whole party would have been destroyed if
timely reinforcements had not reached them. Over 7,000 troops
were subsequently employed in the suppression and punishment
of this revolt. The next outbreak, in the Swat Valley, was
more extensive. It was ascribed to the preaching of a
fanatical Mohammedan priest, known as "the mud mullah," who
labored to excite a religious war, and was opened, July 26, by
a night attack on the British positions at Malakand and
Chakdarra. The latter outpost, guarding the bridge over the
Swat river, on the road to Chitral, was held by a small
garrison of less than 300 men, who were beleaguered for a
considerable time before relief came. According to an official
return of "wars and military operations on or beyond the
borders of British India in which the Government of India has
been engaged," made to Parliament on the 30th of January,
1900, there were 11,826 troops employed in the operations
immediately consequent on this rising, with the result that
"the insurgents were defeated and the fanatical gatherings
were dispersed; large fines were taken in money and arms." But
other neighboring tribes either gave help to the Swats or were
moved to follow their example, and required to be subdued,
their countries traversed by punitive expeditions and "fines
of money and arms" collected. Before the year closed, these
tasks employed 6,800 men in the Mohmand country, 3,200 in the
Utman Khel country, 7,300 in the Buner country, 14,231 in the
Kurram Valley; and then came the most serious business of all.
The Afridis, who had been subsidized by the government of
India for some years, as guardians of the important Khyber
Pass, were suddenly in arms against their paymasters, in
August, destroying the Khyber posts. This serious hostility
called nearly 44,000 British-Indian troops into the field,
under General Sir William Lockhart, whose successful campaign
was not finished until the following spring. The most serious
engagement of the war with the Afridis was fought at the
village of Dargai, October 18. The final results of the
campaign are thus summarized in the return mentioned above:
"British troops traversed the country of the tribes,
inflicting severe loss on the tribesmen, who were ultimately
reduced to submission: they paid large fines in money and
arms, and friendly relations have since been restored."
_Great Britain,
House of Commons Reports and Papers, 1900, 13._
INDIA: A. D. 1898.
Discovery of the birthplace and the tomb of Gautama Buddha.
See (in this volume)
BUDDHA.
INDIA: A. D. 1898 (September).
Appointment of Lord Curzon to the Viceroyalty.
In September, 1898, the Right Hon. George N. Curzon, lately
Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, was appointed
Viceroy and Governor-General of India, to succeed the Earl of
Elgin. In the following month, Mr. Curzon was raised to the
peerage, as Baron Curzon of Kedleston.
INDIA: A. D. 1899-1900.
Famine again.
There was a recurrence of drought and famine in 1899, far more
extensive than that of 1896-1897; producing more death and
suffering, and calling out more strenuous exertions for its
relief. The regions afflicted were largely the same as two
years before, embracing much of northwestern and central
India. The relief measures which it demanded were carried far
into the summer of 1900. In October of the latter year Lord
Curzon, the Viceroy, addressing the Legislative Council at
Simla, and reviewing the experience through which the
government and the country had passed, made some important
statements of fact:
{262}
"In a greater or less degree," he said, "nearly one-fourth of
the entire population of the Indian continent came within the
range of the relief operations. The loss occasioned may be
roughly put in this way. The annual agricultural production of
India and Burma averages in value between 300 and 400 crores
of rupees [the crore being ten millions, and the rupee
equivalent to about one-third of a dollar]. On a very cautious
estimate the production of 1899-1900 must have been at least
one-quarter, if not one-third, below the average, or at normal
prices 75 crores, or £50,000,000 sterling. If to this be added
the value of some millions of cattle, some conception may be
formed of the destruction of property which great drought
occasions. There have been many great droughts in India, but
no other of which such figures could be predicated as these. …
"If a special characteristic can be attributed to our campaign
of famine relief in the past year, it has been its
unprecedented liberality. There is no parallel in the history
of India or any country of the world to the total of over
6,000,000 persons who, in British India and the native States
for weeks on end, have been dependent upon the charity of the
Government. The famine cost ten crores in direct expenditure,
while 238 lakhs were given to landholders and cultivators on
loans and advances, besides loans to native States. … There
has never been a famine when the general mortality has been
less, when the distress has been more amply or swiftly
relieved, or when the Government and its officers have given
themselves with more whole-hearted devotion to the saving of
life and the service of the people. It is impossible to tell
the actual mortality, but there has apparently been an excess
of mortality over the normal of 750,000. Cholera and smallpox
have accounted for 230,000, which is probably below the mark,
so that the excess in British India has equalled 500,000
during the year. To say that the greater part of these died of
starvation or even of destitution would be an unjustifiable
exaggeration, since many other contributory causes have been
at work."
Referring to the charitable help received from various parts
of the world, Lord Curzon said: "In 1896-1897 the total
collections amounted to 170 lakhs [the lakh being 100,000
rupees] of which 10 lakhs remained over at the beginning of
the recent famine. In the present year the Central Relief
Committee has received a sum of close upon 140 lakhs, not far
short of £1,000,000 sterling. To analyze the subscriptions:
India has contributed about the same amount to the fund as in
1896-1897—namely, 32 lakhs. If the contributions from the
European community are deducted, India may be considered to
have contributed less than one-fifth of the total collections
of 140 lakhs. More might have been expected from the native
community as a whole, notwithstanding individual examples of
remarkable generosity. The little colony of the Straits
Settlements, which has no connexion with India beyond that of
sentiment, has given more than the whole Punjab. A careful
observation of the figures and proceedings in each province
compels me to say that native India has not yet reached as
high a standard of practical philanthropy and charity as might
reasonably be expected. … The collections from abroad amounted
to 108 lakhs, as against 137 in 1896-1897. The United
Kingdom's contribution of 88½ lakhs compared indifferently
with its contribution of 123 lakhs in 1896-1897, but in the
circumstances of the year it is a noble gift. Glasgow has been
especially generous with a donation of 8¼ lakhs and Liverpool
with 4½, in addition to nearly 16 lakhs from the rest of
Lancashire. Australasia has given nearly 8 lakhs in place of 2
lakhs. The Straits Settlements, Ceylon, and Hong-Kong have
also been extremely generous. Even the Chinese native
officials have collected handsome sums. The liberal donation
of Germany at the instigation of the Emperor has already been
publicly acknowledged. The United States, both through direct
contributions to the fund and by means of
privately-distributed gifts of money and grain, have once more
shown their vivid sympathy with England's mission and India's
need."
INDIA: A. D. 1901.
Census of the Empire.
Decrease of population in several of the Native States.
The Indian census, begun on the 1st of March, 1901, was
completed for the entire empire in fourteen days, the result
being announced on the 15th. It showed a total population in
British territory of 231,085,000, against 221,266,000 in 1891;
in Native States 63,181,000, against 66,050,000 in 1891; total
for all India, 294,266,000, against 287,317,000 in 1891. The
Native States, it will be seen, have declined in population to
the extent of nearly 3,000,000, showing greater severity in
those states of the effects of famine and disease. In several
provinces, however, of the British territory, a decrease of
population appears: Berar declining from 2,897,000 in 1891 to
1,491,000 in 1901; Bombay (British Presidency) from 15,957,000
to 15,330,000; Central Provinces from 10,784,000 to 9,845,000;
Aden from 44,000 to 41,000; Coorg from 173,000 to 170,000. Of
the Native States the greatest loss of population was suffered
in Rajputana, which sank from 12,016,000 to 9,841,000; in
Central India, where the numbers fell from 10,318,000 to
8,501,000; and in the Bombay States, which were reduced in
population from 8,059,000 to 6,891,000. The provinces in
British India which show the greatest percentage of gain are
Upper and Lower Burma, Assam and Sind. The present population
of the greater British provinces is as follows: Bengal,
74,713,000; Madras, 38,208,000; Northwest provinces,
34,812,000; Punjab, 22,449,000.
INDIA: A. D. 1901 (February).
Continued famine.
On the 24th of January, 1901, the Viceroy of India reported to
the British Government, by telegram, that the winter rainfall
had been unusually good in Upper India, Rajputana, Central
Provinces, and Central India, and agricultural prospects were
very favorable: but that in Gujarat, Deccan, and the Karnatik
districts of Bombay, through the early cessation of the
monsoon in September and the absence of rain, the crop
prospects were bad and serious distress was expected between
then and August. Relief measures would be required. The
affected district included Baroda and part of Haidarabad. On
the 14th of February the Viceroy reported further that the
number on the relief works and gratuitous relief showed little
increase, but greater pressure was expected in the affected
area after the reaping of the scanty harvests there.
{263}
In Upper
and Central India some damage by storm and damp had been done
to crops which promised to be very good. The number of persons
then in receipt of relief was:
Bombay, 176,000;
Bombay Native States, 17,000;
Baroda, 15,000;
Haidarabad, 2,000;
Madras, 3,000;
Central India States, 1,000.
Total, 214,000.
INDIA: A. D. 1901 (February).
Creation of a new administrative province on the
northwestern frontier.
A despatch from Calcutta, February 13, announced the
determination of the government of India to create "a new
frontier agency or province, formed out of the four
trans-Indus districts of the Punjab, under an Agent to the
Governor-General of similar status to the Agent in
Baluchistan, with revenue and judicial commissioners, all the
officers being under the Supreme Government and enrolled in
the Political Department. The districts which form the new
province will be Peshawar, Kohat, Bannu, and Dera Ismail Khan,
with the tribal country beyond their limits, and also the
existing political agencies of Dir, Swat, Chitral, the
Khaibar, the Kuram, Tochi, and Wana. The scheme takes as
little as possible away from the Punjab, while making a
compact charge, easily controllable by one officer."
INDIA: A. D. 1901 (February).
Message of King Edward VII. to the princes and people.
See (in this volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY).
INDIANAPOLIS CONVENTION, and Monetary Commission, The.
See (in this volume)
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896-1898.
INDIANS, The American: A. D. 1893-1899.
Negotiations and agreements with the Five Civilized Tribes.
Work of the Dawes Commission.
In his annual Message to the Congress of the United States,
December 7, 1896, President Cleveland made the following
reference to the work of a commission created in 1893, for
negotiating with what are known as the Five Civilized Tribes
of Indians: "The condition of affairs among the Five Civilized
Tribes, who occupy large tracts of land in the Indian
Territory and who have governments of their own, has assumed
such an aspect as to render it almost indispensable that there
should be an entire change in the relations of these Indians
to the General Government. This seems to be necessary in
furtherance of their own interests, as well as for the
protection of non-Indian residents in their territory. A
commission organized and empowered under several recent laws
is now negotiating with these Indians for the relinquishment
of their courts and the division of their common lands in
severalty, and are aiding in the settlement of the troublesome
question of tribal membership. The reception of their first
proffers of negotiation was not encouraging, but through
patience and such conduct on their part as demonstrated that
their intentions were friendly and in the interest of the
tribes the prospect of success has become more promising. The
effort should be to save these Indians from the consequences
of their own mistakes and improvidence and to secure to the
real Indian his rights as against intruders and professed
friends who profit by his retrogression. A change is also
needed to protect life and property through the operation of
courts conducted according to strict justice and strong enough
to enforce their mandates. As a sincere friend of the Indian,
I am exceedingly anxious that these reforms should be
accomplished with the consent and aid of the tribes and that
no necessity may be presented for radical or drastic
legislation."
_United States,
Message and Documents
(Abridgment, 1896-1897)._
The Act of March 3, 1893, by which the commission was created,
set forth its character, its duties and its powers, as
follows: "The President shall nominate and, by and with the
advice and consent of the Senate, shall appoint three
commissioners to enter into negotiations with the Cherokee
Nation, the Choctaw Nation, the Chickasaw Nation, the Muscogee
(or Creek) Nation, the Seminole Nation, for the purpose of
extinguishment of the national or tribal title to any lands
within that territory now held by any and all of such nations
or tribes, either by cession of the same or some part thereof
to the United States, or by the allotment and division of the
same in severalty among the Indians of such nations or tribes,
respectively, as may be entitled to the same, or by such other
method as may be agreed upon between the several nations and
tribes aforesaid, or each of them, with the United States,
with a view to such an adjustment, upon the basis of justice
and equity, as may, with the consent of such nations or tribes
of Indians, so far as may be necessary, be requisite and
suitable to enable the ultimate creation of a State or States
of the Union which shall embrace the lands within said Indian
Territory. …
"Such commissioners shall, under such regulations and
directions as shall be prescribed by the President, through
the Secretary of the Interior, enter upon negotiation with the
several nations of Indians as aforesaid in the Indian
Territory, and shall endeavor to procure, first, such
allotment of lands in severalty to the Indians belonging to
each such nation, tribe, or band, respectively, as may be
agreed upon as just and proper to provide for each such Indian
a sufficient quantity of land for his or her needs, in such
equal distribution and apportionment as may be found just and
suited to the circumstances; for which purpose, after the
terms of such an agreement shall have been arrived at, the
said commissioners shall cause the land of any such nation, or
tribe, or band to be surveyed and the proper allotment to be
designated; and, secondly, to procure the cession, for such
price and upon such terms as shall be agreed upon, of any
lands not found necessary to be so allotted or divided, to the
United States; and to make proper agreements for the
investment or holding by the United States of such moneys as
may be paid or agreed to be paid to such nation, or tribes, or
bands, or to any of the Indians thereof, for the extinguishment
of their [title?] therein. But said commissioners shall,
however, have power to negotiate any and all such agreements
as, in view of all the circumstances affecting the subject,
shall be found requisite and suitable to such an arrangement
of the rights and interests and affairs of such nations,
tribes, bands, or Indians, or any of them, to enable the
ultimate creation of a Territory of the United States with a
view to the admission of the same as a State in the Union."
{264}
A subsequent Act, of March 2, 1895, authorized the appointment
of two additional members of the commission; and an Act of
June 10, 1896, provided that "said commission is further
authorized and directed to proceed at once to hear and
determine the application of all persons who may apply to them
for citizenship in any of said nations, and after said hearing
they shall determine the right of said applicant to be so
admitted and enrolled. … That the said commission … shall
cause a complete roll of citizenship of each of said nations
to be made up from their records, and add thereto the names of
citizens whose right may be conferred under this act, and said
rolls shall be, and are hereby, made rolls of citizenship of
said nations or tribes, subject, however, to the determination
of the United States courts, as provided herein."
A further Act of Congress, known as the Curtis Act, June 28,
1898, ratified, with some amendments, an agreement made by the
commission with the Choctaws and Chickasaws, in April. 1897,
and with the Creeks in September of that year, to become
effective if ratified by a majority of the voters of those
tribes at an election held prior to December 1, 1898. In the
annual report, for 1899, made by the commission (of which the
Honorable Henry L. Dawes, of Massachusetts, is chairman, and
which is often referred to as "the Dawes Commission,") the
following account of results is given: "A special election was
called by the executives of the Choctaw and Chickasaw nations
to be held August 24, and the votes cast were counted in the
presence of the Commission to the Five Civilized Tribes at
Atoka, August 30, resulting in the ratification of the
agreement by a majority of seven hundred ninety-eight votes.
Proclamation thereof was duly made, and the 'Atoka agreement,'
so called, is therefore now in full force and effect in the
Choctaw and Chickasaw nations. Chief Isparhecher of the Creeks
was slow to call an election, and it was not until November 1,
1898, that the agreement with that tribe was submitted in its
amended form for ratification. While no active interest was
manifested, the full-bloods and many of the freedmen were
opposed to the agreement and it failed of ratification by
about one hundred and fifty votes. …
"The Cherokees now began to realize the sensations of 'a man
without a country,' and again created a commission at a
general session of the national council in November, 1898,
clothed with authority to negotiate an agreement with the
United States. The earlier efforts of this commission to
conclude an agreement with that tribe were futile, owing to
the disinclination of the Cherokee commissioners to accede to
such propositions as the Government had to offer. The
commission now created was limited in its power to negotiate
to a period of thirty days. The United States Commission had
advertised appointments in Mississippi extending from December
19, 1898, to January 7, 1899, for the purpose of identifying
the Mississippi Choctaws, a duty imposed upon the commission
by the act of June 28, 1898, but on receiving a communication
from the chairman of the Cherokee Commission requesting a
conference it was deemed desirable to postpone the
appointments in Mississippi and meet the Cherokee Commission,
which it did on December 19, 1898, continuing negotiations
until January 14, 1899, producing the agreement which is
appended hereto. In the meantime the Creeks had, by act of
council, created another commission with authority to
negotiate an agreement with the United States, and a
conference was accorded it immediately upon conclusion of the
negotiations with the Cherokees, continuing to February 1,
1899, when an agreement was concluded. The agreement with the
Cherokees was ratified by the tribe at a special election held
January 31, 1899, by a majority of two thousand one hundred six
votes, and that with the Creeks on February 18, 1899, by a
majority of four hundred eighty-five.
"While these agreements do not in all respects embody those
features which the commission desired, they were the best
obtainable, and the result of most serious, patient, and
earnest consideration, covering many days of arduous labor.
The commissions were many times on the point of suspending
negotiations, there having arisen propositions upon the part
of one of the commissions which the other was unwilling to
accept. Particularly were the tribal commissioners determined
to fix a maximum and minimum value for the appraisement of
lands, while this commission was equally vigorous in its views
that the lands should be appraised at their actual value,
excluding improvements, without limitations in order that an
equal division might be made. The propositions finally agreed
upon were the result of a compromise, without which no
agreement could have been reached. The desirability, if not
the absolute necessity, of securing a uniform land tenure
among the Five Tribes leads the commission to recommend that
these agreements, with such modifications and amendments as
may be deemed wise and proper, be ratified by Congress. …
"The Choctaw and Chickasaw governments, in a limited way, are
continued, by agreement, to March 4, 1906, and certain of
their laws are therefore effective within the territory of
those tribes. A similar condition exists as to the Seminoles,
with which an agreement was concluded at the close of the year
1897. To supply needed laws to replace various tribal statutes
which had by Congress been made inoperative, the laws of
Arkansas pertaining to certain matters have been extended over
Indian Territory. The Federal laws have been made to apply to
still other subjects, and officials under the Interior
Department are charged with the enforcement of rules and
regulations governing still further matters, and so on. So
complicated and complex a state of affairs does this system of
jurisprudence present that the people are dazed and often
unable to determine what is law and who is authorized to
enforce it. Indeed, none other than an able lawyer can
reasonably hope to understand the situation, and even he must
be content to look upon certain phases of it as not being
susceptible of solution.
"Conditions are not yet ripe for the immediate installation of
a Territorial or State government. 'Tis a consummation
devoutly to be wished,' but wholly impracticable at this time
for various reasons, not the least of which is found in the
fact that there are four non-citizens in Indian Territory to
every citizen. The non-citizen does not own a foot of soil,
save as provisions have recently been made for the segregation
and sale of town sites, and with a voice in legislation, the
non-citizen would soon legislate the Indian into a state of
innocuous desuetude. On the other hand, it would be manifestly
unjust and at ill-accord with the spirit of our institutions
to deny the right of franchise to so great a number of people,
in all respects otherwise entitled to enjoy that prerogative.
{265}
Another very serious obstacle to the establishment of a
territorial form of government is the lack of uniform land
tenures. The commission indulges in the hope and belief that
at no great distant date some method may be devised whereby
the lands of all the Five Tribes may be subjected to a uniform
tenure. It will be seen that the legislative feature of the
popular form of government is not possible at this time, and
while legislation by Congress for all the petty needs of the
Territory is impracticable in the highest degree, the more
urgent requirements of the people must be met by this means
for the present. The judicial branch is well represented by
the United States courts. …
"The commission, in conclusion, most earnestly urges the
importance of adequate appropriations for pushing to an early
completion the work contemplated by the various laws and
agreements under which a transformation is to be wrought in
Indian Territory. The all-important and most urgent duty now
devolving upon the Government of the United States incident to
the translation of conditions among the Five Tribes is the
allotment of lands in severalty, and the most pressing and
essential preliminary steps toward that end are the completion
of citizenship rolls, the appraisement of lands, and the
subdivision of sections into forty-acre tracts, all of which
have been already discussed in detail in this report. The
commission believes that the enrollment of citizens is
progressing as rapidly as the nature of the work will permit,
and unless some unforeseen obstacle arises to prevent, the
rolls in four of the nations will be completed and delivered
to the Secretary during the fiscal year ending June 30, 1900,
and very material progress made in the fifth."
_Sixth Annual Report of the Commission
to the Five Civilized Tribes, 1899,
page 66-67, and 9-29._
INDIANS, AMERICAN: A. D. 1898.
Outbreak in northern Minnesota.
An alarming outbreak of hostility on the part of some of the
Indians of the Leech Lake Reservation in northern Minnesota
occurred in October, 1898, provoked, as was afterwards shown,
by gross frauds and abuses on the part of certain of the
officials with whom they had to deal. They had been shamefully
defrauded in the sale of their timber lands, which the
government assumed to undertake for their benefit; but the
immediate Cause of trouble appeared to be a scandalous
practice on the part of deputy marshals, who made arrests
among them for trivial reasons, conveyed prisoners and
witnesses to the federal court at St. Paul, in order to obtain
fees and mileage, and left them to make their way home again
as they could. The outbreak began on the arrest of a chief of
the Pillager band of Chippewas, on Bear Island. He was to be
taken to St. Paul as a witness in a case of alleged
whiskey-selling; but his followers rescued him. The marshal,
thereupon, called for military aid, and a company of United
States infantry was sent to the Reservation. They were
ambuscaded by the Indians and suffered a loss of 5 killed and
16 wounded. The Pillager band was joined by Indians from
neighboring tribes, and all in the region were dangerously
excited by the event, while the whites were in great dread of
a general Indian war. But reinforcements of troops were
promptly sent to the scene, and peace was soon
restored,—measures being taken to remedy the wrongs of which
the Indians complained.
INDIANS, AMERICAN: A. D. 1899-1900.
The recent Indian policy of the government, and its results.
Indian schools and education.
Present Indian population.
"This, then, is the present Indian policy of the nation,—to
fit the Indian for civilization and to absorb him into it. It
is a national work. It is less than twenty-five years since
the government turned from the policy of keeping him on
reservations, as quiet as possible, out of the way of
civilization, waiting, with no excess of patience, for the
race to fade out of existence and to cease from troubling. It
was in 1877 that the nation made the first appropriation from
its own treasury to fit for its own citizenship this portion
of the human race living under its own flag and constitution,
but without legal status or constitutional immunities. … The
first appropriation was a mere pittance of $20,000; it was
given only after a hard struggle. But the first step met with
encouragement, and the next year the sum was increased to
$30,000, and then to $60,000, and in two years more it became
$125,000. The policy has at last so grown in public confidence
that, while there is still much discussion of the best methods
of expenditure, not a word is heard among the lawgivers for
its abandonment. It has in the meantime so broadened in its
scope that the appropriations for this work have increased
from year to year, till this year (1899) it has risen to
$2,638,390. … There are now 148 well-equipped boarding schools
and 295 day schools, engaged in the education of 24,004
children, with an average attendance of 19,671. How near this
comes to including the whole number of children of school age,
in a total population of a quarter of a million of Indians,
every inquirer can form a pretty close estimate for himself.
No one will deny that, at this rate of progress, the
facilities for the education of Indian children will soon
reach, if they have not already reached, those enjoyed by
their white neighbors in the remote regions of the West. The
results thus far are of a most encouraging character.
"But the work does not stop with the rising generation of the
race; it embraces also the adult Indian. … Soon after the
beginning of appropriations for Indian schools, Congress, in
what is called the Severalty Act, provided for every Indian
capable of appreciating its value, and who chose to take it, a
homestead of one hundred and sixty acres to heads of families,
and a smaller number to other members, inalienable and
untaxable for twenty-five years, to be selected by him on the
reservation of his tribe. If he prefer to abandon his tribe
and go elsewhere, he may take his allotment anywhere on the
public domain, free of charge. No English baron has a safer
title to his manor than has each Indian to his homestead. He
cannot part with it for twenty-five years without the consent
of Congress, nor can the United States, without his consent,
be released from a covenant to defend his possession for the
same period. This allotment carries with it also all the
rights, privileges, and immunities of an American citizen;
opens to these Indians, as to all other citizens, the doors of
all the courts; and extends to them the protection of all the
laws, national and state, which affect any other citizen. Any
Indian, if he prefers not to be a farmer, incumbered with one
of these homesteads, may become a citizen of the United
States, and reside and prosecute any calling in any part of
the United States, as securely under this law as anyone else,
by taking up his residence separate and apart from his tribe,
and adopting the habits of civilized life. Thus every door of
opportunity is thrown wide open to every adult Indian, as well
as to those of the next generation.
{266}
"This recognition of the home and family as a force in Indian
civilization became a part of the present policy of dealing
with the race only twelve years ago. These are some of its
results: 55,467 individual Indians, including a few under
former treaty stipulations, have taken their allotments,
making an aggregate of 6,708,628 acres. Of these, 30,000 now
hold complete patents to their homes, and the rest are
awaiting the perfection and delivery of their title deeds. …
Not alone in these statistics are manifest the evidences of
permanent advance of the race toward the goal of orderly,
self-supporting citizenship. Bloody Indian wars have ceased.
The slaughter of warring clans and the scalping of women and
children fleeing from burning wigwams are no longer recorded.
Geronimo himself has become a teacher of peace. The recent
unfortunate difficulty with the Chippewas in Minnesota, caused
more by lack of white than of red civilization, is no
exception. We are at peace with the Indian all along the
border, and the line between the Indian and the white
settlements is fast fading out."
_H. L. Dawes, Have we failed with the Indian?
(Atlantic Monthly, August, 1899)._
"Indian education is accomplished through the means of
nonreservation boarding schools, reservation boarding schools,
and reservation and independent day schools, all under
complete Government control, State and Territorial public
schools, contract day and boarding schools, and mission day
and boarding schools. The Indian school system aims to provide
a training which will prepare the Indian boy or girl for the
every day life of the average American citizen. It does not
contemplate, as some have supposed on a superficial
examination, an elaborate preparation for a collegiate course
through an extended high-school curriculum. The course of
instruction in these schools is limited to that usually taught
in the common schools of the country. Shoe and harness making,
tailoring, blacksmithing, masonry work, plastering, brick
making and laying, etc., are taught at the larger
nonreservation schools, not, it is true, with the
elaborateness of special training as at the great polytechnic
institutions of the country, but on a scale suited to the
ability and future environment of the Indian. There are
special cases, however, where Indian boys are, and have been,
trained so thoroughly that their work compares favorably with
that of the white mechanic. … Phoenix, Haskell, Albuquerque,
and other institutions, have well-organized schools of
domestic science, where the girls are practically taught the
art of preparing a wholesome meal, such as appears on the
tables of persons of moderate means. …
"Nonreservation schools … are as a rule the largest
institutions devoted to Indian education. As indicated by
their designation, they are situated off the reservations and
usually near cities or populous districts, where the object
lessons of white civilization are constantly presented to the
pupils. They are recruited principally from the day and
boarding schools on the reservations. The majority are
supported by special appropriations made by Congress, and are
adapted to the teaching of trades, etc., in a more extended
degree than are schools on the reservations. The largest of
these schools is situated at Carlisle, Pennsylvania, where
there are accommodations for 1,000 pupils; the next largest is
at Phoenix, Arizona, with a capacity for 700; the third, at
Lawrence, Kansas, and known as Haskell Institute,
accommodating 600 pupils. These three large schools are types
of their class, and are not restricted in territory as to
collection of pupils. Chemawa school, near Salem, Oregon, and
Chilocco school, near Arkansas City, Oklahoma, are types of
the medium-sized schools, and each has a capacity of 400
pupils. The remainder of the schools are of less capacity and
have not been developed so highly. There are altogether 25 of
these schools. …
"There are 81 boarding schools located on the different
reservations, an increase of 11 over last year. At these
institutions the same general line of policy is pursued as at
the nonreservation schools. Frequently located far from the
centers of civilization, conditions are different, and their
conduct must be varied to suit their own special environment.
Many were formerly mission schools and army posts, unsuited to
Indian school purposes, but by constant modification are being
brought into general harmony with the system. … Government day
schools are small schools with capacity for 30 or 40 pupils
each. As a rule they are located at remote points on the
reservations, and are conducted by a teacher and a
housekeeper. A small garden, some stock, and tools are
furnished, and the rudiments of industrial education are given
the boys; and the girls are taught the use of the needle in
mending and sewing, and of the washtub in cleanliness. … There
were 147 day schools in operation during the year, an increase
of 5 over last year."
The number of government schools reported for the year 1900
was 253, total enrollment, 22,124, average attendance, 17,860;
contract schools, 32, with an enrollment of 2,806, average
attendance, 2,451; public and mission schools, 22, with an
enrollment of 1,521, and an average attendance of 1,257; the
aggregate being 307 schools, with an enrollment of 26,451, and
an average attendance of 21,568. "Statistics of the schools
for the New York Indians are not included in the above, for
the reason that as they are cared for by the State of New York
this office has no jurisdiction over them. … The Indian
population of the United States under the control of the
Indian Office (excluding the Five Civilized Tribes) was
187,312 in 1899, which would give a scholastic population of
between 45,000 and 47,000. Deduct 30 per cent for the sick and
otherwise disabled, and those in white schools or away from
the direct control of the office, and it would leave about
34,000 children for whom educational facilities should be
provided. There are now 26,000 of them in school, leaving
about 8,000 unprovided for."
_Annual Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
1900, pages 15-23._
{267}
"Taking the concurrent facts of history and experience into
consideration, it can, with a great degree of confidence, be
stated that the Indian population of the United States has
been very little diminished from the days of Columbus,
Coronado, Raleigh, Captain John Smith, and other early
explorers." The number of Indians in the United States in the
year 1900, according to the report of the Indian Office, was
272,023. This excludes "the Indians of Alaska, but includes
the New York Indians (5,334) and the Five Civilized Tribes in
Indian Territory (84,750)—a total population of 90,084. These
Indians are often separated from the others in statistics
because they have separate school and governmental systems."
_Annual Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
1900, pages 47-49._
INDONESIAN RACE.
See (in this volume)
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: THE NATIVE INHABITANTS.
INDUSTRIAL ARBITRATION.
See (in this volume)
NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1891-1900; and
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JUNE).
INDUSTRIAL COMBINATIONS.
See (in this volume)
TRUSTS; UNITED STATES.
INDUSTRIAL COMMISSION, The United States.
See (in this volume)
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JUNE).
INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES, Wide-spread: A. D. 1895-1896.
Strike of glassworkers in France.
A great strike of French glass workers, beginning in the
summer of 1895, ended the following January in a lockout of
the men, leaving thousands without means of subsistence.
INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES, Wide-spread: A. D. 1897.
The great dispute in the British engineering trades.
"The strike originated in an effort on the part of some of the
men employed in London to introduce the eight-hour day. As a
consequence of this movement, the Employers' Federation voted,
on July 1st, that in case the threatened movement in favor of
eight hours should be carried out 'notices will immediately be
given by the members of the associations affiliated to the
federation that a reduction of hands of 25 per cent. will take
place of the members of such unions in their employment.' This
challenge of the employers was quickly taken up by the
Unionists. The Amalgamated Society at once gave instructions
that in all cases in which notices of lockout were issued to
25 per cent. of their members, the remaining 75 per cent.
should hand in notices to cease work at the same time. The
result was the inauguration of a dispute, which took in part
the form of a lockout, in part that of a strike, but which
from the beginning was carried on with an ominous display of
bitterness and obstinacy on both sides. The membership of the
different societies concerned in the dispute was estimated, by
the Labor Gazette in July, at over 109,000. All of these were
not, of course, actually on strike. … It seems as if the
employers had been quite ready to enter into this contest with
the view of crushing the union, or at least of teaching it a
lesson; but the result is a very widespread industrial
conflict, which is producing results far beyond those
immediately concerned."
_Yale Review
(November, 1897)._
"The number of work people directly affected by the dispute
was about 25,000 at the outset, but as the area of the dispute
widened the number of firms and of workmen involved gradually
increased, until the lock-out involved 702 firms and 35,000
workmen directly and 12,500 indirectly. … Though the immediate
cause of the general dispute was the demand for an eight
hours' day in London, the real questions at issue between the
parties had become of a much more far-reaching kind, and now
involved the questions of workshop control and the limits of
trade union interference. During October and November
negotiations under the Conciliation Act took place between the
Board of Trade and the representatives of the parties with a
view to arrange a conference between them. As a result of the
correspondence both sides assented to the following basis for
a conference suggested by the Board of Trade:
1. The Federated Employers, while disavowing any intention of
interfering with the legitimate action of trade unions, will
admit no interference with the management of their business.
The Trade Unions on their part, while maintaining their right
of combination, disavow any intention of interfering with the
management of the business of the employers.
2. The notices demanding a 48 hours' week served on the
Federated Employers in London without previous request for a
conference are withdrawn.
3. A conference between representatives of the Federated
Employers and the Trade Unions concerned in the dispute shall
be held forthwith. …
Pending the conference the employers agreed to suspend all
pending lockout notices, and the Unions not to interfere in
any way with men in employment. …
"The sittings were held on November 24th and two following
days, and again on November 30th and three following days,
after which an adjournment took place until December 14th in
order to allow the men to vote as to the acceptance or
otherwise of the proposals made by the employers. … When the
Conference resumed its sittings on December 14th the result of
the ballot of the men was declared to be:—For the terms, 752;
against, 68,966. Discussion of the proposals was, however,
resumed and continued over four days by a sub-committee of
three representatives on each side, who consulted with their
colleagues when necessary. The terms were somewhat amended. …
On submitting these amended conditions to the vote of the men
1,041 voted in favour of their acceptance and 54,933 against.
The truce which had been arranged over the period of
negotiations was brought to an end by this vote, and fresh
notices of lock-out were given in various centres, which
considerably increased the numbers affected. …
"On January 13th, however, an important change was made in the
position of the men. The London Joint Committee, the body
which took the first actual step in the dispute by ordering
strike notices to be given in certain London shops, passed the
following resolution:—That we intimate to the Employers'
Federation that the demand for an eight hours' day, or
forty-eight hours' week be withdrawn. That before such
intimation is given the above resolution to be sent to the
Executive Councils of the Societies represented on the Joint
Committee for their approval or otherwise. … This resolution
received the approval of the trade unions concerned, and the
withdrawal of the demand for a 48 hours' week was intimated to
the Employers' Federation, which, however, still insisted on
the acceptance by the unions of the 'conditions of management
mutually adjusted at the recent Westminster Conference' as a
condition of returning to work. The men asked that the
employers' notes and explanations should be read as part of
the proposed agreement, and eventually, after renewed
negotiations between the parties, a provisional agreement was
arrived at and submitted to the votes of the men, who ratified
it by 28,588 to 13,727. The final agreement was signed in
London on January 28th, and work was resumed in the following
week. …
{268}
"Naturally, after so long a stoppage the resumption of work by
the men was a gradual process, but the number unemployed owing
to the dispute, including those indirectly affected, sank from
44,500 at the close of the lock-out to 7,500 at the end of
February, 2,000 at the end of April, 1,500 at the end of May,
and 1,000 at the end of June. … Some idea of the indirect
effects of the stoppage on trades related to those engaged in
the struggle may be formed from the fact that the percentage
of unemployed members in trade unions of the ship-building
group rose from 4.4 per cent. in July, to 14.1 per cent. in
December."
_Great Britain, Board of Trade (Labour Department),
Report on the Strikes and Lock-outs of 1897._
INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES, Wide-spread: A. D. 1897.
Great coal miners' strike in the United States.
A general strike of the coal miners in the various districts
of the United States began in July, 1897. The territory
covered five states and involved about 157,000 men. The
strikers asked for an advance in wages on the ground that it
was their right to share in the increase of business
prosperity and advanced prices. A grievance for which redress
was asked was that of being obliged to buy at the company
stores, paying in company's orders, to be deducted from their
wages. The principal grievance was the 54-cent rate, paid by
Mr. W. P. De Armitt of the New York and Cleveland Gas Coal
Company. The men employed by Mr. De Armitt had signed a
contract to accept a rate 10 cents below that of other
operators, in return for which he had abolished company
stores, gave steady employment, and paid promptly in cash. His
men were satisfied with the arrangement, although the
prevailing price for mining coal was 64 cents a ton. Most of
them, however, were finally forced by the organization to join
the strikers. The strike lasted until September 12, when
matters were arranged in a convention at Columbus, Ohio, when
a uniform rate of 65 cents was adopted.
A tragic feature of the strike occurred at Lattimer,
Pennsylvania, where a mob of marching miners, resisting the
sheriff and handling him roughly, were fired upon by armed
deputies. Eighteen were killed and about forty wounded.
INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES, Wide-spread: A. D. 1898.
New England cotton mill strike.
In January a general strike, affecting 125,000 operatives,
resulted from a reduction in wages in 150 cotton mills of New
England. By April most of the strikers returned to work at the
manufacturers' terms.
INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES, Wide-spread: A. D. 1898.
Coal miners' strike in Illinois.
This strike, beginning in May, originated in the refusal of
the mine operators to grant the rate of 40 cents a ton, agreed
upon after the strike of 1897. The operators refused to
compromise and the miners were upheld by the United Mine
Workers. Riots arose in the towns of Pana and Virden upon the
attempt of the mine owners to import negro workers from the
south. Governor Tanner, in sending troops to restore order,
enjoined upon them to protect citizens, but on no account to
assist mine owners to operate their mines with imported labor,
The governor's attitude provoked much criticism. A serious
outbreak occurred on October 12, at Virden, when 14 persons
were killed and 25 wounded. The strike at Virden was settled
in November, the mine owners agreeing to the demands of the
miners. The trouble at Pana lasted until April, when a
settlement was arrived at.
INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES, Wide-spread: A. D. 1900.
Anthracite coal miners' strike in Pennsylvania.
A great strike of the anthracite mine workers of Pennsylvania,
which began September 17, practically ended October 17, when
the Philadelphia and Reading Coal and Iron Company and the
Lehigh Valley Coal Company agreed to abolish the sliding scale
in their respective regions and to grant an advance in wages
of 10 per cent. net, the advance to remain in operation until
April 1, 1901, and thereafter till further notice. Mr. John
Mitchell, president of the Mine Workers' National Union, in a
speech soon after the end of the strike, said that of the
142,000 men concerned "at first only 8,000 men were in the
union or organized. Nevertheless, the day the strike began,
112,000 men laid down their tools; and when the strike ended,
after 39 days of non-employment, all but 2,000 of them had
joined the ranks of the union."
INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION, in the United States.
See (in this volume)
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1897.
INITIATIVE IN SWITZERLAND, The.
See (in this volume)
SWITZERLAND: A. D. 1894-1898.
INSURANCE, Compulsory, in Germany.
See (in this volume)
GERMANY: A. D. 1897-1900.
INTERCONTINENTAL RAILWAY, The.
See (in this volume)
RAILWAY, INTERCONTINENTAL.
INTERNATIONAL ARBITRATION.
See (in this volume)
ARBITRATION, INTERNATIONAL.
INTERNATIONAL CATALOGUING, of Scientific Literature.
See (in this volume)
SCIENCE, RECENT: SCIENTIFIC LITERATURE.
INTERNATIONAL COMMERCIAL CONGRESS.
An important step in promotion of the development of
international commerce was taken at Philadelphia, in October,
1899, by the assembling of an International Commercial
Congress, under the auspices of the Philadelphia Commercial
Museum and the Franklin Institute, with the co-operation, not
only of the city and the State, but also of the Congress of
the United States. Some forty governments, and a great number
of chambers of commerce and other business organizations were
represented, and much good was expected from the meeting. It
adopted resolutions urging co-operative and assimilated action
by all nations, in the registration of trade marks, in the
preparation of trade statistics and agricultural reports, and
in the establishing of the parcels post. It commended the
Philadelphia Commercial Museum as an example to be imitated;
urged the construction of an interoceanic canal, recommended
free trade in artistic works, and pleaded for the pacific
settlement of international disputes by arbitration.
At the time of the session of the Congress, a National Export
Exposition was being held at Philadelphia, under the same
auspices, with great success.
{269}
INTEROCEANIC CANAL.
See (in this volume)
CANAL, INTEROCEANIC.
INTEROCEANIC RAILWAY, The Tehuantepec.
See (in this volume)
MEXICO: A. D. 1898-1900.
INTER-STATE COMMERCE, American.
Arbitration of industrial disputes.
See (in this volume)
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JUNE).
INVENTIONS:
Comparison of the Nineteenth Century with preceding ages.
See (in this volume)
NINETEENTH CENTURY: COMPARISON.
IRADE.
See (in this volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1895.
----------IRELAND: Start--------
IRELAND: A. D. 1890-1900.
Hopeful work in the organization and systematization
of Irish agriculture.
"Can nothing be made of an essentially food-producing country
situated at the very door of the greatest market for
food-stuffs that the world has ever seen? Government has at
last moved in this matter, but, as usual, not before private
initiation had shamed them into action. Mr. Horace Plunkett
and his friends went to work ten years ago, pointing out that
Ireland had natural resources equal or superior to those of
countries which were driving her few products out of the
English market, and preached the organisation, the
co-operation, and the scientific methods of agriculture which
in those other countries were inculcated and subsidised by
state agencies. Then the Congested Districts Board, under the
auspices of Mr. Arthur Balfour, began its beneficent work.
Then came in 1895 the Recess Committee, on Mr. Plunkett's
suggestion; and finally, in 1899, the recommendations of that
Committee's invaluable Report were practically embodied in the
creation of a Board of Agriculture and Technical Instruction.
This body has scarcely as yet begun its work, but its main
business will be to do throughout the whole of Ireland what
has been done in the least hopeful districts by the Congested
Districts Board, and over a larger area, but with very
inadequate means, by the Irish Agricultural Organisation
Society, of which Mr. Plunkett has been the moving spirit.
Things are therefore only at their beginning. … The main
purpose of the Irish Agricultural Organisation Society has
been not to create new industries but to organize and
systematise the one already existing—the characteristic Irish
industry of agriculture. It has done the work which in France,
Denmark, Canada, and a dozen other countries that can be
named, is being done by a State department; and the efforts of
its promoters have brought into being such a department for
Ireland also. The Society spent in nine years £15,000 of
subscriptions. This neither can last nor ought to last. It is
the business of the Department, if it does not supersede the
Society, to subsidise it."
_Stephen Gwynn,
A Month in Ireland
(Blackwood's Magazine, October, 1900, page 573)._
The most effective work done thus far, by the official and
private agencies above mentioned, appears to have been in the
organization of co-operative creameries and dairies.
IRELAND: A. D. 1894.
Cooling of the Liberal party towards Irish Home Rule.
See (in this volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1894-1895.
IRELAND: A. D. 1896.
A new Land Act.
"The celebrated Land Act of 1881, supplemented by Acts in the
same direction, placed the land of Ireland, as everyone knows,
under a system of perpetual leases, at State-settled rents,
renewable every fifteen years; and, in 1896, the time was at
hand for revising the rents fixed from 1881 onwards, and for
renewing the leases made during this interval of time. An Act,
accordingly, was passed through Parliament in order fully to
accomplish this end; and, incidentally, it dealt with many
other things connected with the Irish Land System, and with
the legislation inaugurated in 1881. It enlarged the sphere of
State-settled rent, bringing within it certain classes of
tenants which, hitherto, had been excluded from it; it placed
the law for exempting tenants' improvements from rent, to a
considerable extent, on a new basis; and it introduced, for
the first time, what is called the principal of 'compulsory
purchase' into the system of 'Land Purchase,' so named in
Ireland, always a favourite policy of Lord Salisbury's
Governments."
_Judge O'Connor Morris,
The Report of the Fry Commission
(Fortnightly Review, November, 1898)._
The new bill (59 & 60 Vict. ch. 47) was carried successfully
through Parliament by the Government, with skillful management
on the part of Mr. Gerald Balfour, the Secretary for Ireland,
after many amendments and much debate. It was a compromise
measure, reluctantly accepted and satisfying no interest or
party. The general feeling with which it was passed is
described as follows: "The practical result of the discussion
was to show that the bill did not go so far as Mr. T. W.
Russell, a member of the Government and the representative of
the Ulster farmers, wished; that the section of the
Nationalists headed by Mr. Dillon were anxious to throw cold
water upon it, but afraid to oppose it openly; and that Mr.
Healy and his friends, as well as the Parnellites, were ready
to do their best to ensure its passing. But while the
representatives of the tenants were ready to accept the bill
as an installment of their claims, they at the same time
pronounced it, to be inadequate. … The Dillonites were
unwilling to give the Healyites and the Parnellites the chance
of taunting them with having lost the bill, whilst the
landlords hoped for an improvement of the purchase clauses and
a reform of procedure in the law courts. … The debate on the
third reading, although not forced to a division, was
spirited; the landlords opposing it because it was too much of
a tenant's bill, and Mr. Davitt opposing it because it was too
much of a landlords' bill. Mr. Dillon and his followers voted
for it, but in their speeches did all they could to run it
down, while the Parnellites and Healyites did all in their
power to support it."
_Annual Register, 1896,
pages 160-161._
{270}
IRELAND: 1896-1897.
Report of a Royal Commission on the Financial Relations
between Great Britain and Ireland.
"At various times since the passing of the Act of Legislative
Union between Great Britain and Ireland, complaints have been
made that the financial arrangements between the two countries
were not satisfactory, or in accordance with the principles of
that Act, and that the resources of Ireland have had to bear
an undue pressure of taxation. Inquiries into the truth of
these allegations have frequently been called for"; but it was
not until 1894 that provision was made for a thorough
investigation of the subject. In that year a Royal Commission
was appointed, with Mr. Childers, ex-Chancellor of the
Exchequer, at its head, "to inquire into the financial
relations between Great Britain and Ireland, and their
relative taxable capacity, and to report:
(1.) Upon what principles of comparison, and by the
application of what specific standards, the relative capacity
of Great Britain and Ireland to bear taxation may be most
equitably determined.
(2.) What, so far as can be ascertained, is the true
proportion, under the principles and specific standards so
determined, between the taxable capacity of Great Britain and
Ireland.
(3.) The history of the financial relations between Great
Britain and Ireland at and after the Legislative Union, the
charge for Irish purposes on the Imperial Exchequer during
that period, and the amount of Irish taxation remaining
available for contribution to Imperial expenditure; also the
Imperial expenditure to which it is considered equitable that
Ireland should contribute."
The Commission made its "Final Report" in 1896, submitting the
conclusions on which its members were unanimously agreed, and
presenting, further, no less than seven differing reports on
other points upon which agreement could not be reached. The
summary of conclusions in the unanimous joint report was as
follows:
"In carrying out the inquiry we have ascertained that there
are certain questions upon which we are practically unanimous,
and we think it expedient to set them out in this joint
report. Our conclusions on these questions are as follows:
I. That Great Britain and Ireland must, for the purpose of
this inquiry, be considered as separate entities.
II. That the Act of Union imposed upon Ireland a burden which,
as events showed, she was unable to bear.
III. That the increase of taxation laid upon Ireland between
1853 and 1860 was not justified by the then existing
circumstances.
IV. That identity of rates of taxation does not necessarily
involve equality of burden.
V. That whilst the actual tax revenue of Ireland is about
one-eleventh of that of Great Britain the relative taxable
capacity of Ireland is very much smaller, and is not estimated
by any of us as exceeding one-twentieth."
_Great Britain,
Parliamentary Publications
(Papers by Command: C.—8262, pages 1-2)._
The report was keenly criticised in England, and the fact that
it emanated from a Commission in which the majority were
partisans of Irish Home Rule was used by the Conservatives to
disparage its conclusions. A new investigation of the subject
was called for. The subject came before Parliament in the
session of 1897,—first in the Lords, and later in the Commons.
On the 30th of March, Mr. Blake, a member from Ireland, moved
a resolution in the House of Commons, to the effect that the
report of the Commission had established the existence of an
undue burden of taxation on Ireland and made it the duty of
the Government to propose remedial legislation at an early
day. The debate which this opened was continued during three
nights, at the end of which the motion was negatived by a vote
of 317 to 157.
IRELAND: A. D. 1898 (July).
The Local Government Act.
A bill which had great success, so far as it went, in
satisfying the representatives of Ireland in the Parliament of
the United Kingdom, was brought forward there, by the
Conservative Government, in February, 1898, and carried
through both Houses in July. It was accepted by the Irish as
"no substitute for Home Rule," but as a recognized "step in
that direction." It had been foreshadowed in the Queen's
Speech at the opening of Parliament, and described as a
measure "for the organisation of a system of local government
in Ireland substantially similar to that which, within the
last few Years, has been established in Great Britain." This
important Act established County Councils, Urban District
Councils, Rural District Councils, and Boards of Guardians,
all elected by ballot every three years, on a franchise
broader than the Parliamentary franchise, since it gave the
local suffrage to women. The same Act extended to Ireland the
provisions of the Act for the relief of agricultural land, and
contained some other welcome provisions of financial relief.
_61 & 62 Vict. chapter 37._
"To understand the extent of the change which is now
determined on … it is necessary first to describe the system
of Irish Local Government which is about to pass away forever.
Broadly speaking, that system consisted of three parts, viz.:
the Grand Jury, the Poor Law Boards, and various forms of
Municipal Government in towns and cities. … The Grand Jury was
about the most anomalous and indefensible institution which
can be conceived. It consisted, usually, of a couple of dozen
persons chosen from a larger number selected by the High
Sheriff for the county or the city, as the case might be, the
High Sheriff himself being the nominee of the Lord Lieutenant,
who acted on the recommendation of the Superior Court Judges,
who, in their turn, always recommended some leading landlord
and magistrate. … The Grand Jury in every Irish county, down
even to the present year, has always consisted almost entirely
of members of the landlord class, and mainly of Protestants
also. To bodies thus constituted was entrusted the control of
all public roads and other public works of the county, the
contracts therefor, the management of the prisons, the care of
the public buildings, the power to contribute to infirmaries,
lunatic asylums and fever hospitals, the appointment of all
the paid officials of the county, and the right to levy a tax
called the county cess, which, of late years, has produced
considerably more than a million pounds sterling annually.
Associated with the Grand Juries were smaller bodies, the
members of which met at 'Presentment Sessions' once or twice a
year to initiate county works. Those bodies also were
non-elective, and represented mainly the landlords and
magistrates of the respective counties. In the old days, these
Grand Juries became—not unnaturally—not merely nests of jobbery
and corruption, but an agency of social and political
oppression. …
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For many years past, indeed, the Grand Juries have not been
open to all those charges. They have not, as a rule, been the
corrupt jobbers they were forty or fifty years ago. Their
administration of the business entrusted to them has been
fairly honest and efficient. But in their constitution they
have, on the whole, continued to be what they were. …
"The Boards of Poor Law Guardians have in the course of time
become more or less popular bodies, and, besides their
original function of dispensing relief out of the rates to the
destitute poor, have been invested with the management of so
many other matters in recent years that their title is now
really a misnomer. They are, for instance, the sanitary
authorities in all rural and in some urban districts; they
have to do with the registration of births, deaths, and
marriages, and—not to go through the whole list of their
powers and duties—they have had the administration of the
Laborers' Acts, under which a good deal has been done, since
the year 1883, to improve the homes of agricultural laborers.
"It remains to notice the system of Government in the towns
and cities. In this case there has been some degree of reality
in the phrase, 'local self-government'—at least, for the last
forty or fifty years. Down to 1840 there was no really
representative system of government in any Irish town or city.
… Since the year mentioned the corporations have been more or
less representative, and since 1854 the smaller towns in
Ireland have been allowed the right to possess municipal
institutions of a less important, but still representative,
character. In respect, however, of both the corporations of
the cities and of the town boards of the smaller civic
communities, the franchise for municipal purposes has been
ridiculously restricted. In Dublin, the population exceeds
300,000; the Parliamentary electorate is upwards of 40,000;
but the municipal electorate amounts to only about 8,000 or
9,000; and the same story is true of all the other
municipalities, except a few which, like Belfast, have by
special acts of Parliament obtained extensions of the suffrage
peculiar to themselves.
"Here, then, was a state of thing's which, assuredly, required
mending, and, as I have said, innumerable efforts to mend it
had been made up to last year with no result. Last summer,
however, the reform now virtually accomplished was announced
to the House of Commons one afternoon by Mr. Arthur Balfour,
without anyone having asked for it and without any warning
whatever. The chief features of the measure may be briefly
described. In the first place, the ground is cleared by
absolutely sweeping away the Grand Juries for fiscal purposes.
Those bodies are still retained for their original
purpose—that, namely, of dealing with indictments. … With them
go the Boards of Guardians as they are at present constituted.
Bodies will still continue to exist under that name, but they
will be no longer constituted as they are now. … In the place
of the Grand Juries and the Boards of Guardians there has been
set up a rather complicated system of County Councils and
District Councils, these latter being sub-divided into two
classes—Urban District Councils and Rural District Councils;
and at this point one provision applicable to all those
bodies, and also to every Corporation and Town Board in the
country, may be conveniently mentioned. It is that which
enacts that the electorate in each case shall be the
Parliamentary electorate, in addition to peers and to such
women as would, if they were men, be qualified for the
Parliamentary franchise. Here is manifestly a great reform in
itself. … The change is a vast one, in view of the narrow
foundation on which even the most popular Irish local
institutions have hitherto rested. It means the transfer of
power from a class to the people. It means the ousting of what
used to be the English garrison in Ireland from what it had
come to regard as its inalienable heritage. It marks the entry
of the Irish Nation, after ages of weary waiting, into at
least a considerable portion of its birthright. To the County
Councils, which will thus repose on a thoroughly popular
basis, and one of which will be established in every county,
will be entrusted all the fiscal business of the Grand Juries,
with one exception. The excepted business is that of assessing
compensation for malicious injuries."
_J. J. Clancy,
The Latest Reform in Ireland
(North American Review, September, 1898)._
IRELAND: A. D. 1900 (April).
Visit of Queen Victoria.
For the first time in nearly forty years, Queen Victoria paid
a visit to Ireland in April, and held court in Dublin for
three weeks, being cordially received and treated throughout
with respect by well-mannered crowds. Apparently the visit
gave satisfaction to most of the Irish people.
IRELAND: A. D. 1900-1901.
Parliamentary elections.
Triumph of the United Irish League.
Its absorption of the Nationalist party.
Its programme.
The elections to a new Parliament (see, in this volume,
ENGLAND: A. D. 1900, SEPTEMBER-OCTOBER), held in October,
resulted in a sweeping victory for the United Irish League, a
new organization formed by Mr. William O'Brien, which,
according to the "London Times," "has practically absorbed the
whole of the Irish Nationalist party" and "is the successor in
title of the old Land League." "Mr. William O'Brien," says the
"Times," "returned his own followers to Parliament from
practically every Nationalist constituency in Ireland. … For
the moment at least all the other successors of Mr. Parnell
are vanquished or in captivity, and Mr. O'Brien finds himself
at the head of a party which for the first time in ten years
has the right to call itself 'united.'"
On the opening of the Parliament, in the following February,
the new League was soon brought to its attention by Mr.
O'Brien, who moved, on the 22d, to amend the Address to the
King, which was then under discussion, by adding to it the
following: "Humbly to represent to your Majesty that this
House has observed that a combination of the agricultural
classes in Ireland has been formed, under the name of the
United Irish League, with the object of accomplishing reforms
which alone, in the opinion of nine-tenths of the
constitutional representatives of Ireland, can arrest the
continued depopulation of that country and the decay of its
only great national industry.
{272}
These reforms being, first, the creation of an occupying
proprietary in substitution for the present unsettled and
vexatious system of dual ownership of land; and, secondly, the
utilization of extensive tracts, at present lying practically
waste in the congested districts, for the purpose of supplying
holdings of sufficient extent to a hard-working and deserving
population, who for want of land are compelled to live in a
condition of chronic privation and even famine on the borders
of those fertile depopulated areas; that the movement which
has been carried on for the past three years for the promotion
of these objects has been marked by the disappearance of those
crimes of violence and secret conspiracies which were used to
the discredit of all former agrarian combinations in Ireland,
and the league, basing itself on the principle that its
struggle is in the nature of a great economic industrial
dispute between the tillers of the soil on the one side and
the rent-owners, supported by a vast capital and territorial
influence, on the other, has relied for success upon those
combinations for mutual protection and appeals to public
opinion which the trade union laws have expressly authorized
in the cause of disputes between capital and labour of a
non-agricultural character; that, nevertheless, this House has
observed that the forces of the Crown have been
unconstitutionally employed, and public justice has been
polluted in the interest of one of the parties to the dispute;
that the right of public meeting has been capriciously
suppressed; that prosecutions for conspiracy and Whiteboyism
have been instituted in reference to open and advised appeals
to public opinion and measures of mutual protection, which are
indisputably within the right of trade unions in ordinary
industrial struggles; that the power of contempt of Court has
been unconstitutionally and oppressively abused for the
purpose of inflicting prolonged sentences of imprisonment
without trial; that the right of trial by jury has been
outraged by the systematic exclusion from the jury-box of all
jurors sharing the politics or creed of the accused, and the
empanelling of juries composed exclusively of sympathizers
with the territorial class, that the liberty of the Press in
Ireland has been assailed, and influential organs of opinion
prosecuted in the endeavour to silence public comment on this
iniquitous system; that grievous and vindictive fines have
been exacted from districts obnoxious to the landlord interest
by means of charges for extra police quartered upon peaceful
populations, and that the people of Ireland have been
subjected to divers others the like cruel oppressions and
provocations; and humbly to represent to your Majesty that, it
being of the highest constitutional import to encourage the
Irish people to seek the redress of their grievances by the
fullest freedom of speech and of combination which is
warranted by the example of the trade unions of Great Britain,
this House is of opinion that the attacks at present directed
by the Executive against the rights of free speech and of
combination in Ireland should cease, and that the legislation
protecting the trade unions in the exercise of their rights of
combination against capital and non-union labour should be
extended to all agricultural combinations of a similar
character in that country."
In his speech supporting the amendment Mr. O'Brien charged
that, "there being no real crime in Ireland, the Executive
there had made crime of perfectly legitimate actions, treating
the people as if the object was to goad them into conspiracy
and violence. The record of the league was virtually a
crimeless one, it had carried on its work now for three years
without any of those blood-curdling incidents which coercion
Ministers used to smack their lips over in that House. … The
league, which had been tested by time and had proved its power
at the general election, had started and carried on in Ireland
an irresistible agitation for the suppression, for the
abolition of landlordism, and had elicited in the King's first
Speech a promise, such as it was, of another land Bill,
although two years ago that House was assured that there was
no longer an Irish land question."
An extensive combination, he said, was going on in Ireland
against the taking of evicted farms, and "what form of trade
unionism could be more legitimate?" But charges of
intimidation and conspiracy; he claimed, were trumped up, and
juries were packed, for the suppression of this movement,
though it went no farther than trades unions in England could
go with no interference. "The Irish people exercised the right
of combination in the United Irish League, and they would
continue to exercise it whether the Government liked it or
not, in order to obtain the land on conditions that would give
its cultivators a living wage. In the ranks of the
organization were 500,000 farmers and labourers, representing
with their families three-fourths of the population of
Ireland. Their object was to parcel out the vast grazing lands
lying derelict among the cottagers who were starving on their
verge. A department of the Government was actually engaged in
carrying out the programme of the league, but at such a
snail's pace that it would take centuries to make any
impression upon the mass of misery which existed in the
country."
After several hours of debate the amendment to
the Address was rejected by 203 votes against 109.
----------IRELAND: End--------
IRON, Combinations in the production of.
See (in this volume)
TRUSTS: UNITED STATES.
IRON GATES OF THE DANUBE, Opening of the.
See (in this volume)
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1896.
ISLE DU DIABLE.
See (in this volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1897-1899.
ISRAEL, The People of:
Discovery of the sole mention of them in Egyptian inscriptions.
See (in this volume)
ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: EGYPT: RESULTS.
ISTHMIAN CANAL, The.
See (in this volume)
CANAL, INTEROCEANIC.
ISTHMIAN RAILWAY, The Tehuantepec.
See (in this volume)
MEXICO: A. D. 1898-1900.
ITAGAKI, Count: Leader of the Japanese Liberal party.
See (in this volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1890-1898.
{273}
----------ITALY: Start--------
ITALY: Recent archæological explorations.
See (in this volume)
ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: ITALY.
ITALY: A. D. 1895-1896.
Accusations against the Crispi Ministry.
Fresh offense to the Vatican.
Disastrous war with Abyssinia.
Fall of Crispi.
In elections to the Italian Chamber of Deputies, which took
place in May, 1895, the government, under Signor Crispi, was
accused of audacious practices, striking the names of opposed
electors from the voting lists, to the number, it is said, of
several hundreds of thousands, and contriving otherwise to
paralyze the opposition to itself. The result of the elections
was the return of 336 government candidates, against 98 of
other parties. An attempt to obtain an official return of all
the deputies who were receiving pay from the State, directly
or indirectly, was skilfully baffled by Signor Crispi, and
remained a matter of rumor and guess. In September, the
government gave fresh offense to the Vatican by an imposing
celebration of the 25th anniversary of the entry of the
Italian troops into Rome, with a display of the flag of
free-masonry. Hostility of France and Russia to Italy was made
acute "by the renewal, on the return of Lord Salisbury to
office in 1895, of an agreement between England, Austria and
Italy for common action in the Eastern question, originally
made in 1887. In virtue of this agreement Italy sent her fleet
to the Aegean to support Great Britain at the opening of the
Armenian question [see, in this volume, TURKEY: A. D. 1895,
and after], and the consequence was that France and Russia put
pressure on Abyssinia to renew hostilities against Italy. This
new campaign Crispi was ill-prepared to meet, as he had
detailed a corps d'armée for an expedition to Asia Minor in
conjunction with the naval preparations, and the strength of
the forces under arms did not enable the minister of war to
detach another corps to Erythrea. To complete the difficulties
of the position, a coolness arose between the Emperor of
Germany and the government of Crispi, the latter having
notified the German government that he should at the proper
time denounce the Treaty of the Triple Alliance with the
object of providing better security for Italian interests in
Africa. The Emperor in reply advised the King of Italy that
Crispi was becoming importunate and must be got rid of. This
defection probably determined the fall of Crispi. It gave such
strength to the opposition at home, that the intrigues of the
Court and military circles succeeded in paralyzing all his
military plans, and especially in preventing him from
superseding Baratieri, now recognized as incompetent for the
enlarged operations which were in view. The King refused to
consent to the suppression until it became imperative through
the increase of the force to a point at which a superior
officer was necessitated by the regulations, when Baldissera
was appointed to the superior command. But before Baldissera
could enter on his command, Baratieri, against the distinct
orders of the government, attacked with a force of 14,000 men
the impregnable positions near Adowah which Menelek held with
80,000. He was met by the most crushing defeat that Italy has
had to undergo in modern times. Out of the total force no less
than 6,000 perished.
"The history of this affair still remains more or less a
secret, the court-martial which followed being rather
calculated to bury than expose the facts of the case, but the
immediate effect was to induce the ministry to resign without
waiting for the assembling of parliament. The magnitude of the
disaster made it evident that, considering the Italian
temperament and its tendency to panic, the responsibility for
it would be visited on the ministry, though it was only
responsible in so far as it had submitted to the Royal
decision deferring the recall of Baratieri. The King,
unwilling to accept the programme of Rudini, gave the
formation of the new ministry to General Ricotti, a Senator,
Rudini taking the portfolio of home affairs (March, 1896). …
The scheme of army reorganization proposed by Ricotti, which
aimed at improving the efficiency of the force by devoting
money rather to the instruction of the rank and file than to
the maintenance of superfluous officers, was opposed, … the
law was defeated in the chamber, and Ricotti gave place to
Rudini as President of the Council. The rejection of Ricotti's
plan was a triumph for the Franco-Russian party, which had
re-assumed the direction of foreign affairs. Africa, under
this policy, being excluded from the Italian sphere of action,
peace was made with Menelek [October 26, 1896] on terms which
practically implied withdrawal from Erythrea to the port of
Massowah. This measure satisfied the exigencies of the old
Right, while the Radicals were conciliated by the exclusion
and proscription of Crispi and by the understanding with
France, as well as by the reversal of the repressive policy
towards the extreme members of their party. Thus the year 1897
saw Italy reduced to inertia abroad and apathy within."
_W. J. Stillman,
The Union of Italy,
chapter 15
(Cambridge: University Press)._
The peace made with King Menelek in 1896 ended the Italian
claim to a protectorate over Abyssinia, which seems never to
have had any basis of right. It started from a treaty
negotiated in 1889, known as the Treaty of Uchali, which
purported to be no more than an ordinary settlement of
friendly relations, commercial and political. But the
convention contained a clause which is said to have read in
the Amharic (the court and official language of Abyssinia),
"the King of Abyssinia may make use of the government of the
King of Italy in all matters whereon he may have to treat with
other governments." In the Italian version of the treaty, the
innocent permissive phrase, "may make use," became, it is
said, an obligatory "agrees to make use," &c., and was so
communicated to foreign governments, furnishing grounds for a
claim of "protection" which the Abyssinians rejected
indignantly. Hence the wars which proved disastrous to Italy.
ITALY: A. D. 1897.
Dissolution of the Chamber.
Election of Deputies.
Reconstruction of the Ministry.
Early in the year a royal decree dissolved the Chamber of
Deputies, and elections held in March gave the Rudini Ministry
a large majority. The Catholic party refrained almost entirely
from voting. But divisions arose in the course of the year
which brought about a reconstruction of the Cabinet in
December, Signor Rudini still being at the head. An important
event of the year was the resolution of the Italian government
to evacuate Kassala, on the Abyssinian frontier, directly
eastward from Khartum. The Italians had taken it from the
Mahdists in 1894. It now became part of the Anglo-Egyptian
territory.
{274}
ITALY: A. D. 1898.
Arbitration Treaty with Argentine Republic.
See (in this volume)
ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1898.
ITALY: A. D. 1898 (March-June).
Report on charges against Signor Crispi.
His resignation from Parliament and re-election.
Change of Ministry.
In March, a special commission, appointed the previous
December, to investigate certain serious charges against the
ex-Premier, Signor Crispi, reported his culpability, but that
nothing in his conduct could be brought for trial before the
High Court. The charges were connected with a scandalous
wrecking of several banks, at Rome, Naples, and elsewhere,
which had occurred during Signor Crispi's administration, and
which was found to be due to political extortions practiced on
those institutions by members and agents of the government.
Personally, it did not appear that the ex-Premier had profited
by what was done; but his wife seemed to have been a large
recipient of gain, and moneys wrung from the banks had been
used for party political purposes and for the government
secret service fund. On the report made by the commission
Signor Crispi resigned his seat in Parliament, and was
promptly re-elected from Palermo by an overwhelming majority.
In May, the Ministry of the Marquis di Rudini, much weakened
by the troubled state of the country, was reconstructed, but
only to hold its ground for another month. On the 17th of
June, upon a threatened vote of want of confidence, it
resigned, and, on the 28th, a new Liberal Ministry took
office, with General Pelloux at its head.
ITALY: A. D. 1898 (April-May).
Bread riots in the south and
revolutionary outbreaks in the north.
"May 1898 will be remembered for a long time in Italy, and one
may wish that the eventful month may mark the turning-point in
political life of the new kingdom. The revolt was general, the
explosion broke out almost suddenly, but long was the period
of preparation. 'Malcontento' is quite a household word in
Italy—and the Italians had more than one reason to be
dissatisfied with their national government. The rise in the
price of bread, as a consequence of the Hispano-American war,
was the immediate, but by no means the only, cause of the
uprising which darkened the skies of sunny Italy for several
days. The enormous taxation imposed upon a people yet young in
its national life, in order to carry out a policy far too big for
the financial means of the country; the failure in the attempt
to establish a strong colony in the Red Sea; the economic war
with France; the scanty help Italy received from her allies in
time of need; the political corruption, unchecked when not
encouraged by those who stood at the helm of the State; the
impotence of the Chambers of Deputies to deal with the
evil-doers as the claims of justice and the voice of the
people required, all these evils have prepared a propitious
ground for the agitators both of the radical and reactionary
parties.
"The Bread Riots began towards the end of April, and in a few
days they assumed a very alarming aspect, especially in the
small towns of the Neapolitan provinces, inhabited by people
ordinarily pacific and law-abiding. The destruction of
property was wanton and wide-spread, women careless of their
lives leading the men to the assault. In many cases the riots
soon came to an end; in others the immediate abolition of the
'octroi' did not produce the desired effect. … There was no
organization in the Neapolitan provinces; the riots were
absolutely independent of one another, but they were
originated by the same cause—misery; they aimed at the same
object—a loud protest by means of devastation; they all ended
in the same way—viz., after two or three days the soldiers
restored order, the dead were buried, and the ringleaders
taken to prison to be dealt with by the military court. In the
north, at Milan, the uprising was of quite a different
character. In the south of Italy it was truly a question of
bread and bread alone. In Central Italy it was a question of
work, in Lombardy a truly revolutionary movement. The
Neapolitan mob shouted for bread and bread alone, some asking
for cheaper bread, some others for 'free bread.' In Tuscany
the cry was, 'Pane o Lavoro!' (bread or work). In Lombardy
quite another trumpet was sounded: 'Down with the Government!
Down with the Dynasty!'
"The Milanese, of all the people of Italy, have plenty of work
and bread, and it is admitted by all that bread had nothing to
do with the revolt of Milan. I have studied this movement from
its inception, and my conclusion is that the revolt broke out
long before it was expected, thus making the discomfiture more
certain. The great majority of the population of Milan was,
and is, conservative and loyal to the King, although not
pleased with the doings of the Government. Only a minority,
but a very noisy and active minority, is against monarchical
institutions. For some time past the revolutionary party of
Milan have made no mystery of their political aspirations
towards the establishment of a Milanese republic, to be called
'Republica Ambrogiana.' … Milan is also the headquarters of
Socialism and Anarchism. Socialists and Republicans once upon
a time were implacable foes. Many a battle they fought one
against the other; but since 1886 the two have come to love
each other more, or to hate each other less, whichever it may
be; and towards the end of 1895 they entered into partnership
against their common enemy—Crispi! Then the Anarchists came
in. Decent Republicans and timid Socialists were rather averse
to ally themselves with anarchy; the very name was loathsome
to them. However, this natural mistrust soon disappeared, and
the Anarchists were welcomed into the dual alliance. Still
another element was to enter—the clerical party. … The
clericals have not a special cry of their own. They satisfied
themselves by rubbing their hands and saying: 'Down it goes at
last.' Little they knew that not the dynasty, not united Italy
was then going down, but society itself. … A friend of mine,
who was in the midst of the revolt, assures me that its
importance has been very much exaggerated in the first reports
sent abroad; and from the official documents, since published,
it appears that about 90 barricades were erected, and some 20
houses ransacked to provide the necessary material to build
them. The number of the killed amounted to 72, and that of the
seriously wounded to 63. On Monday evening [May 9] order was
restored in Milan. … On Wednesday morning shops and factories
were reopened, but it will take years to undo the mischief
done on May 7, 8, and 9, 1898. All are sadder now; one may
hope that they will be wiser also. The agitators, the deluded,
the masses, the governing classes, the Government, all have
had their lesson."
_G. D. Vecchia,
The Revolt in Italy
(Contemporary Review, July, 1898)._
{275}
ITALY: A. D. 1899 (May-July).
Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.
See (in this volume)
PEACE CONFERENCE.
ITALY: A. D. 1899-1900.
Parliamentary disorder, leading to arbitrary government.
Assassination of King Humbert.
Much feeling was excited in Italy by the agreement between
Great Britain and France which practically awarded most of the
Sahara Hinterland of Tripoli (a possession long hoped for and
expected by the Italians), as well as that of Tunis, Algiers,
and Morocco, to France (see, in this volume, NIGERIA). The
government was accused of want of vigor in opposing this, and
was held responsible, at the same time, for the humiliating
failure of an attempt to secure a share of spoils in China, by
lease of Sammun Bay. The resignation of the Ministry was
consequent, early in May; but the King retained General
Pelloux at the head of the government, and new associates in
his cabinet were found. The Chamber of Deputies became
unmanageable; obstruction, very much in the Austrian manner,
was carried to such an extent that Parliament was prorogued.
The King then, by royal decree, conferred extraordinary powers
on the Ministry, suspending, at the same time, rights of meeting
and association, to suppress political agitation, and taking,
in fact, a serious backward step, toward government outside of
constitutional law. Liberals of all shades, and, apparently, many
constitutional Conservatives, were alarmed and outraged by
this threatening measure, and, when Parliament was reconvened,
the proceedings of obstruction were renewed with more persistency
than before. The government then attempted an arbitrary
adoption of rules to prevent obstruction; whereupon (April 3,
1900) the entire Opposition left the House in a body. The
situation at length became such that the King adjourned the
Parliament sine die, on the 16th of May, and a new Chamber of
Deputies was elected on the 3d of the month following. The
Opposition was considerably strengthened in the election, and
the Ministry of General Pelloux, finding itself more helpless
in Parliament than ever, resigned on the 18th of June. A new
Cabinet under Signor Saracco was formed.
On the 29th of July, 1900, King Humbert was assassinated by an
Italian anarchist, named Angelo Bresci, who went to Italy for
the purpose, from Paterson, New Jersey, in the United States,
where he had latterly been living. The King was at Monza, and
had been distributing prizes at a gymnasium. At the close of
the ceremony, as he entered his carriage, the assassin fired
three shots at him, inflicting wounds from which the King died
within an hour. The murderer was seized on the spot, tried and
convicted of the crime. He received the severest penalty that
Italian law could inflict, which was imprisonment for life.
The son who succeeds King Humbert, Victor Emmanuel III., was
in his thirty-first year when thus tragically raised to the
throne. He is weak in body, but is reputed to have an
excellent mind. He was wedded in 1896 to Princess Helene of
Montenegro.
ITALY: A. D. 1900.
Military and naval expenditure.
See (in this volume)
WAR BUDGETS.
ITALY: A. D. 1900.
Naval strength.
See (in this volume)
NAVIES OF THE SEA POWERS.
ITALY: A. D. 1900 (January).
Adhesion to the arrangement of an "open door" commercial
policy in China.
See (in this volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1899-1900 (SEPTEMBER-FEBRUARY).
ITALY: A. D. 1900 (January).
Exposure of the Mafia.
Circumstances came to light in the course of the year 1899
which compelled the government to enter upon an investigation
of the doings of the Sicilian secret society known as the
Mafia. This resulted in the arrest of a number of persons,
including a Sicilian member of the Chamber of Deputies, named
Palizzolo, charged with complicity in the murder, seven years
before, of the Marquis Notarbartolo, manager of the Bank of
Sicily at Palermo. The accused were brought to Milan for
trial, which took place in January, 1900, and the disclosures
then Made showed that Sicily had long been terrorized and
tyrannized, in all departments of affairs, by a few men who
controlled this murderous secret organization, Palizzolo
being, apparently, the head of the fiendish crew. One of the
ministers in the Italian government, General Mirri, Secretary
of War, was found to have had, at least, some scandalous
understandings with the Mafia, and he was forced to resign.
ITALY: A. D. 1900 (January-March).
The outbreak of the "Boxers" in northern China.
See (in this volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JANUARY-MARCH).
ITALY: A. D. 1900 (June-December).
Co-operation with the Powers in China.
See (in this volume)
CHINA.
ITALY: A. D. 1900 (July-September).
An Italian view of the state of the country.
"Appearances, it is well known, are often deceptive, and the
present condition of Italy is a case in point. Discontent is
not a new thing for the Italian mind to be agitated by, but
there is an enormous difference between being discontented
with the Government of the day and being dissatisfied with the
national institutions. Italians have a quick perception and
are extremely impulsive; they often act suddenly and on the
impression of the moment, but they are also apt to fall into a
state of lethargy, during which the will of the nation is very
weak, both as a stimulus to good government and as repressive
of that which is bad. There are, however, times in which this
will asserts itself. Italy is just passing through one of
these lucid intervals.
"The assassination of King Humbert seems to have awakened the
whole nation from a long sleep. Those who thought there was no
affection left for monarchical institutions in Italy must have
experienced a very depressing disappointment. For forty-eight
hours there was no king at all in Italy. King Humbert was dead
and his successor was somewhere on the high seas, but nobody knew
exactly where, yet not a single disorderly movement was
noticed anywhere. Clericals, Socialists, Republicans, the
three declared enemies of the monarchy, entirely disappeared
from the scene during the crisis.
{276}
If anyone of these parties, which during the last period of
national lethargy had grown more audacious and bolder, had
only attempted to assert itself, the Italian public 'en masse'
would have revolted against it, and performed one of those
acts of summary justice of which the history of Italy
furnishes abundant examples. I think this absence of disorder
of any kind is the most convincing proof that can be adduced
in favour of the present state of things in Italy. Surely, if
the people had been nursing in their hearts a general revolt,
that was the moment for action.
"Of course a few anarchists here and there have rejoiced over
the crime of their comrade; however, I venture to assert that
it is not quite correct to call Italy the hotbed of anarchy.
It is true that many of the most fierce anarchists are Italian
by birth; but anarchism did not originate in Italy, it was
imported there. France and Russia had—under another
name—anarchists long before the name of any Italian was ever
connected with anarchism. … Political education is still in
Italy of very poor quality—truthfully speaking, there is none.
Even the anarchists go elsewhere to perfect their education.
The assassins of Carnot, of the Empress Elizabeth, and of
Canovas, had their political education perfected in Paris or
in London. Italy does not export political murderers, as was
very unkindly said on the occasion of the assassination of the
Empress of Austria. Italy at the worst exports only the rough
material for the making of anarchical murderers. Even the
assassin of King Humbert belongs to this category. He left
Italy with no homicidal mania in him. He was not then a wild
beast with a human face, to make use of an expression uttered
by Signor Saracco, the Premier of Italy. The anarchist clubs
of Paris, London, and New York were his university colleges."
_G. D. Vecchia,
The Situation in Italy
(Nineteenth Century Review, September, 1900)._
ITALY: A. D. 1901.
Fall of the Saracco Ministry.
Formation of a Liberal Cabinet under Signor Zanardelli.
Census of the kingdom.
The Saracco Ministry, which took direction of the government
in June, 1900, was defeated on the 6th of February, 1901, and
compelled to resign. An extraordinarily heavy vote (318 to
102) was cast against it in condemnation of its conduct in
matters relating to a "Chamber of Labor" at Genoa. First, it
had ordered the dissolution of that body, as being subversive
in influence, and then, when a "strike" occurred in Genoa, as
the consequence, it receded from its action and reconstituted
the Chamber. By the first proceeding it had disgusted the
Conservatives; by the second the Radicals, and by its
indecision the Moderates. They combined to overthrow it. With
some difficulty a new Cabinet was formed containing Liberals
of various shades, with Signor Zanardelli, a veteran
republican of the Garibaldi generation, at its head. A writer
who has frequently discussed foreign politics with a good deal
of knowledge in the columns of the "New York Tribune," over
the signature "Ex-Attache," believes that Zanardelli is
committed "to anti-clerical legislation of the most drastic
and far reaching character," and "may be depended upon to
proceed against the Vatican with a vigor unprecedented in the
annals of united Italy. And there will be," he thinks, "no
attempt on the part of Victor Emmanuel to hold him in leash.
Existing laws will be enforced to the utmost against the
Papacy, while new measures may be looked for to restrict
further the activity of the Church as a factor in political
life, to extend the control of the government over all
ecclesiastical enterprises and undertakings and to emphasize
the fact that all Italians, no matter whether they form part
of the Papal Court or not, are Italian citizens, as well as
subjects of the Italian crown, and required to obey the laws
and to fulfil their obligations as such."
A Press despatch from Rome, in February, announced that "the
result of the first Italian census in 20 years has proved a
surprise. It shows that the population is 35,000,000, while it
was not expected that it would exceed 31,000,000. The ratio of
increase is greater than in any other European country. This
is ascribed to improved sanitation. The birthrate continues
high. It is estimated that 5,000,000 Italians have gone to the
United States and South America."
----------ITALY: End--------
ITO, Marquis:
Administration and political experiments.
See (in this volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1890-1898; 1898-1899;
and 1900 (AUGUST-OCTOBER).
J.
JACKSON-HARMSWORTH EXPEDITION, Return of the.
See (in this volume)
POLAR EXPEDITION, 1897.
JAMAICA: A. D. 1898.
Industrial condition.
See (in this volume)
WEST INDIES, THE BRITISH: A. D. 1897.
JAMAICA: A. D. 1899.
Financial crisis and conflict between
the Governor and the Legislative Assembly.
A crisis in the financial circumstances of the Colony,
consequent on expenditures exceeding revenue for several
years, was reached in 1899, and led to a serious conflict of
views between the Governor and the Legislative Assembly. The
latter is constituted of members partly elected and partly
appointed by the Governor. The elected members of the Assembly
had been in the majority, hitherto, but the Governor possessed
authority to add to the nominated membership, and he exercised
that authority, as a means of obtaining action on a tariff
bill which he held to be a necessary measure. He did so under
instructions from the British Colonial Secretary. Before this
occurred, an agent of the Colonial Office, Sir David Barbour,
had been sent to Jamaica to report on the financial situation.
His report, submitted in June, besides recommending financial
remedies, contained some references to the political
constitution of the colony—among them these:
{277}
"The peculiar constitution of the Government had … an
influence in bringing about, or aggravating the present
financial difficulties: When it was apparent that either more
revenue must be raised or expenditure must be reduced, the
Government was in favour of increasing taxation, while the
elected members of the Legislative Council pressed for
reductions of expenditure. From the nature of the
Constitution, the Government was practically unable to carry
proposals for increased taxation in opposition to the votes of
nine elected members, while the elected members could not in
any satisfactory manner enforce reduction of expenditure. The
present state of things shows that both increase of taxation
and reduction of expenditure were necessary, but though there
has been much friction in recent years, and great loss of time
in the Legislative Council, neither increase of taxation nor
reduction of expenditure was effected in any degree at all
adequate to avert the difficulties which were approaching. …
The Home Government are, in the last resort, responsible for
the financial condition of Jamaica, while, under ordinary
circumstances, the Colonial Office exercises at present no
real direct and immediate control over the finances. … It may
be taken for granted that under any circumstances Her
Majesty's Government would be unwilling to see the Colony sink
into a condition of insolvency without an effort for its
relief, and as the ultimate responsibility must, therefore,
rest on Her Majesty's Government it would seem better to
exercise the power of control, while it is still possible to
apply a remedy, rather than to wait until the mischief can
only be redressed at the cost of the British taxpayer. On the
other hand, as no real responsibility can be enforced on the
Elected Members, it seems necessary to give the Governor some
practicable means of enforcing his policy, and I would suggest
that this might be done by keeping the number of nominated
Members at its full strength so that in case of need the
Governor would only have to make the necessary declaration,
and would not have to go through the preliminary operation of
adding to the number of nominated Members."
On the 22d of August, the report of Sir David Barbour was
reviewed at length by the Colonial Secretary, Mr. Chamberlain,
in a despatch to Governor Hemming, and the above
recommendations were substantially approved and made
instructions to the Governor. "Two plain facts in connection
with this matter," said the Colonial Secretary, "must force
themselves upon the attention of all who study the question,
still more of all who are called upon to find a solution of
it. The first is, that 'the Home Government,' in Sir David
Barbour's words, 'are in the last resort responsible for the
financial condition of Jamaica.' The second is that as a
'working compromise,' the existing system has failed. It is a
compromise, but it has not worked. I am not now so much
concerned with principle as with practice. As a machine for
doing the work which has to be done the present system has
failed. It is in fact impossible, except where tact and
goodwill and friendly feeling exist in an unusual degree, for
the government of a country to be carried on when those who
are responsible for it are in a permanent minority in the
Legislature. I decline to allow the Jamaica Government to
remain in that position any longer, not merely because it is
unfair to them, but also because, recognizing the ultimate
responsibility of Her Majesty's Government for the solvency of
the Colony, I must ensure that the measures which they may
consider necessary are carried out. I must instruct you,
therefore, before the Legislative Council is again summoned,
to fill up the full number of nominated members and to retain
them, using at your discretion the power given you by the
Constitution to declare measures to be of paramount
importance. You will give the Council and the public to
understand that this step is taken by my express instructions.
It is my hope that the Elected Members will recognise that my
decision is based on public grounds, and has become
inevitable, that they will loyally accept it, and co-operate
with me and with you for the good of the Colony."
_Great Britain,
Parliamentary Publications
(Papers by Command:
Jamaica, 1899 [C.-9412] and 1900 [Cd.-125])._
----------JAMESON, Dr. Leander S.: Start--------
JAMESON, Dr. Leander S.:
Administrator of Rhodesia.
See (in this volume)
SOUTH AFRICA (BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY):
A. D. 1894-1895.
JAMESON, Dr. Leander S.:
Raid into the Transvaal.
Surrender.
Trial in England.
Imprisonment.
See (in this volume)
SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1895-1896.
JAMESON, Dr. Leander S.:
The German Emperor's message to President Kruger
concerning the Jameson Raid.
See (in this volume)
SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1896 (JANUARY).
JAMESON, Dr. Leander S.:
Investigation of the Raid by the Cape Colony Assembly.
See (in this volume)
SOUTH AFRICA (CAPE COLONY): A. D. 1896 (JULY).
JAMESON, Dr. Leander S.:
Indemnity for the Raid claimed by South African Republic.
See (in this volume)
SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D.1897 (FEBRUARY).
JAMESON, Dr. Leander S.:
British Parliamentary investigation of the Raid.
See (in this volume)
SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1897 (FEBRUARY-JULY).
----------JAMESON, Dr. Leander S.: End--------
----------JAPAN: Start--------
JAPAN: A. D. 1890-1898.
Rise of Parliamentary parties.
Working of Constitutional Government.
"When the Emperor's nominal authority was converted into a
reality by the overthrow of the Shogun in 1868, the work was
largely due to the four clans of Satsuma, Choshu, Hizen, and
Tosa. Their aim was to destroy the Shogunate and to create an
Imperial Government, and though many other motives actuated
them, these were the two main ideas of the revolution which
grew in importance and left political results. No sooner,
however, was the Imperial Government established than it was
found that the Satsuma clan was strongly divided. There were
within it a party in favour of reform, and another party, led
by Shimazu Saburo and Saigo Takamori, who clung to old
traditions. The sword had not yet given place to the
ballot-box, and the result of a bloody contest was the
annihilation of the reactionaries. There remained, therefore,
the Satsuma men loyal to the Emperor and to the absolute
government of 1868, and with them the Choshu, Hizen, Tosa, and
other clans. Some of these clans had not always been friendly
in the past. They found it difficult to work together now.
Marquis Ito has observed that Japanese politicians are more
prone to destroy than to construct, and an opportunity to
indulge this proclivity soon presented itself.
{278}
Although the four clans were equally pledged to secure
representative government eventually, jealousy of one another
drove two of them to take up this cry as a pretext for
dissolving the alliance. The Tosa clan, now represented by
Count Itagaki, seceded accordingly in 1873, and the Hizen
clan, represented by Count Okuma, followed its example eight
years afterwards. The former organised a party called the
Fuyu-to, or Liberals, and the latter the Kaishin-to, or
Progressives. The two remaining clans of Satsuma and Choshu
were called for shortness the Sat-Cho. Such was the origin of
parliamentary parties in Japan. There was no political issue
at stake; the moving cause was simply clan jealousy, and hence
it was that Hizen and Tosa did not join hands, though both
strenuously opposed the Sat-Cho Government and each posed as
the friend of the people. Consequently, when the first Diet
met, in November, 1890, the Sat-Cho Ministry, with Marquis
Yamagata as Premier, found itself face to face with a bitter
and, it must be added, an unscrupulous opposition."
_H. N. G. Bushby,
Parliamentary Government in Japan
(Nineteenth Century, July, 1899)._
"The history of the Japanese Parliament [see CONSTITUTION OF
JAPAN, in volume 1], briefly told, is as follows: The first
Diet was opened in November, 1890, and the twelfth session in
May, 1898. In this brief space of time there have been four
dissolutions and five Parliaments. From the very first the
collision between the Government and the Diet has been short
and violent. In the case of the first dissolution, in
December, 1891, the question turned on the Budget estimate,
the Diet insisting on the bold curtailment of items of
expenditure. In the second dissolution, in December, 1893, the
question turned on the memorial to be presented to the Throne,
the Opposition insisting in very strong terms on the necessity
of strictly enforcing the terms of treaties with Western
Powers, the Diet regarding the Cabinet as too weak-handed in
foreign politics. The third dissolution, in June, 1894, was
also on the same question. The Cabinet, in these two latter
cases, was under the presidency of Marquis Ito (then Count),
and was vigorously pushing forward negotiations for treaty
revision, through the brilliant diplomacy of Count Mutsu, the
Foreign Minister. This strict-enforcement agitation was looked
upon by the Government as a piece of anti-foreign agitation—a
Jingo movement—and as endangering the success of the
treaty-revision negotiations. In fact, the revised treaty with
Great Britain was on the latter date well-nigh completed, it
being signed in July following by Lord Kimberley and Viscount
Aoki. It was at this stage that the scepticism of foreign
observers as to the final success of representative
institutions in Japan seemed to reach its height. … Marquis
Ito and some of the most tried statesmen of the time were out
of office, forming a sort of reserve force, to be called out
at any grave emergency. But great was the disappointment when
it was seen that after Marquis Ito, with some of the most
trusted statesmen as his colleagues, had been in office but
little over a year, dissolution followed dissolution, and it
seemed that even the Father of the Constitution was unable to
manage its successful working. … There is no question that the
Constitutional situation was at that time exceedingly critical.
"But when the war broke out the situation was "But when the
war broke out the situation was completely changed. In the
August following the whole nation spoke and acted as if they
were one man and had but one mind. In the two sessions of the
Diet held during the war the Government was most ably
supported by the Diet, and everybody hoped that after the war
was over the same good-feeling would continue to rule the
Diet. On the other hand, it was well known that the Opposition
members in the Diet had clearly intimated that their support
of the Government was merely temporary, and that after the
emergency was over they might be expected to continue their
opposition policy. Sure enough, many months before the opening
of the ninth session, mutterings of deep discontent,
especially with reference to the retrocession of the Liaotung
peninsula, began to be widely heard, and it was much feared
that the former scenes of fierce opposition and blind
obstruction would be renewed. However, as the session
approached (December, 1896), rumours were heard of a certain
'entente' between the Government and the Liberal party, at
that time the largest and the best organised in the country.
And in the coming session the Government secured a majority,
through the support of the Liberals, for most of its important
Bills.
"Now this 'entente' between Marquis Ito and the Liberals was a
great step in advance in the constitutional history of the
country, and a very bold departure in a new direction on the
part of the Marquis. He was known to be an admirer of the
German system, and a chief upholder of the policy of Chozen
Naikaku, or the Transcendental Cabinet policy, which meant a
Ministry responsible to the Emperor alone. Marquis Ito saw
evidently at this stage the impossibility of carrying on the
Government without a secure parliamentary support, and Count
Itagaki, the Liberal leader, saw in the Marquis a faithful
ally, whose character as a great constructive statesman, and
whose history as the author of the Constitution, both forbade
his ever proving disloyal to the Constitution. The 'entente'
was cemented in May following by the entrance of Count Itagaki
into the Cabinet as the Home Minister. On the other hand, this
entente' led to the formation of the Progressist party by the
union of the six Opposition parties, as well as to the union
of Count Okuma, the Progressist leader, and Count Matsugata,
leader of the Kagoshima statesmen. Their united opposition was
now quite effective in harassing the administration. At this
stage certain neutral men, particularly Count Inouye,
suggested compromise, offering a scheme of a Coalition
Cabinet. … But Count Itagaki was firm in opposing such a
compromise, saying it was tantamount to the ignoring of party
distinction, and as such was a retrogression instead of being
a forward step in the constitutional history of the country.
He finally tendered his resignation. When Marquis Ito saw that
the Count was firm in his determination, he, too, resigned,
saying that he felt so deeply obliged to the Liberals for
their late parliamentary support that he would not let the
Count go out of office alone. Thus fell the Ito Ministry after
five years' brilliant service.
{279}
"The new Cabinet, formed in September, 1896, had Count
Matsukata for Premier and Treasury Minister; Count Okuma for
Foreign Minister; and Admiral Kabayama, the hero of the Yaloo
battle, for Home Minister. There were at this time three
things that the nation desired. It wanted to be saved from the
impending business depression. It wished to see Japanese
Chauvinism installed at the Foreign Office, and the shame of
the retrocession of the Liaotung peninsula wiped off. It
hoped, lastly, to see a Parliamentary Government inaugurated
and all the evils of irresponsible bureaucracy removed. The
statesmen now installed in office aspired to satisfy all these
desires, and they were expected to work wonders. But,
unfortunately, the Cabinet lacked unity. … Early in the fall
[of 1897] Count Okuma resigned office, saying that he felt
like a European physician in consultation over a case with
Chinese doctors. … Count Okuma led away the majority of the
Progressist party, and the Government was left with but an
insignificant number of supporters. As soon as the Diet met,
the spirit of opposition manifested was so strong that the
Ministers asked the Emperor to issue an edict for dissolution.
It was expected that the government would at once appeal to
the country with some strong programme. But to the
astonishment of everybody the Ministry resigned the very next
day. In the midst of the general confusion which followed,
Marquis Ito's name was in the mouth of everybody. He was
unanimously hailed as the only man to bring order into the
political situation. In January following [1898] the new
Cabinet was announced with Ito for Premier, Count Inouye for
the Treasury, and Marquis Saionji, one of the best cultured,
most progressive, and, perhaps, also most daring of the
younger statesmen, for Education Minister."
_Tokiwo Yokoi,
New Japan and her Constitutional Outlook
(Contemporary Review, September, 1898)._
JAPAN: A. D. 1895.
The war with China.
Treaty of Shimonoseki.
Korean independence secured.
Part of Feng-tien, Formosa and the Pescadores ceded by China.
Relinquishment of Feng-tien by Japan.
See (in this volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1894-1895.
JAPAN: A. D. 1896.
Affairs in Formosa.
Retirement of Marquis Ito.
Progressists in power.
Destructive sea-wave.
Serious risings of the Chinese in Formosa against the newly
established Japanese rule in that island were said to have
been caused by insolent and atrocious conduct on the part of
the Japanese soldiery. Possibly a decree which prohibited the
importation of opium into Formosa, and which placed the
medicinal sale of the drug under close restrictions, had
something to do with the discontent. In Japan, the able
statesman, Marquis Ito, was made unpopular by his yielding of
the Liao Tung peninsula (in the Fêng-tien province of
China,—see, in this volume, CHINA: A. D. 1894-1895), under
pressure from Russia, Germany and France. He retired from the
government, and Count Matsukata became Premier in September,
with a cabinet of the Progressist (Kaishinto) party, which
advocated resistance to Russia, and opposition generally to
the encouragement of foreign enterprises in Japan. A frightful
calamity was suffered in June, when a prodigious wave, probably
raised by some submarine volcano, overwhelmed a long stretch
of northeastern coast, destroying some 30,000 people, and
sweeping out of existence a number of considerable towns.
_Annual Register, 1896._
JAPAN: A. D. 1897.
New tariff.
A new tariff, regulating the customs duties levied in all
cases wherein Japan is not bound by treaty stipulations, was
adopted in March, 1897. The duties imposed range from 5 to 40
per cent., ad valorem, the higher being laid upon liquors and
tobacco. The "Japan Gazette" is quoted as saying in
explanation: "The statutory tariff fixes the duties to be
collected on every article imported into Japan from countries
that have not concluded tariff conventions with her, or that
are not entitled to the most-favored-nation treatment in
regard to the tariff. Spain, Portugal, Greece, and many other
countries have no tariff conventions with Japan and no
favored-nation clause, in regard to tariff, in their new
treaties with this country. The United States, Belgium,
Holland, Russia, and others have the favored-nation clause and
will get the benefit of the lesser duties on items named in
the different mentioned tariffs. There will, therefore, be two
columns of figures in the printed general tariff list, showing in
the first column the duties on the articles named in the
conventional tariffs, and in the second column the duties on
the same articles imported from countries that have no tariff
convention with Japan, and that are not entitled to
favored-nation treatment. For instance, most textile articles
are subject to a duty of 10 per cent in the conventional
tariff column and to a duty of 15 per cent in the statutory
column."
_United States Consular Reports,
July and September, 1897,
pages 475 and 91._
JAPAN: A. D. 1897 (October).
Introduction of the gold standard.
See (in this volume)
MONETARY QUESTIONS: A. D. 1897 (MARCH).
JAPAN: A. D. 1897 (November).
Treaty with the United States and Russia to suspend pelagic
sealing.
See (in this volume)
BERING SEA QUESTIONS.
JAPAN: A. D. 1897-1898.
Contentions with Russia in Korea.
See (in this volume)
KOREA: A. D. 1895-1898.
JAPAN: A. D. 1898-1899.
The struggle between clan government and party government.
"When, in January 1898, Marquis Ito made an attempt to win the
country back to non-party government and efficiency by forming
an independent Ministry in defiance of the Liberal demands, he
was acting no doubt from no mere clan instinct, but, as he
conceived, in the highest interests of the realm. His
experiment was not destined to succeed. In the general
election of March 1898, 109 Progressives and 94 Liberals were
returned as Representatives in a House of 300. A common hunger
for office and a common sense of humiliation at their
treatment by the greater statesmen of the clans united the two
parties under one banner as they had not been united since 1873.
At last they took up in earnest the crusade against clan
government, which, logically, they should have commenced
together exactly a quarter of a century before. They called
their coalition the 'Kensei-to,' or Constitutional Party.
Japan is a country of rapid progress, but she is lucky that
for twenty-five years the formation of the Kensei-to was
deferred while she was content to be guided through difficult
times by clansmen more skilled in statecraft than the usurient
nobodies who were kicking at the heels of Counts Okuma and
Itagaki.
{280}
"Meanwhile Marquis Ito had to decide how he would act. He had
tried to govern with the help of a party and had partially
succeeded. He had tried to govern without one, and had
discovered that it was impossible. The two parties could no
longer be played off one against the other. They were united,
and with fifty new recruits formed the Kensei-to, 253 strong.
There remained only nineteen clan government sympathisers,
calling themselves National Unionists, and twenty-eight
Independents. In these difficult circumstances Marquis Ito's
decision was a bold one, and in its consequences far-reaching.
He advised that Count Okuma, the Progressive leader of the
Kensei-to should be summoned to form a Cabinet in conjunction
with his Liberal colleague, Count Itagaki. His advice was
followed by the Emperor, but with the significant condition
that the Ministries of War and the Navy were to be retained by
clansmen. The Emperor was not disposed to allow constitutional
experiments in these departments. On the 28th of June 1898,
Marquis Ito resigned, and on the 30th the Okuma-Itagaki
Cabinet was formed.
"It now seemed to many that the death-blow had been given to
clan government, and that at last the era of government by
party had commenced. … The elements of which the Kensei-to was
composed were the two great ones of the Progressives, led by
Count Okuma, and the Liberals, led by Count Itagaki. These two
parties acted together in a condition of veiled hostility.
There was coalition without any approach to amalgamation. A
common hunger for office, a common dislike for clan
government, obscured for a little while a mutual jealousy and
distrust. Meanwhile the Kensei-to as a whole, and both wings
of it, were divided into endless clubs, cliques, and
associations. Our own Temperance, Colonial, Church, and China
parties are affable and self-effacing in comparison. Thus, to
name only a few of the political divisions of the Kensei-to,
there were the territorial associations of the Kwanto-kai (led
by Mr. Hoshi), the Hokuriku-kai (led by Mr. Sugita), the
Kyushu Kurabu (led by Mr. Matsuda), the Tohoku-dantai, the
Chugoku-kai, and the Shigoku-kai; there were the Satsuma
section, the Tosa section, the Kakushinto, the Young
Constitutionalists, the Senior Politicians (such as Baron
Kusumoto, Mr. Hiraoka, the chief organiser of the coalition,
and others), the Central Constitutionalist Club, and so forth.
Each clique had its private organisation and animosities; each
aspired to dictate to the Cabinet and secure portfolios for
its members in the House. They combined and recombined among
themselves. … Clearly, however loyally the two leaders wished
to work together, each must find it impossible in such
circumstances to preserve discipline among his own followers.
Indeed, the leaders scarcely tried to lead. … It was
impossible to carry on the Government under such conditions.
The Okuma-Itagaki Cabinet fell, and Field Marshal the Marquis
Yamagata, Premier of the first Japanese Ministry, was summoned
by the Emperor. Once more a clan Ministry, independent of
party, was formed; once more it seemed as though party
government was to be indefinitely postponed. … Marquis
Yamagata formed his Ministry in November 1898, on strictly
clan lines. … Being an old soldier, he wisely determined to
profit by experience and seek an ally. No one knew better than
himself the need of passing the Land Tax Bill, on which the
efficiency of the national defence and the future of Japan
depended. … It was natural, therefore, for him to approach the
Liberals, who had shown themselves favourable to an increase
of the Land Tax. … On the 27th of November the support of the
Liberals was assured, an event which prompted the 'Jiji' to
express its joy that Marquis Yamagata had become a party man,
leaving 'the mouldy, effete cause of the non-partisan
Ministry.' The Government party consisted now of the National
Unionists (in favour of clan government' and loyal followers
of Marquis Yamagata), the Liberals, and a few so-called
Independents (who, of course, speedily formed themselves into
a club), giving the Government a majority of about fifteen or
twenty votes in the House. …
"The first session of Marquis Yamagata's second Ministry will
always be remembered in Japan because the Land Tax Bill was
successfully passed through both Houses. … But the most
important episode of the session, from a parliamentary point
of view, was a remarkable act of self-denial on the part of
the Liberals. In March of this year [1899] they agreed not to
demand office from Marquis Yamagata for any of their number,
though they were to be free to accept such offices as he might
of his own bounty from time to time be able to offer them. If
this unprecedented pledge be loyally adhered to, it marks a
very great stride towards effective party government in the
future. … The hope of the Liberals now lies, not in the
immediate enjoyment of the sweets of office, but in winning
over Marquis Ito to their party. If he were to show the way,
it is probable that many more of the leading clan statesmen
would take sides, in which case, to adopt Mr. Bodley's phrase,
political society would be divided vertically as in England, not
horizontally as in France, and either party on obtaining a
majority in the House would be able to find material in its
own ranks for an efficient Cabinet. At present neither is in
that happy position."
_H. N. G. Bushby,
Parliamentary Government in Japan
(Nineteenth Century, July, 1899)._
JAPAN: A. D. 1899 (May-July).
Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.
See (in this volume)
PEACE CONFERENCE.
JAPAN: A. D. 1899 (July).
Release from the treaties with Western Powers
which gave them exterritorial rights.
Consular jurisdictions abolished.
"Japan has been promoted. The great sign that Europe regards a
Power as only semi-civilised is the demand that all who visit
it, or trade in it, should be exempted from the jurisdiction
of the local Courts, the Consuls acting when necessary as
Judges. This rule is maintained even when the Powers thus
stigmatised send Ambassadors, and is, no doubt, very keenly
resented. It seems specially offensive to the Japanese, who
have a high opinion of their own merits, and they have for
seventeen years demanded the treatment accorded to fully
civilised States. As the alliance of Japan is now earnestly
sought by all Europe this has been conceded, and on Monday,
July 17th, the Consular jurisdiction ceased. (Owing to some
blunder, the powers of the French and Austrian Consuls last a
fortnight longer, but the difference is only formal.) The
Japanese are highly delighted, and the European traders are
not displeased, as with the Consular jurisdictions all
restrictions on trading with the interior disappear."
_The Spectator
(London), July 22, 1899._
{281}
The early treaties of Japan with Western Powers, which gave
the latter what are called rights of extra-territoriality, or
exterritoriality, for all their subjects (the right, that is,
to administer their own laws, by their own consular or other
courts, upon their own subjects, within a foreign country),
were modified in 1894. Japan then became free to extinguish
the foreign courts on her soil at the end of five years, upon
giving a year's notice, which she did as stated above. Her
government has thus attained a recognized peerage in
sovereignty with the governments of the Western world. At the
same time, the whole country has been thrown open to foreign
trade—restricted previously to certain ports.
In careful preparation of the Japanese people for this
important change in their relations with the foreign world,
the following imperial rescript was issued at the end of June,
1899: "The revision of the treaties, our long cherished aim,
is to-day on the eve of becoming an accomplished fact; a
result which, while it adds materially to the responsibilities
of our Empire, will greatly strengthen the basis of our
friendship with foreign countries. It is our earnest wish that
our subjects, whose devoted loyalty in the discharge of their
duties is conspicuous, should enter earnestly into our
sentiments in this matter, and, in compliance with the great
policy of opening the country, should all unite with one heart
to associate cordially with the peoples from afar, thus
maintaining the character of the nation and enhancing the
prestige of the Empire. In view of the responsibilities that
devolve upon us in giving effect to the new treaties, it is
our will that our ministers of state, acting on our behalf,
should instruct our officials of all classes to observe the
utmost circumspection in the management of affairs, to the end
that subjects and strangers alike may enjoy equal privileges
and advantages, and that, every source of dissatisfaction
being avoided, relations of peace and amity with all nations
may be strengthened and consolidated in perpetuity."
Obedient to this command, the Minister President of State,
Marquis Yamagata, published the following instruction on the
1st of July: "The work of revising the treaties has caused
deep solicitude to His August Majesty since the centralization
of the Government, and has long been an object of earnest desire
to the people. More than twenty years have elapsed since the
question was opened by the dispatch of a special embassy to
the West in 1871. Throughout the whole of that interval,
numerous negotiations were conducted with foreign countries
and numerous plans discussed, until finally, in 1884, Great
Britain took the lead in concluding a revised treaty, and the
other powers all followed in succession, so that now the
operation of the new treaties is about to take place on the
17th of July and the 4th of August.