I shall skip the following sentence and go to Paragraph 4:

“4. It is forbidden to draw up, in the French language,

contracts and accounts under private seal of whatever nature

they may be. Anything printed on business paper and on forms

must be drawn up in the German language. Books and accounts of

all business firms, establishments, and companies must be kept

in the German language.

“5. Inscriptions in Cemeteries.

“In the future, inscriptions on crosses and on tombstones can be

written only in the German language. This provision applies as

well to a new inscription as to the renewal of old

inscriptions.”

These measures were accompanied by a press campaign. Because of the

resistance of the population, this campaign was carried on throughout

the occupation.

I should like to make one citation of an article which is particularly

significant, published in the _Dernières Nouvelles de Strasbourg_ on 30

March 1943. This is not introduced as a document; it is a quotation of a

published article. When we read such an article, we think it at first a

joke; but we see, subsequently, that it is serious because repressive

measures had to be taken against people who sabotaged the German

language. I cite:

“Germans greet one another with ‘Heil Hitler.’ We do not want

any more French greetings, which we still hear constantly in a

thousand different forms. The elegant salutation ‘Bonjour’ is

not made for these rough Alsatian throats, accustomed to the

German tongue since the distant epoch of Osfried von

Weissenburg. The Alsatian hurts our ears when he says

‘boschurr.’ When he says ‘Au Revoir,’ the French think they are

listening to an Arabic word, which sounds like ‘arwar.’

Sometimes they say ‘Adje’ (Adieu).

“These phonetic monstrosities which disfigure our beautiful

Alsatian-Germanic dialect resemble a thistle in a flower bed.

Let us weed them out! They are not worthy of Alsace. Do you

believe feminine susceptibility is wounded by saying ‘Frau’

instead of ‘Madame’? We are sure that Alsatians will drop the

habit of linguistic whims so that the authorities will not have

to use rigorous measures against saboteurs of the German

language.”

After this attack on the language, the National Socialists attacked

music. This is the purpose of a decree of 1 March 1941, signed by

Dressler, the Chief of the Department of Public Enlightenment and

Propaganda in the Office of the Chief of Civil Administration for

Alsace.

This is Document Number RF-704, published in the German Official Journal

(_Verordnungsblatt_) Page 170 of the year 1941. I shall simply cite the

title of this decree: “Decree Concerning Undesirable and Injurious

Music.” The first 3 lines are:

“Musical works contrary to the cultural will of National

Socialists will be entered on a list of undesirable and

injurious music by the Department for Public Enlightenment and

Propaganda.”

After music, now, we have the question of hairdress. In this regulation

the ridiculous constantly disputes supremacy with the odious. I would

almost like to ask the Tribunal to pardon me, but, truly, nothing in

this is invented by us.

Here is Document Number RF-705. It is a decree of 13 December 1941

published in the Official Bulletin of 1941, Page 744. This Document

RF-705 concerns the wearing of French berets (Basque berets) in Alsace.

I read only the first paragraph:

“The wearing of French berets (Basque berets) is forbidden in

Alsace. Under this prohibition are included all berets which by

form or appearance resemble French berets.”

I may add that any violation of this decree was punishable by fine or

imprisonment.

The leaders also undertook a long struggle against French flags which

the inhabitants kept in their houses. I cite as an example Document

Number RF-706, a German administrative document which we found in the

archives of the Gau Administration of Strasbourg. It is dated 19

February 1941. I read 3 paragraphs of this document.

“The Gauleiter desires that the Alsatian population be

recommended by the organization of the Block- and Zellenleiter

to rip up the French flags still in possession of the people and

to use them in a suitable way for household needs.

“By the 1st of next May no French flag should be in private

hands. This goal should be attained in a way by which the

Blockleiter are to visit each household and recommend the

families to use the flags for household needs. It should also be

pointed out that after the 1st of next May corresponding

conclusions shall be drawn concerning the attitude of owners if,

after this date, French flags are still found in private

possession.”

The following document is our Document Number RF-707, which is also an

administrative memorandum on the same subject, dated Strasbourg, 26

April 1941, of which I should simply like to read the last sentence:

“If, after 1 June 1941, Alsatians are found still to have French

flags in their possession, they are to be sent to a

concentration camp for one year.”

The Nazis feared French influence to such a degree that they even took a

special measure to prevent the coming to Alsace of French workers among

the laborers brought into this territory for compulsory labor service.

This is the purpose of a memorandum of 7 September 1942 of the civil

administration in Alsace, which is our Document Number RF-708, also

found in the archives of the Gauleitung of Strasbourg. I read the first

few lines of this Document Number RF-708.

“Given the general situation of the labor market, the Chief of

the Civil Administration in Alsace has decided that foreign

labor from all European countries could, in the future, be used

in Alsace. There is but one exception, for French and Belgians,

who cannot be employed in Alsace . . . .”

The German undertaking against the French sentiment of Alsatians . . .

THE PRESIDENT: The translation which came through to me came to me as

“must.” It came through that the foreign workers of all countries of

Europe _must_, in the future, be used. The word is “pouvait.” That does

not mean “must,” does it? It is “pouvait.” Does not that mean “could”?

M. FAURE: “Could,” according to necessity. The interesting aspect is

that those who are French may not work there, even if labor is needed in

Alsace.

The German undertaking against the French sentiments of the Alsatians

found its complementary aspect in the attempt also to destroy, on the

outside, anything which might be an indication of Alsace belonging to

the motherland, France. I shall cite one example in relation to this

point. This is our Document Number RF-709.

It is a letter of the German Embassy in Paris, 7 May 1941, which is

reproduced in a memorandum of the French Delegation, which is found in

the archives of the government. I read this Document Number RF-709,

which is short:

“The German Embassy has the honor to point out the following to

the General Delegation of the French Government in occupied

territory:

“The German Embassy has been informed that in a series of

reports on a theme concerning the fatherland, a French radio

station in the unoccupied territory, on 16 or 17 April 1941,

about 2100 hours, is said to have made a broadcast about the

village of Brumath.

“As Brumath, near Strasbourg, is in a German language territory,

the German Embassy requests that they inform it if such a

broadcast was actually made.”

There exist numerous claims and protests of this kind, which fortunately

have often an anecdotal character. We must now cite two especially

serious cases, for they included assault, flagrant violations of

sovereignty, and even crime.

The first case concerns the seizure and profanation of the treasure of

the Cathedral of Strasbourg. I shall submit, concerning this subject,

Document Number RF-710, which is a letter of protest of 14 August 1943

written by General Bérard, President of the French Delegation of the

Armistice Commission. I read the beginning of the letter and repeat that

the date is 14 August 1943:

“Dear General,

“From the beginning of the war, the treasure of Strasbourg

Cathedral and the property of certain parishes of this diocese

had been entrusted by Monseigneur Ruch, Bishop of Strasbourg, to

the Beaux-Arts Department. This department had put them in a

safe place in the castles of Hautefort and of Bourdeilles in

Dordogne, where they still were on the date of 20 May 1943.

“The treasure and this property included, in particular, the

pontificalia reserved for the exclusive use of the Bishop,

several of which were his personal property, the relics of

saints, vessels, or objects for the performance of ceremonies.

“After having sought on several occasions—but in vain—to

obtain the consent of Monseigneur Ruch, the Ministerial

Counsellor Kraft, on 20 May, requested not only the prefect of

Dordogne, but also the director of religious matters, for

authority to remove the objects deposited. Faced with the

refusal of these high officials, he declared that the

repatriation to Alsace of the property of the Catholic Church

would be entrusted to the Sicherheitspolizei.

“As a result, at dawn on 21 May, the castles of Hautefort and

Bourdeilles were opened and occupied by troops, despite the

protests of the guardian. The sacred objects were placed in

trucks and taken to an unknown destination.

“This seizure, moreover, was extended to consecrated vessels and

ceremonial objects and the relics of saints worshipped by the

faithful. The seizure of these sacred objects by laymen not

legally authorized and the conditions under which the operation

was carried out aroused the emotion and unanimous reprobation of

the faithful.”

Relative to this document I would like to emphasize to the Tribunal one

fact which we shall find frequently hereafter, and which is, in our

opinion, very important in this Trial. It is the constant interference

and collaboration of different or diverse German administrations. Thus,

the Tribunal must through this document see that Ministerial Counsellor

Kraft, belonging to the civilian service dealing with national

education, appeals to the police of the SS to obtain objects which he

cannot obtain through his own efforts.

The second case which I would like to cite concerns the University of

Strasbourg. From the beginning of the war the University of Strasbourg,

which was one of the finest in France, had withdrawn to Clermont-Ferrand

to continue its teaching there. After the occupation of Alsace and since

this occupation really meant annexation, it was not reinstated in

Strasbourg and remained in its city of refuge. The Nazis expressed their

great disapproval of this in numerous threatening memoranda.

We would like to submit Document Number RF-711 relative to this. In this

document we shall again come across the Ministerial Counsellor, Herbert

Kraft, about whom I spoke in the preceding document. The document, which

I submit, bears the Document Number RF-711 and is an original signed by

Kraft. It was found in the archives of the German Embassy. In this

memorandum, which is dated 4 July 1941, Counsellor Kraft expresses his

disappointment at the result of steps which he had undertaken with the

Rector of the University of Strasbourg, M. Danjon.

I believe that it is adequate if I read a very short passage of this

memorandum in order to show the insolence and the threatening methods

which the Germans used, even in the part of France which was not yet

occupied. The passage which I am going to read will be the last

paragraph on Page 2 of Document Number RF-711. Mr. Kraft relates the end

of his conversation with the rector. I cite:

“I cut off the conversation, rose, and asked him, by chance,

whether the decisions of Admiral Darlan did not represent for

him an order from his government. As I went out I added, ‘I hope

that you will be arrested.’ He ran after me, made me repeat my

remark, and called out, ironically, that this would be a great

honor for him.”

This document gives an amusing impression, but the matter as a whole was

very serious.

The 15th of June 1943 the German Embassy wrote a note which I submit as

Document Number RF-712. This document is an extract from the archives of

the High Court of Justice, and has been certified by the clerk of that

jurisdiction. Here is the text of this Document RF-712. I shall not read

the beginning of the document:

“The German Embassy considers it very desirable to find a

solution of the affair of the University of Strasbourg at

Clermont-Ferrand.

“We would be happy to learn that no further publication would

appear under the heading ‘University of Strasbourg’ so that new

disagreements may not result from publications of that kind.

“The German Embassy has taken note of the fact that the Ministry

of National Education will no longer fill vacant professorial

chairs.

“Furthermore, it is requested that in the future no examination

certificates be awarded under the title ‘University of

Strasbourg.’”

I must, in concluding this subject of the University of Strasbourg,

point out to the Tribunal a fact which is notorious, that is that

Thursday, 25 November 1943, the German police took possession of the

buildings of the University of Strasbourg in Clermont-Ferrand, arrested

the professors and students, screened them, and deported a great number

of persons. During this operation, they even shot at two professors; one

was killed and the other seriously wounded.

I will be able to produce a document relative to this; but I think that

is not indispensable, since there are no proofs for the Prosecution that

these murders were committed under orders which definitely show

governmental responsibility.

THE PRESIDENT: M. Faure, did you say that you had or had not got proof

of the facts that you have just stated about the seizure of the property

of the university?

M. FAURE: I said this, Mr. President: We consider that these facts are

facts of public knowledge; but because of the interpretation which was

given by the Tribunal, I have considered that it would be better to

prove it by a document. As this document was not added to my file at

that time, this document will be submitted as an appendix. I am going to

read a passage of this document; but I should like to explain that it is

not found in its proper place, as I added it to the brief after the

statement of the Tribunal the other day on the interpretation of facts

of “public knowledge.”

THE PRESIDENT: The Court will adjourn now.

Tomorrow being Saturday, the Tribunal will sit from 10 o’clock in the

morning until 1 o’clock. We will then adjourn.

DR. KAUFFMANN: It was said that this afternoon there will be a witness.

I would like to ask that this testimony be postponed to another day. I

believe that we have reached a so-called silent agreement that we shall

be notified in advance as to whether there will be witnesses and what

the subject of their evidence will be.

I do not know whether there will be cross-examination; but the

possibility exists, of course, and pertinent questions can only be put

when we know, first of all, who the witness is to be, and secondly, what

the subject will be on which the witness is to be cross-examined,

perhaps just a clue.

THE PRESIDENT: The Tribunal does not think it is necessary to postpone

the evidence of this witness. As a matter of courtesy on the part of the

Prosecution, it would be well, perhaps, but the subject matter—not

necessarily the name, but the subject matter upon which the witness is

to give evidence—should be communicated to the Defense so that they may

prepare themselves upon that subject matter for any cross-examination.

I understand that this afternoon you propose to call a witness who will

deal with the circumstances in respect to the German occupation of

Luxembourg. That is right, is it not?

Trial of the Major War Criminals Before the International Military Tribunal, Nuremburg, 14 November 1945-1 October 1946, Volume 06 · 第 311 / 333 题