CHAPTER XXXIV.

THE CONQUEST ACHIEVED.

JULY-AUGUST, 1521.

THE DESTROYERS ADVANCE—FIERCE FIGHTING IN THE PLAZA—DISMAL

SITUATION OF THE MEXICANS—THE WORK OF DEMOLITION—MOVEMENTS

OF ALVARADO—THE EMPEROR REFUSES TO PARLEY—MISERY OF

THE AZTECS UNBEARABLE—HORRIBLE MASSACRE OF WOMEN AND

CHILDREN—THE TENDER-HEARTED CORTÉS MOURNS OVER HIS OWN

WORK—CAPTURE OF THE EMPEROR—THE CONQUEST COMPLETED—BANQUETS

AND THANKSGIVINGS—DISPERSION OF THE ALLIES TO THEIR

HOMES—REFLECTIONS.

With a force of over one hundred and fifty thousand men the Spaniards

now advanced on the city, a large proportion destined wholly to raze

buildings, fill channels, and remove obstacles, while the rest were

to drive back the enemy and keep them at bay. At the channel near

the plaza the Mexicans detained the forces for an hour with a peace

proposal, in order to gain time for some operation, and then suddenly

they began to ply their missiles. Cortés was not slow to accept the

challenge, and led the attack with a recklessness that caused his

followers to remonstrate with him for exposing so valuable a life.

It had the effect, however, of so encouraging the charging party that

the channel with its intrenchments was quickly captured. On reaching

the plaza they found it covered with loose stones, which prevented

the horses from running. Several streets leading to it were blocked

with stone barricades. The main effort for this day was directed

toward opening the approach to the plaza, which was to serve as the

starting-point for subsequent movements. The work was slow, owing to

the massive character of the buildings along the leading avenue, and

in this imperial centre of the city; but myriads swarmed thereat,

and structure after structure was levelled, opening wide access to

the southern causeway.

The Mexicans made repeated efforts to stay such ruthless destruction.

But their onslaught was futile, for thundering cannon and fiery

chargers protected every point. “Burn and raze, you slaves,” they

shouted to the auxiliaries in their impotent fury; “you will have to

rebuild it all, either for us if we win, or for your present masters

if they conquer!” And so it happened. With dreary tasks did they pay

for the momentary triumph over their enemy. During the withdrawal of

the troops to camp in the evening the Mexicans were able to make a

forcible demonstration, more so than usual on these occasions, if we

may credit the native records. They pushed in front of their lines a

fine-looking Spanish cross-bowman, reserved from the late captives,

and sought to make him direct his arrows against his countrymen. This

he refused to do, always shooting too high, and finally the enraged

Aztecs cut him down. His presence naturally interfered with the free

operations of the soldiers, as the enemy had expected.

On the following days Cortés ascended the commanding temple pyramid

in the plaza, and thence directed more effectively the operations

for razing buildings and driving back the Mexicans, who fought with

desperation for every foot of ground, so much so that on one day

alone fell twenty thousand it is said. On one occasion a corps of

Tlascaltecs crossed a canal and were thrown into disorder by the enemy.

The Aztecs began to exult, and one of their number, a muscular warrior

with enormous bejewelled plumage, armed with a Spanish sword and

shield, shouted a challenge to any Spaniard. Several were ready, among

them Hernando de Osma, who had just swum across the canal to sustain

the wavering allies. Dripping wet he rushed upon the warrior, but

received a blow which cleft his shield. Recovering himself, he dealt

the Mexican a thrust from below and stretched him dead, whereupon he

snatched the sword and plumage and sprang back in time to escape the

pursuing friends of the fallen man. He afterward offered the trophy

to Cortés, who accepted, but returned it at once with the remark that

none was so worthy thereof as he who had won it. The deed served also

to reanimate the Tlascaltecs, and they sustained their position.

Not long after, another powerful warrior, similarly plumed, came

forth brandishing a Spanish sword and announcing that he sought the

glory of either dying by the hand of a brave Spaniard or defeating

him. Cortés, who was present, told him that ten more men like himself

were needed to match one soldier. The warrior insisted. “Very well,”

said the general, “this beardless page of mine shall despatch you,

and demonstrate the mettle of our Castilian boys.” Juan Nuñez de

Mercado, as the youth was called, thereupon stepped forward, and

bravely as this Goliah fought, a few passes from the skilled arm

of the youngster soon sufficed to lay him low. This feat served not

alone to discourage duels with Spaniards, but was regarded by many

Mexicans as a bad omen.[1190]

Whatever may have been the reverses of the enemy, they usually rallied

in the evening to pursue the troops as they returned to camp, the

allies being always sent back first so as to leave the road clear for

the soldiers, covered by the cavalry. One day the pursuit was not

made for some reason, and a few horsemen ventured to look into it,

but only to be driven back with two animals badly wounded. Cortés

resolved to be avenged. He ordered Sandoval to reënforce him so

as to increase the number of horse to forty. Thirty of these were

posted early in the day in a hiding-place near the plaza, and close

by a hundred select soldiers and a corps of Tlascaltecs. When the

hour came to return to camp, the Mexicans, as expected, fell upon

the retreating lines in stronger force than ever, encouraged by the

achievement of the previous evening and by the pretended timidity

of the ten horsemen who covered the rear. When the first columns of

pursuers had well passed the hiding-place, the signal was given,

and with ringing Santiagos the parties in ambush rushed upon the

startled warriors. Finding their retreat cut off, the severed section

lost presence of mind, and permitted themselves to be butchered like

cattle. When the massacre was over, fully five hundred of the flower

of the Aztec armies covered the ground.[1191] Never again were the

Spaniards exposed to pursuit near or beyond the plaza, or indeed to

any such fierce charges, and the horses became again an object of

awe.[1192]

The captives were questioned regarding the condition of the city,

and from them a revelation was obtained showing that the majority of

the occupants were in favor of capitulation, but afraid to express

their views in face of the firmness of Quauhtemotzin and his party,

who were resolved to defend their city to the end. And there was

still enthusiasm among the Mexican people. Women and cripples could

be seen preparing and bringing war material for stronger arms to use;

they swept dust from the roofs into the faces of assailants, while

children threw tiny stones and lisped an echo of the curse that fell

from the lips of their parents. But all this manifest spirit was

slowly but surely subsiding, and deep and dismal woe was settling down

upon them.[1193] Alas for Mexico, pride of the grand plateau! Alas

for thine ancient grandeur! Blotted out forever must be thy culture,

crushed thy budding progress! The days of thy glory are ended; and

so are thy bloody ceremonies and sacrificial stones!

* * * * *

Long sieges had never suited the native ideas of warfare, and

experience could therefore teach little in the preparation for the

event. Vast supplies had been accumulated by the Mexicans, but a

large influx of fugitives from the lake towns had swelled the number

of non-combatants and had helped to diminish the food supply, which

had received but scanty additions, owing to the close watch of the

cruisers. Nor had any restrictions been placed on consumption, since

the provisions were chiefly in private hands. Now famine was raging

with rapidly increasing horrors, and jewels were offered by the handful

for an equal quantity of food.[1194] Excluded from such competition,

the poorer classes sought in holes and canals for snails, lizards,

and rats, skimmed the surface of the water for its mucilaginous scum,

or tore up the earth for roots and weeds, glad even to chew the bark

of trees, and anxiously waiting for the scanty allowance of brackish

water. Disease was marching hand-in-hand with hunger, and weakened by

their sufferings hundreds were left to linger in torment till welcome

death relieved them. The frequency of these incidents made the people

callous, and the sufferings even of near friends were looked on with

indifference by the gaunt and hollow-eyed, who were themselves marked

for death.

Regardless of the consequences, many crept at night close to the

Spanish camps in search of roots and refuse which could no longer be

found within their precincts. Advised of such movements, a body of

soldiers and allies was sent out before sunrise one day and fell on

a large number, slaughtering many of them before discovering them

to be starving women and children.[1195] It was necessary to take

increased measures even against these surreptitious attempts to

sustain the defence, and to keep in the useless population, though

there was little prospect of any important exodus, since the fear

of the savage and cannibal auxiliaries who surrounded the city made

its very pest-holes appear attractive places of refuge. The vessels

were particularly efficient for this purpose, the more so since the

crews had found a ready means to render the submerged stakes and

palisades of little hindrance.[1196] They were thus enabled to ravage

the suburbs, and to coöperate with the other forces by landing and

driving the inhabitants toward the narrow quarter in which they were

now confined. They had not always an easy task, however, for the

Mexicans were growing more reckless, and would sometimes venture to

meet even the ‘winged houses.’

On one occasion a portion of the fleet was closely beset in a confined

place, and the flag-ship happening to strand on some timbers the

crew became panic-stricken and sought to abandon her. Martin Lopez,

the builder, who was the chief pilot, at once turned against the

deserters, and being a large and powerful man he pitched two into the

water, beat and bruised half a dozen others, and soon compelled their

return to duty. He thereupon led them against the enemy and drove

them off, killing the leader, who was a prominent officer. For this

important service the brave Lopez was rewarded with a captaincy.[1197]

Cortés made quite rapid advance in the work of demolition, considering

the immensity of it. The Tlacopan road had been levelled, rendering

communication easy with the camp of Alvarado, and on the eve of

Santiago’s day[1198] the greater part of the main street to the

market was gained. This thoroughfare bore afterward the name of

Guatemotzin,[1199] because this emperor’s palace was here situated.

Strongly fortified, its capture was not effected without a severe

struggle, wherein many a brave fellow met his fate. During the fight

Alderete’s horse became unmanageable from a thrust, and rushed amid

the enemy in mad fury, creating more disorder by his pawing and biting

than a squad of soldiers could have done.[1200]

Equally severe was the struggle on the following days in entering

and filling a street with a wide canal, adjoining the main road. At

the same time was taken a temple,[1201] wherein a number of impaled

bearded heads stared the horrified Spaniards in the face. Tears filled

the eyes of the beholders, and reverently the ghastly remains were

taken down to receive Christian rites.[1202]

The progress of Cortés’ party in the direction of Tlatelulco market,

the objective point of all the movements, had impelled Alvarado to

almost superhuman efforts to gain before them a spot lying much nearer

to his camp. Once within, he hoped to keep his ground, for it was

large and level, twice the size of the market-place in Salamanca,

says Cortés, and capable of accommodating sixty thousand persons. It

was lined with porticos, wherein more substantial traders had their

shops, while the open square was covered with booths, between which the

Spaniards had so often wandered to gaze on products of every variety,

from field and forest, from river and mountain, as well as from the

workshop of artisan and artist.[1203] Thus it was formerly; but now

were to be displayed only the worst phases of human selfishness,

cunning, and brutality; blood and corpses in lieu of fabrics and

provisions; fierce war-cries and the clash of arms in place of merry

traffickings and the clink of coin. By the day following Santiago’s day

Alvarado had levelled a wide approach, and now he resolved to direct

his whole strength against this plaza, leaving merely a portion of

his auxiliaries to attend to further razing operations. Before dawn

the next morning he advanced with all his force and took the Aztecs

by surprise. He effected an entrance with little trouble, and was

able to meet in good order the bands which came to retrieve their

neglect by fierce charges. They were led by the renowned orders of

Tigers and Eagles, conspicuous in their corresponding gear, and eager

to maintain the reputation which had gained for them their insignia.

Mayehuatzin, lord of Cuitlahuac, was also among the prominent leaders,

but the cavalry soon obliged him to turn in flight, and enabled the

infantry to capture a number of the shops which lined the market, and

begin to pillage. Much more determined proved the division under the

Tiger captain, Coyohuehuetzin, who fell back and maintained himself

on the Momuztli edifice.

While the main portion of the Spanish forces thus fought at different

points in the plaza with varying advantage, Captain Gutierre de Badajoz

was ordered to capture the great temple which overlooked the market.

It was held by Temilotzin and Tlacatecatl, who fiercely disputed his

advance. Time and again were his men driven back, or sent tumbling

down the steps, bruised and bleeding, many a one never to rise. But

Badajoz persevered, and step by step he climbed upward, sustained by

reënforcements, till after two hours of hard contest the summit was

gained, first by Alférez Montaño. Woe now to the defenders remaining!

Not a Spaniard there but had wounds to show, and not one who did not

strive to exact blood for blood. It was a repetition of the aerial

combat of the year before on the summit of the central temple. The

Mexicans neither expected mercy nor asked it; rather longed they to

dedicate their last breath to the gods, and gain by glorious death

admission into the abode of the blessed. By nine o’clock in the

forenoon the two wooden towers holding the altars and idols were

gained, and the next moment dense smoke columns rose to announce the

victory of the Spaniards.[1204] Loud rose the wail of the natives

as they witnessed the portentous result, and with the recklessness

of despair they renewed their onslaught, led by Axoquentzin and the

Eagle captain, Quachic. So severely pressed was Alvarado that he was

obliged to call down Badajoz and to concentrate his forces, abandoning

the several temples which surrounded the large pyramid. Encouraged by

this success the Mexicans pushed their advantage from all sides, and

unable to hold their position the Spaniards retired with considerable

loss, including three horses.[1205]

Nothing daunted, Alvarado repeated his entry on the following day, and

met with comparatively little opposition, the enemy being evidently

discouraged by the fall of the temple and the resolute bearing of

the Spaniards. He now passed through and came up to Cortés’ party, by

whom he was received with ringing and repeated cheers. The latter had

just captured the last canal and intrenchments near the market-place,

after a sharp struggle, and now the general and his doughty lieutenant

entered the market and ascended the lofty pyramid, on which the royal

banner waved a proud welcome, while beside it the still impaled heads

of white and dusky victims recalled the bitter vengeance yet to be

exacted. Surveying the city beneath him on all sides, Cortés says: “It

seemed undoubted that of eight parts we had gained seven.” The late

magnificent metropolis, the finest and largest on all the northern

continent, displayed now a mass of ruins, through which the broad paths

levelled by the invaders led to the one corner which alone remained

to the besieged,[1206] wherein, amid famine, pest, and putrefying

bodies, they huddled in packed masses, sending forth from their

midst the groans of dying and loud lamentations, in an atmosphere so

pestiferous that the soldiers who entered the lately abandoned lanes

were almost stifled. People were found in different stages of hunger

and disease, meeting the soldiers with passive indifference in the

recklessness of despair. Beyond on the roofs stalked the warriors,

gaunt and yellow, like caged and starving beasts.

Cortés felt painfully oppressed on beholding so much misery, and at

once ordering a stay of hostilities he sent some captive chiefs to

Quauhtemotzin with peace proposals, showing the utter futility of

further resistance, which could involve only a needless infliction

of suffering and slaughter, and embitter against him and his the

besieging forces. He was prepared to forget all past animosity, and

respect the persons and property of the besieged, and his rights

as sovereign, and demanded in return only the renewal of allegiance

already offered in Montezuma’s time. Quauhtemotzin scarcely gave the

messengers time to speak, before he answered solemnly: “Tell Malinche

that I and mine elect to die. We will intrust ourselves neither to

the men who commit, nor to the God who permits, such atrocities!”

Struck by the lofty bearing of the doomed, and desirous of securing

the treasure which the besieged assured him would all be cast into

the water before his fingers should touch it, Cortés again sent a

proposal, formally attested by notary and witnesses, declaring that

the responsibility for the terrible consequences which must follow

the rejection of his offer would fall wholly on the besieged. But all

without avail. And when the priests came and declared the oracle,

“Appeased by sacrifice the gods have promised victory after three

days,” Quauhtemotzin made answer, his council being present: “It is

well. And since it is so, let us have a care of the provisions, and

if need be die fighting like men. Let no one henceforth speak of

peace under pain of death!”

Preparations were accordingly made to renew hostilities at the

designated time, on which occasion sacred relics were to be brought

into service from the paraphernalia of Huitzilopochtli, one a twisted

snake sceptre set with mosaic, called the Xiuhcoatl, which was said

to become alive when launched against the foe and terrify them to

flight; the other a war-dress of feathers tipped with an owl’s head

of fearful aspect, an ægis to scatter the enemy.[1207]

Cortés on his side was not impatient to break the truce, for he knew

that hunger and disease were efficiently fighting his battle, and he

was besides busy constructing in the market-place a catapult which was

to soon end his labors there whatever might be the further decision of

the Mexicans. The idea had been suggested by a soldier named Sotelo,

who boasted of military science acquired during the Italian wars; and

since powder was becoming scarce the necessary carpenters were readily

furnished to construct the machine. “Behold!” cried the Tlascaltecs,

pointing it out to the Mexicans, “behold a monster mechanism which

will quickly annihilate you!” But on trial it proved a failure.

Then messengers were again despatched to Quauhtemotzin to talk of

peace, and were told that they should have an answer soon. Next day

the Spanish sentinels observed a great commotion among the Mexicans

and a gathering of armed masses. They gave due notice of this, but

before the troops were fully prepared the enemy came rushing from

their retreats with a suddenness that threw the first opposing lines

in disorder, a number being wounded and several killed, at least among

the auxiliaries.[1208] The troops quickly rallied, however, under

cover of the artillery, and Cortés resolved to inflict chastisement.

Alvarado was ordered to attack a large ward containing over a thousand

buildings, while the remaining forces should turn against the main

quarter. Incited by the presence of the mystic owl and the sacred

snake-bearer, the Mexicans fought with an indifference to fate that

turned the war into a butchery. When the survivors were driven back

it was ascertained that over twelve thousand Mexicans had been killed

or captured.

The promised victory had proved a disastrous defeat, and even the most

hopeful Mexican sank into the depths of despair. This feeling was

greatly fostered by a strange occurrence about this time, which the

native records describe as a fiery whirlwind, resolving into flames

and sparks. It rose with great noise in the north, after sunset,

revolved over the doomed quarter and disappeared in the lake, leaving

the natives overwhelmed with apprehensions.[1209]

Their eyes were fully opened to the situation. And in pondering on

the dreadful past and present, the dreadful future became dim, even

its terrors growing every day fainter. They had been passive under

the pain of wounds and under hardships indescribable; but when at last

frenzied mothers and fathers seized upon their own offspring to still

the pangs of hunger over which sane minds no longer had control; when

others began furtively to look about for less closely allied beings

whereon to feed, then indeed a stranger and more terrible fear came

over them.[1210]

* * * * *

When Cortés returned with full force on the following day to renew

the fight, crowds of miserable beings came forth, repulsive in their

emaciated and haggard appearance, careless of their lives yet clamoring

for mercy and for bread. Moved by the appeal, he ordered them not to

be injured, and proceeded to answer certain chiefs who had summoned

him to a parley. “Son of heaven!” they cried, “within one brief day

and night the tireless orb returns. Why dost not thou also finish thy

task as quickly? Kill us, so that we may no longer suffer, but enter

paradise and join the happy throng already sent thither!”[1211] He

told them that in their hands was the remedy. They had but to cease

their insane opposition, and their suffering would cease, for he would

give them food and respect their persons and property. No satisfactory

answer was returned. They were evidently afraid to speak of peace,

though eager for it. Cortés felt convinced that the emperor and a

few leading nobles were the only persons holding back, and willing

to spare the people he again resolved on an appeal.

A distinguished captive was prevailed on to carry this message in

order to give it more weight,[1212] and to use his influence with the

emperor. On appearing before Quauhtemotzin the noble began to speak

of the kind treatment he had received from the Spaniards. Praise of

this nature hardly accorded with the mood of the ruler or with the

views he wished to impart, and no sooner did the envoy allude to

peace than he was ordered away with an imperious sign to the stone

of sacrifice.[1213] Any fate for ruler and people was better than to

fall into the hands of Christian civilization. At the same time the

warriors faintly threw themselves against the Spaniards with shouts

of “Death or liberty!” The attack cost the besiegers a horse, and

several men were wounded, but the charge was easily repelled, and

was followed up by further slaughter. That night the allies encamped

within the city.

The following day Cortés again approached some nobles at an

intrenchment and asked, “Why remains the emperor so stubborn? Why will

he not come and speak with me, and stay the useless slaughter of his

subjects?” Bound by superstitious loyalty to their ruler, weepingly

they replied, “We know not; we will speak with him; we can but die!”

Presently they returned to say that Quauhtemotzin would present himself

in the market-place on the following noon. Delighted, Cortés ordered

a dais to be prepared on the raised masonry platform recently used

for the catapult, together with choice viands. At the appointed hour

the Spanish general appeared in state, with the soldiers drawn up in

line, ready to do honor to the distinguished guest. After waiting

impatiently for some time, they saw five personages approach, who

proved to be the bearers of excuses. Quauhtemotzin could not come,

but desired to learn the wishes of Malinche.[1214]

Concealing his chagrin, Cortés caused the nobles to be entertained,

and then he sent them to their master with assurance of good

treatment; they soon returned with presents, and said the emperor

would not come. Again they were sent, and again their efforts were

unavailing. The truth is, Cortés desired with the monarch to secure

his treasure; else he would not long have stayed his bloody hand. On

the other hand, though Quauhtemotzin’s conduct might be attributed

to selfish obstinacy, he well knew that even for his people death

was to be scarcely more feared than capture; now they might at once

enter paradise, but the foreigners sought them but to enslave.

The following day the five nobles again kept Cortés waiting with

a promise that the emperor would meet him. The hour having passed

without his appearance, the allies, who had been kept in the background

during the negotiations, were called forward and the order was given

for assault, Sandoval directing the fleet along the shore and up

the canals to the rear. “Since they will not have peace, they shall

have war!” cried Cortés. Then the carnage became fearful. Spaniards

and auxiliaries alike, two hundred thousand strong and more, so it

was said, abandoned themselves to the butchery, while Satan smiled

approval. In helpless despair, like cooped beasts in the shambles, they

received the death-blow as a deliverance.[1215] I will not paint the

sickening details so often told of chasms filled, and narrow streets

blockaded high with the dead bodies of the unoffending, while down

upon the living settled desolation. It must indeed have been appalling

when he who had brought to pass such horrors writes: “Such was the

cry and weeping of children and women that not one amongst us but

was moved to the heart.” Then he attempts to throw upon the allies

the blame of it. “Never,” he says, “was such cruelty seen, beyond

all bounds of nature, as among these natives.” Already, before this

massacre of forty thousand[1216] the streets and houses were filled

with human putridity, so that now the Spaniards were forced to burn

that quarter of the city to save themselves from infection.

Another morrow engenders fresh horrors. The three heavy guns are

brought forward to assist in dislodging the besieged. Fearful lest

the emperor escape him in canoes, Cortés directs Sandoval to place

vessels on the watch for fugitives, particularly at the basin of

Tlatelulco,[1217] into which it is proposed to drive the besieged,

there to catch the king and nobles with their gold and jewels. Of

a truth Cortés does not wish to kill the miserable remnant of this

so lately proud race—particularly if thereby he loses the encaged

treasure. So he again appeals to them, and the Cihuacoatl,[1218]

chief adviser of the emperor, appears and is treated with great

courtesy. After a time he takes his departure, then for the first

time declaring that Quauhtemotzin will on no account present himself.

“Return then,” exclaims Cortés in ill-suppressed anger, “and prepare

for death, invoked, not by high and holy purpose, but by obstinate

timidity!”[1219]

Five hours are thus gained by the wily monarch for the escape of the

women and children, who pour out in swarms, the fainting supported by

the feeble, all emaciated and haggard, and many marked by wounds or

disease. Seeing which the allies pounce upon them, all stricken and

defenceless as they are, and murder them, to the number of fifteen

thousand. And the same number perish in the fall of broken bridges,

in the choked canals, and from the tread of their fellow fugitives.

How glorious is war! How noble the vocation! How truly great the hero

of such hellish deeds! Blush, oh sun! for making such to-morrows; for

lending thy light to human intelligence by which to do such diabolical

wickedness!

* * * * *

Observing no signs of surrender, Cortés opened fire with his cannon

and gave the signal of attack. Another massacre followed, the

Mexicans displaying the same apathy and sullen indifference to death

as on other late occasions. At some points, however, large bodies

surrendered, and the remaining Mexican quarters were fast falling

into the conqueror’s hands Sandoval on his side was closely guarding

the water front and preparing to coöperate. Entering the harbor basin

with a portion of the fleet, he bore down on the canoes with a crash,

upsetting the greater number, filled chiefly with nobles and their

families, of whom a large portion perished. The canoes which escaped

scattered in different directions, into canals and corners, most of

them however turning toward a nook of the basin with the brigantines

in hot pursuit. At this moment a few boats of larger build emerged

from a retreat at the other end and paddled rapidly toward the open

lake.

Warned by his commander to watch closely for the emperor, Sandoval

had not failed to observe the movement, and he immediately directed

García de Holguin, captain of the fastest vessel, to overhaul the

fugitives, who might be persons of note. Aided both by sails and oars,

Holguin speedily gained on them, and they began to scatter in different

directions, evidently with a view to confuse him; but a captive on

board indicated one as most likely to contain the emperor.[1220] On

approaching it the archers levelled their cross-bows, whereupon a sign

of surrender was made, with the pleading cry that Quauhtemotzin was

there. As the overjoyed Holguin stepped down to secure his captives,

among whom were the young empress, the king of Tlacopan, and other

prominent personages,[1221] the monarch bade him respect his consort

and his retinue. As for himself, he was at his disposal.

Conducted by his captor, he passed along the streets to the presence

of the conqueror, the object of ten thousand eyes, for rumor had

preceded him. Men rested from the slaughter to gaze at him. In the

distance was heard the din of battle, but along the captive’s path

there fell a hush. His was a striking figure. The grave, careworn face

betokened suffering. He wore a dingy blood-stained robe, and the pallor

which overspread a naturally fair face was yet more heightened by the

feverish brilliancy of the eyes, now bent dejectedly on the ground,

now looking straight before him. He walked with a firm step, and young

as he was, the majestic dignity of the prince and leader impressed

every beholder. “He was quite a gentleman,” graciously affirms Bernal

Diaz. Cortés had stationed himself on the roof of a high building in

the Amaxac ward,[1222] thence to direct operations, and now he caused

a dais to be prepared, and a table with refreshments. When the emperor

approached the guard drew up in line, and the general advanced with

benign dignity and led him to a seat by his side. “Malinche,” said

the captive, “I have done all within my power for the defence of my

people, but the gods have not favored me. My empire is gone, my city

is destroyed, and my vassals are dead. For what have I to live? Rid

me therefore of worthless existence.”[1223] Saying this, with his

hand he touched a dagger in the belt of Cortés. The general sought to

reassure him, declaring that none could resist the Christian’s God.

He had performed his duty bravely, like a good prince, and should be

treated as such.

Although the great end was thus accomplished, slaughter and pillage

were continued until long after vespers. Before the troops withdrew to

their respective camps, the prisoners, including the pretty empress,

Tecuichpo, were conducted to safe quarters in Coyuhuacan. Shortly

afterward a rain set in, aiding the efforts of the Spaniards to check

the auxiliaries in their maraudings, and this, developing toward

midnight into a furious storm with lightning and thunder, seemed

to the homeless Mexicans to be the xiuhcoatl of Huitzilopochtli and

the tumult of departing deities. To the conquerors this flashing and

thundering of heaven’s artillery was the salvo attending victory,

which was celebrated in feasting and merriment till came late slumber

with visions of gold, and lands, and vassals.

* * * * *

Thus ended Tuesday, the 13th of August 1521, sacred to St Hippolytus,

and accordingly adopted by the conquerors as patron saint of the

city. During colonial _régime_ the day was annually celebrated by a

solemn festival, wherein the leading citizens and officials rode on

horseback in procession round the city, headed by the viceroy and the

alférez mayor bearing a banner commemorative of the conquest.[1224]

For seventy-five days consecutively, says Cortés,[1225] the siege had

been wreathing its coils midst almost hourly scenes of bloodshed,

wherein nearly one thousand Spaniards and two hundred times that

number of allies had taken part, one hundred or thereabout of the

former falling, and many thousands among the latter.[1226]

As for the Mexicans, most of the early authorities assert that fully

one hundred thousand perished, besides those who died from pest and

famine.[1227] At the order of their sovereign, after the proclamation

of peace, the miserable remnant began to evacuate their pest-holes,

and to seek the fields adjacent, now lustrous green under refreshing

rains. Ah! it was pitiful, life to them now, this world a great

charnel-house filled with the bones of their loved ones, and their

hearts dead though still bleeding. What were their sins more than

those of others, that they should be so stricken, that they should

be so ground to the dust while the conquerors flushed with victory

were exulting before God because he had so ordered and accomplished?

They had sacrificed human beings on the altars of their gods, sixty

thousand in one year, some said. But what were these butcheries of the

Spaniards but human sacrifices, of more than six times sixty thousand

in one year! Behold them as they file along the causeway, the very

sun striking black and stifling on their famine-stricken forms and

agonized faces. On them, then, ye conquerors! Complete your work;

for in its swift continuance is their earliest rest![1228]

The 14th of August the troops entered the surrendered quarters to

review their work and its results. “I swear,” writes Bernal Diaz,

“that the lake and houses and abodes were so full of bodies and heads

of dead men that I am unable to convey an idea thereof; for in the

streets and courts of Tlatelulco there were no other things, and we

could walk only amidst dead bodies.”[1229] Many became sick from

the stench, and Cortés ordered fires to be lighted to purify the

air. Natives were sent to bring forth the dead, and with them went

Spaniards seeking for gold, silver, precious stones, and plumage,

leaving textile fabrics and other less valued effects to the allies;

but the quantity known to have been obtained fell far below their

extravagant expectations, and in their disappointment the soldiers

searched the persons of fugitives, looking into their very mouths

for hidden gold, says a native record. Bernal Diaz complains that

the brigantine crews had already plundered the wealthiest persons,

who were in the canoes, and had sacked the treasure-houses while the

others were fighting. They in their turn affirmed that the Mexicans

had cast their treasures into the lake. The mysterious depths harbor

many secrets, and beneath the waters, round the famed city of the

Aztecs, tradition still places glittering deposits of untold extent.

Three or four days after the fall, Cortés passed over to Coyuhuacan

with the greater part of his forces, there more formally to celebrate

the end of the siege in banqueting and thanksgiving. A feature of the

performance was a solemn procession by all the soldiers, bareheaded,

with banners, raising their voices in praise to God, who had given

them the victory, and who was so soon to be worshipped from gulf to

southern sea.[1230]

The services of the allies being at present no longer needed, Cortés

assembled them to speak farewell. He dwelt in flattering terms on their

brave and effective deeds. He promised they should be duly represented

to his majesty, who would reward them with singular privileges. To

the chiefs were then given shields, robes, and other articles, with

promises of more lands and vassals. Then they went their way, happy

in their slaves and spoils, happy in the thought of humbled foe, happy

in the promises of the Spaniards; they did not know, poor simpletons,

that all along the days and nights of this terrible siege, with sword

and lance on Aztec breast, they had been forging their own fetters,

which they and their children long must wear.[1231]

* * * * *

The conquest of Mexico was less a subjugation by Spanish soldiers

than their skilful manœuvring of New World forces against one another.

Had Anáhuac been united it would have succumbed less readily, perhaps

never. As it was, while the native nations were slaying each other,

fighting out their ancient feuds, the astute Spaniards laid their

all-possessing hand upon the country.

Nor was any apology on their part needed before Christendom. Mankind

to this day have not become so humane and just as not to find excuse

for any wrong within the realms of strength and inclination. What

then could be expected of an age and nation wherein it was not

uncommon to cloak crime under the fair garb of religion. Hitherto

came the Spaniards to murder and to rob: to rob and murder in the

name of charity and sweet heaven. No excuses were necessary, however

convenient to that end came the appeals of the Cempoalans groaning

under terrible oppression at the hand of a race delighting in blood

and extortion; a race which within two centuries had risen from a

degrading servitude largely by means of intrigue and treachery; a

race stamped with ignoble characteristics born of serfdom, and eager

to retaliate on others for their past humiliation, yet energetic,

enterprising, and advancing with rapid strides along the pathway

of indigenous culture. Ambitious to rule, they sent their armies to

bring province after province under the yoke. Rapacious collectors

followed to press the substance out of the people, for the appetite

of themselves and their masters. Confiscation, enslavement, and

desolation marched in the train, and the fairest hopes of the land

were dragged away in bondage, and to bleed on the stone of sacrifice.

To all these appalling evils the Totonacs, among others, were exposed,

when soldiers appeared on their shores bearing aloft the symbol of

charity, of deliverance. The crushed family appealed to them, also the

writhing slaves, for from the altars of hideous idols rose the dying

shrieks of youths and maidens. But a short time before knights of

different orders swarmed over Europe, the professed champions of the

oppressed; and the spirit of the crusaders still lingered in Spain,

in form if nothing more; and what Christian soldier could unheedingly

view such outrages!

Montezuma and his people were inhuman monsters, and Grotius,

Montesquieu, and others who should know, say that war in behalf of

humanity is a duty;[1232] and this notwithstanding the remedy be

tenfold more inhuman than the disease.

Not that the Spaniards were insincere in their proffers of such

excuses; duty comes to us in the color of our desires. Moreover,

they were fresh from the Moorish wars; they were imbued with a

religious exaltation and chivalric sentiment that placed before them

in varied light duty to their God, their king, and themselves. For

centuries they had been trained to devote life and possessions to

advance the interests of sovereign and church. Many of the noblest

characteristics were interwoven in the nature of Cortés, and also

with admirable distinctness in such men as Juan Velazquez, Sandoval,

and Puertocarrero. In others we find the dignity of the hidalgo

upheld without marked stain, and this notwithstanding the tendency

to intrigue, the disregard for truth and justice, and a yielding to

certain vices on the part of leaders, and the greed and brutality

of rank and file. But even among the common soldiers, in fairness we

cannot disregard the echo of noble sentiment, the aspiration toward

high emprise there present. It is the leader, however, who with all

his selfish cruelties and unprincipled trickeries must ever remain

the central figure of our admiration. If ever there was a hero, a

genius of war worthy the adoration of war worshippers, if ever there

were grand conception and achievement, all were vividly displayed in

the mind and person of Hernan Cortés.

An able French writer, comparing the siege of Mexico with that of

Troy, depicts Cortés as an Achilles in whom were combined the talents

of Agamemnon and Ulysses.[1233]

In some respects, and as compared with his companions, he indeed

approached the deity the Mexicans thought him. Behold him out upon

this venture, throwing life to the winds that waft him from Cuba,

sinking his ships behind him, plunging into the heart of a hostile

country, and with a handful of men opposing powerful armies, quelling

insurrections, capturing his captors, turning enemies into allies,

balancing upon his finger contending powers, and after the grand

cataclysm opened by him on the central plateau has spent itself,

he quietly pockets the prize. No Alexander, or Scipio, or Cæsar, or

Napoleon ever achieved results so vast with means so insignificant.

It was indeed a rare piracy!

* * * * *

Taken as a whole, the testimony of eye-witnesses and the early

chroniclers on the conquest may be considered as fully up to the

average of historical evidence. While there was no little exaggeration,

and some downright mendacity, such were the number of the witnesses,

the time, place, and circumstances of their several relations, and the

clearness of their testimony, that we find no difficulty with regard

to any important matters in determining truth and falsehood. When in

addition to the writings of the Spaniards we have native records and

architectural remains as collateral evidence, every honest searcher

after truth may be satisfied.

In regard to the two writers by the name of Diaz who accompanied

the first expedition to Mexico, I have spoken of the _Itinerario

de Grijalva_ of the priest, and before closing this volume I will

review the _Historia Verdadera_ of the soldier. Following these were

the memorials of the relatives of Velazquez, wholly unreliable; the

relation of the Anonymous Conqueror, whose statements were for the

most part true; many documents, such as the _Carta del Ejército_, and

_Probanza de Lejalde_, as well as the _Cartas de Cortés_, in the main

true, but which may properly be accepted only after close scrutiny

and careful comparison; the reports of Zurita, and the innumerable

papers and documents lately brought to light by Navarrete, Ramirez,

Icazbalceta, Ternaux-Compans, and others, and published as _Coleccion

de Documentos Inéditos_, _Coleccion de Documentos para la Historia de

Mexico_, etc.; native and Spanish historians, Tezozomoc, Camargo, and

Ixtlilxochitl; Duran, Veytia, Sahagun, Mendieta, and Las Casas; Oviedo,

Peter Martyr, and Gomara; Herrera, Torquemada, Solis, and Clavigero;

Bustamante, Robertson, Prescott, and Brasseur de Bourbourg. These

and others of but little inferior importance offer ample foundation

on which the modern historian may safely rear his superstructure.

I say that it is easy enough to determine truth from falsehood in such

a study as this, where the evidence is so abundant and the witnesses

are so widely separated. When Torquemada enters into a long argument

to show that the misery wrought by the conquest was the punishment

by God for the vices of the Mexicans, I do not discuss the matter. I

willingly admit that the ancient historian knew, if indeed he knew

anything about it, more concerning the mind of the deity than the

modern, though the latter might ask if the sufferings of the Spaniards

were not in like manner on account of their vices.

The books treating of Cortés’ achievements, as I have said, form an

immense array, as may be expected from the importance and interest

of what Robertson justly terms “the most memorable event in the

conquest of America,” involving the subjugation of the richest and

most advanced country therein, the fall of its beautiful and renowned

city, and one of the most daring campaigns ever undertaken. The

narrative reads indeed like a romance rather than history based on

stern facts, and it is not strange that men have arisen who seek to

cast doubt, not alone on certain incidents, but on the main features

of the achievement and the field.

One method of doubt has been to lower the estimate of native culture

and resources; to sneer at the large cities, magnificent palaces,

regal state, certain industrial and fine arts, picture-writing, and

other evidences of a higher culture. Such statements reveal to the

experienced student a lamentable disregard or ignorance of evidence

extant, of ruins with their massive form, their beautifully designed

ornamentation, their admirable sculptured and plastic delineation of

the human figure, both far in advance of the conventional specimens

of Egypt, and the former equal in many respects to the productions of

the higher Greek art. The picture-writing, again, reveals the phonetic

element so developed as to endow the Mexicans with that high proof of

culture, written records, applied not only to historic incidents and

common facts, but to abstract subjects of philosophic, scientific,

and poetic nature, as instanced in my _Native Races_.

It needed not the official investigation instituted by the Spanish

government to confirm the mute testimony of relics, and the vivid

declaration of chroniclers. Native records exist in sufficient

abundance to speak for themselves; records written by and for the

people, and therefore free from any suspicion of misrepresentation;

records used by a number of writers for obtaining that insight into

esoteric features of Nahua institutions which could not well be

acquired by Spaniards. The translation of these records, as reproduced

in the volumes of Sahagun, Ixtlilxochitl, Kingsborough, and others,

with copies of original paintings, have been carefully used both

for the _Native Races_ and the histories of Mexico and Guatemala,

and introduced indeed more thoroughly in this series as evidence

than by any modern writer on the subject, not excepting the learned

Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg, though unlike this enthusiast I have not

allowed myself to accept this evidence with the same non-critical

bias. I have merely used it for what it is worth, after applying

severe analytic tests. Certain points may be covered by merely one

or two authorities; but even then the erudite student will readily

determine the value of the testimony from internal evidence, while in

the generality of cases he will find a number of versions by natives

and Spaniards, by partisans and rivals, whose contradictions will

aid him in determining the truth.

* * * * *

In a previous bibliographic note I have pointed out the many internal

evidences furnished by the letters of Cortés, of undoubted reliability

on most points, in their minuteness, their frank soldierly tone, and

other features. They are besides confirmed in all the more essential

points by the contemporaneous letters from the municipality of Villa

Rica and the army, the sworn depositions before the royal notary by

leading officers, the narratives of Andrés de Tápia, and others. Still

stronger confirmation is given in the complaints and memorials issued

by enemies and rivals of the great captain, who in their efforts to

detract from his character and achievements provide the historian

with material that enables him to avoid the pitfalls abounding

even in the honest narratives of partisans, either from sympathy,

from lack of thorough knowledge, or from hearsay. Such testimony

is abundant in the residencia investigations of Cortés, Alvarado,

Guzman, and others, all which contain voluminous testimony on the

most important questions. Prescott’s opportunities for consulting new

material were vastly superior to those of his predecessors. If mine

have been correspondingly greater, it may perhaps to some extent be

due to the example set by him in his earnest researches, and because

since the publication of his volumes, private individuals and learned

societies have striven with increased enthusiasm to bring to light

hidden material, notably from the rich archives of Spain and certain

Latin-American states.

From this mass of what may be termed documentary evidence we turn

to the regular historians and narrators, beginning with Peter Martyr

and Oviedo, who both adhere chiefly to Cortés, though the latter adds

other versions by different eye-witnesses. Sahagun’s account contains

a strange admixture of native absurdities and vague recollections

of converted soldiers. A more complete version is given by Gomara,

the biographer of the great captain, who had access to private and

public archives and individual narratives now lost; but he frequently

colors the incidents to the credit of his hero and his profession.

Nevertheless the value of the text is testified to by his Mexican

translator Chimalpain, who adds some interesting facts from native

records and personal knowledge. The Tezcucan writer Ixtlilxochitl

also follows him pretty closely for the Spanish side, while the

archives left him by his royal ancestors and different narratives

furnish the other side, frequently absurd and highly colored. Camargo

gives a rather brief Tlascaltec version. Gomara’s coloring, which,

in accordance with the method of most historians, leaves the credit

for achievements with the leader, roused the feelings of more than

one of the soldiers who had shared in the glories of that period,

and Bernal Diaz promptly began to write his celebrated _Historia

Verdadera_, which professes to tell the true story and rectify in

particular the so-called blunders of Gomara. Although this profession

is not always to be relied on, the story is most valuable from its

exceeding completeness, its many new facts, and its varied version.

Not long after, Herrera, the official historiographer, began his

decades, wherein for the conquest he uses the material already

printed, with a leaning toward Gomara, yet with several additional

narratives to perfect his own revised version, notably that of Ojeda,

a leading officer under Cortés, and also no small mass of material

from the archives of Spain. Torquemada copies him for the most part,

though he adds much native testimony from Sahagun, from a Tezcucan

writer, and others, making his account of the conquest the most

complete up to that time. Solis elaborates with little critique,

and with a verboseness and grandiloquence that tire. Vetancurt’s

version is comparatively brief, with few additions, and Robertson’s

is a brilliant summary; but Clavigero, while adding not much to

Torquemada’s bulky account, presents it in quite a new form, pruned

of verboseness, re-arranged in a masterly manner, and invested with

a philosophic spirit altogether superior to anything presented till

Prescott’s time. On the above historians and some of Cortés’ letters

are founded the immense array of minor accounts and summaries on the

conquest, both in separate and embodied form, some of them provided

with occasional observations, but for the great part they contain

nothing of any value to the student. Those after Prescott’s time

follow him as a rule. Mexican accounts might naturally be expected to

present useful features, but such is hardly the case. Alaman, Ramirez,

Icazbalceta, Orozco y Berra, Bustamante, and certain writers in the

Boletin of the Mexican Geographical Society, have brought to light

several documents and monographs bearing on particular incidents and

features; but no complete account of real value has been written,

Carbajal’s pretentious version being almost wholly a plagiarism from

Clavigero, Mora’s a hasty compilation, and so on. As for the new bulky

Spanish version by Zamacois, it is not only verbose but superficial

and narrow in its research, blundering even where Prescott points

the way, and representing more a feuilleton issue than a history.

* * * * *

Bernal Diaz del Castillo is, as I have said, the main historian of

the conquest, from the exhaustive thoroughness of his material, as

compared with other original writers, and from his participation in

all its leading scenes, including the discovery voyages. For about

half a century he survives, and sees comrade after comrade disappear

from the field till but five of Cortés’ original company remain, “all

of us very old, suffering from infirmities, and very poor, burdened

with sons and daughters to marry, and grandchildren, and with but a

small income; and thus we pass our days in toil and misery.” He is not

so badly off, however, as he would have us believe, for a comfortable

encomienda supplies every want, and numerous descendants throng round

to minister to his comfort and listen to his tales. But as he recalls

the great achievements wherein he participated, he swells with the

importance of the events, and dwelling on the multiplied treasures

he has assisted to capture, the reward sinks to insignificance. It

is but the chronic grumble, however, of an old soldier that half the

continent would not satisfy. Springing from a poor and humble family

of Medina del Campo, in old Castile, he had embarked at an early age

with the expedition of Pedrarias in 1514 to seek fortune in Darien.

Failing there, he drifts to Cuba in time to join the discovery parties

of Córdoba and Grijalva. Subsequently he enlists under Cortés as a

common soldier, yet somewhat above the mass in the favor of his chief.

“Soldado distinguido,” says Juarros, implying higher birth; but this

is doubtful. There is hardly a prominent incident of the conquest

in which he does not participate, being present in no less than one

hundred and nineteen battles, according to his enumeration, whereof

many a scar remains to bear witness, and many a trophy to attest his

valor. In due time he receives his share of repartimientos of land and

serfs, and settles in Goazacoalco as regidor, with sufficient means to

feed a taste that procures for him the not ill-esteemed nickname of

Dandy. From his life of contentment, though not equal to his claims,

he is torn by the Honduras expedition under Cortés, who gives him at

times the command of a small party, whence comes the sported title of

captain. Afterward for a time he drifts about, and finally settles

in Guatemala city with the rank of regidor perpétuo, and with a

respectable encomienda, obtained partly through the representations of

Cortés to the king. He marries Teresa, daughter of Bartolomé Becerra,

one of the founders of the city, and repeatedly its alcalde, and has

several children, whose descendants survive to witness the overthrow

of the royal banner planted by their forefather. Grandsons figure as

deans of the city church, and an historian of the adopted country

rises in Fuentes y Guzman. _Pinelo_, _Epitome_, ii. 604; _Gonzalez

Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, i. 177; _Memorial de Conquistadores_, in

_Monumentos Admin. Munic._, MS.; _Juarros_, _Guat._, i. 338, 350;

_Torquemada_, i. 351.

The leisure afforded him in Guatemala, broken by little save the

inspection of his estate, gave opportunity for indulging in the

reveries of by-gone days. Histories of achievements were nearly all

connected with the great Cortés, famed on every lip; yet that fame

had been acquired with the aid of soldiers who like himself had

been consigned to an obscure corner of the vast domains conquered by

them. It did not seem right to the scarred veteran that the fruits

of combined toil should fall to one or two alone; that he himself

should be regarded far less than hundreds of upstarts whose only

deeds had been to reap the field won by him and his comrades. He

would tell his tale at all events; and forthwith he began to arrange

the notes formed during his career, and to uplift the curtains of

memory for retrospective views. While thus occupied he came upon the

history by Gomara, and perceiving “his great rhetoric, and my work

so crude, I stopped writing, and even felt ashamed to let it appear

among notable persons.” But finding that the biographer of Cortés

had committed many blunders, and had colored the narrative on behalf

of his patron, he again seized the pen, with the double purpose of

correcting such errors and of vindicating his slighted comrades.

Faithfully he carried out his plan, recording name after name of

brave fellows who shed lustre on the flag, who freely risked their

lives in gallant encounters, or who gave their last breath for church

and king. While dwelling lovingly on humble companions, whose cause

he espoused, he detracts little from the leaders and cavaliers. He

describes their appearance and traits with a graphic fidelity that

seems to bring them before us in person; he freely accords them every

credit, and if he spares not their vices they are seldom brought

forward in a captious or ill-natured spirit. On the contrary, he

frequently covers disagreeable facts in deference to the dead. This

general fairness of dealing is particularly noticeable in regard to

Cortés, whom nevertheless he sometimes severely criticises; and while

Diaz assumes for his side the credit of many a suggestion and deed,

yet he is ever the loyal soldier, and frequently takes up the cudgel

in behalf of the honored leader when others seek to assail him. He

admires the great captain hardly less than himself. Indeed, to say

that the old campaigner was vain is stating it mildly. Two licentiates

who read the manuscript pointed this out to him, but he replied, “Whom

does it harm? No one praises an old, broken-down soldier, so I must

even praise myself. It is a duty I owe not only to my fair name but

to my descendants.” He revives in his narrative and carries us back

with him to those stirring days, depicting now the hardships of the

march, now the new countries and races that appear; then he enters

into the heat of battle with a fidelity that brings the din and

turmoil vividly before us; and anon we see the adventurers in camp,

in their social relations, relieved by pleasing episodes. He enters

thoroughly into their hopes and feelings, deeds and life; he grows

eloquent and pathetic by turns, and reveals also the undercurrent of

piety and zeal which pervaded the rakish crew. Here is the gossipy

frankness of Herodotus, illumined by many a quaint observation and

many a blunt sally. Bernal Diaz had but the rudiments of education,

which nevertheless was above the average among his fellow-soldiers;

but he had evidently read a little in later years, to judge by his

allusions to classic history, though not enough to acquire more than

a mediocre proficiency in grammar. There is a minuteness of detail

at times wearisome, and garrulous digression and repetition; but a

simple perspicuity pervades the whole narrative, which makes it easy

to follow, while the frankness and frequent animation are pleasing.

Much of it appears to have been dictated, perhaps to some one of

his children, “cuyo manuscrito se conserva en el archivo de esta

municipalidad.” _Jil_, in _Gaceta Nic._, June 24, 1865. It was given

for perusal to different persons, and several copies made; but none

cared to assume its publication. Sixty years later, however, Friar

Alonso Remon, chronicler of the Merced order in Spain, found one set

in the library of Ramirez del Prado, of the Council of the Indies,

and perceiving the importance of the narrative, he caused it to be

printed at Madrid in 1632 under the title of _Historia Verdadera de

la Conquista de la Nueva-España_. Remon dying during the publication,

Friar Gabriel Adarzo, “nunc Hydruntinus præsul,” _Antonio_, _Bib.

Hisp. Nova_, iii. 224, took it in charge. Several discrepancies

indicate that revisions have been made, and Vazquez, _Chron. Guat._,

524, whose jealousy as a friar was aroused by allusions to Father

Olmedo, Cortés’ companion, compared the print with the original copy

and pointed out several differences. A second edition, bearing the

date 1632, though published later probably, contains an additional

chapter on omens, which appears in others of the many editions and

translations issued in different countries, even of late years.

* * * * *

Perhaps the most clear-sighted writer on Mexico during the last

century was Francisco Javier Clavigero, himself a native of that

country, and born at Vera Cruz in 1731. His father was a Leonese,

whose official duties called him to different parts of the country,

and young Francisco profited by this to acquire a knowledge of

its resources and idioms. After a novitiate of three years at the

Jesuit college of Tepozotlan, he passed to that at Puebla, and there

studied philosophy and theology, and showed particular fondness for

languages, both classic and native. He taught rhetoric and philosophy

in the principal schools of the country, though restricted somewhat

by the superiors in his too liberal ideas, for which Mexico was not

yet considered ripe. Meanwhile his enthusiasm centred on the study

of Aztec history and hieroglyphs, which received a serious check in

the expulsion of Jesuits from America in 1767. He sought refuge in

Italy, staying chiefly at Bologna, where he founded an academy, and

having considerable leisure he began to shape the results of his late

studies, impelled in no small degree by the writings of De Pauw and

Robertson, which grated on his patriotic spirit. They were prepared

in Spanish, but the authorities giving no encouragement for their

publication in Spain, an Italian translation was made and issued in

four volumes, as _Storia Antica del Messico_, Cesena, 1780, dedicated

to the university at Mexico. Subsequently a Spanish version appeared,

but not before several editions had been published in England and

other countries. The first volume treats of resources and ancient

history, the second of manners and customs, the third of the conquest,

and the fourth consists of a series of dissertations on the origin of

the Americans, on chronology, physique, languages, and other points.

They have been widely quoted, and Francisco Carbajal de Espinosa has

shown such appreciation of it as to copy almost the whole text in what

he calls his _Historia de Mexico_, Mex., 1856, 2 vols. Clavigero’s

work is based to a great extent on aboriginal records and personal

observation, and the old chronicles have been largely used; but their

cumbrous and confused material is here arranged in a manner worthy of

the liberal-minded philosopher and rhetorician. Indeed, no previous

work in this field can at all compare with it for comprehensiveness

and correctness, depth of thought and clearness of expression. In the

former respect he greatly surpasses Robertson and in the latter he

may be classed as his equal. His death, which took place at Bologna in

1787, found him in the midst of a number of literary projects, called

forth in part by the success of the _Storia_, and by the different

subjects which he had therein touched but lightly. Among these works

was the _Storia della California_, issued at Venice two years after

his death. It will be noticed in due order.

There can be no more fitting close to this volume on the conquest

of Mexico than a tribute of esteem to William Hickling Prescott. I

have noted in a previous volume his amiable weakness, incident to

the times rather than to the man, of intensifying the character of

prominent personages so as to present the good better and the bad

worse than they truly were, in order to render his narrative stronger

and more interesting than it would be otherwise; but this is nothing

as compared with his general fairness, united with a magnificent

style and philosophic flow of thought. I have noted some inaccuracies

and contradictions in his history, but these are nothing as compared

with his general care and correctness as a writer. I have mentioned

material which he lacked, but this is nothing as compared with the

great mass of fresh evidence which he brought to enrich his subject.

Words fail to express my admiration of the man, the scholar, the

author. Apart from the din and dust of ordinary life, he lived as

one in the world but not of it, pure of mind, gentle of heart, and

surpassingly eloquent.

Mr Prescott was born at Salem, Massachusetts, May 4, 1796. His

father, a lawyer of rising reputation, then thirty-four years of age,

removed his family to Boston in 1808. At the age of fifteen William

entered Harvard College. While engaged in a boyish frolic one day

during his junior year a large hard piece of bread, thrown probably

at random, struck full in his left eye, forever depriving him of its

use. Pursuing his studies with his wonted cheerfulness, he graduated

in 1814, and entered upon the study of law in his father’s office. In

1815 a rheumatic inflammation settled in his right eye, now his sole

dependence, causing him much pain and anxiety. A change of climate

having been determined upon, he embarked for the Azores, on a visit to

his grandfather Hickling, then United States consul at Saint Michael.

There he remained about six months, confined the greater part of the

time to a dark room. In April 1816 he embarked for London, crossed

to Paris, made the usual Italian tour, and the following year, his

eye becoming worse, he returned home. But hope for the restoration of

his sight still lingered, and the marvellous buoyancy of his spirits

never deserted him. A devoted sister cheered the long hours of his

solitude by readings from his favorite authors. A literary venture

made at this time in a contribution to the _North American Review_

failed; his manuscript was returned, and his sister, alone in the

secret, was enjoined to silence.

Leaving his darkened chamber and mingling again with society, of

which he was ever a bright ornament, he became attached to a daughter

of Thomas C. Amory, a Boston merchant, whom he married on his

twenty-fourth birthday.

Mr Prescott now abandoned the hope of the entire restoration of his

eye. If by restrictions of diet and dieting and by persistent open-air

exercise he might preserve a partial use of the organ he would rest

content. And thus he passed the remainder of his life. At times he

was in almost total darkness, but ordinarily he could read and revise

his manuscripts; for the purpose of writing, however, he was obliged

to use a noctograph.

Possessing strong literary tastes, and an aversion to law, Mr Prescott

determined upon literature as a pursuit, and in 1826, with the aid of

a secretary, he began a systematic course of reading for a history of

Ferdinand and Isabella. For three years and a half he pursued this

preparatory labor; in 1829 he began writing, publishing the work in

1837. Ten of the best years of his life Mr Prescott claims to have

devoted to this book; and for the use of the stereotype-plates, which

Mr Prescott supplied at his own cost, and the right to publish twelve

hundred and fifty copies, the American Stationers’ Company agreed to

pay the sum of one thousand dollars. But money was not the author’s

object. The publication in London was offered to John Murray and to

the Longmans, and was declined by both. Bentley finally became the

London publisher. The work was well received on both sides of the

Atlantic; it was translated into several languages, and procured for

the author at once a world-wide reputation. The _Conquest of Mexico_

was a worthy outgrowth of so splendid a creation as the _Ferdinand and

Isabella_. The year following the publication of his first work, and

after having sent to Spain and Mexico for materials for histories of

the conquests of Mexico and Peru, Mr Prescott learned accidentally that

Mr Irving was engaged on similar work. He wrote Irving, acquainting

him of the fact, and the latter retired gracefully from the field.

In 1843 the _Conquest of Mexico_ appeared, under the auspices of the

Harpers, who paid $7500 for the use of the plates and the right to

publish 5000 copies. The _Conquest of Peru_ was published in 1847;

_Philip the Second_ in 1855-8; and _Robertson’s Charles the Fifth_

in 1856. Mr Prescott died of apoplexy in the sixty-third year of his

age.

For his _Conquest of Mexico_, besides all printed material extant,

Mr Prescott drew upon a large mass of new information in manuscript,

from several sources, notably from the valuable collection of Muñoz,

brought together for an intended history of America; that of Vargas

Ponce, obtained chiefly from Seville archives; that of Navarrete,

president of the Royal Academy of History at Madrid; and the archives

of Cortés’ heirs, all of which shed new light on almost every

section of the subject. His deep research, manifest throughout in

copious foot-notes, is especially displayed in the very appropriate

introduction on Mexican civilization, which enables the reader to gain

an intimate knowledge of the people whose subjugation he follows. Good

judgment is also attested in the dissertation on the moot question of

the origin of this culture, wherein he prudently abstains from any

decided conclusions. The fact of occasional inaccuracies cannot be

severely criticised when we consider the infirmity under which the

author labored. Since his time so great a mass of material has been

brought to light that the aspect of history is much changed. This

new material consists partly of native records, and it is due to his

unacquaintance with these records that a great lack is implied in his

pages. The fact that Prescott relied too much on Spanish material

may account for the marked bias in favor of the conquerors in many

instances where strict impartiality might be expected, and for the

condemnatory and reflective assertions which at times appear in direct

contradiction to previous lines of thought. At times, as if aware of

this tendency, he assumes a calmness that ill fits the theme, giving

it the very bias he seeks to avoid. Yet with all this it is safe to

say that few histories have been written in which the qualities of

philosopher and artist are so happily blended.

FOOTNOTES

[1190] Herrera, dec. iii. lib. ii. cap. ii., lib. i. cap.

xx., places this incident on the third day of entry into

the city.

[1191] ‘Todos los mas principales y esforzados y valientes.’

_Cortés_, _Cartas_, 244. And 2000 captives. _Ixtlilxochitl_,

_Hor. Crueldades_, 43. ‘Tuuieron bien q̄ cenar aquella noche

los Indios nuestros amigos,’ observes Gomara, unctuously.

_Hist. Mex._, 209. Bernal Diaz, who claims to have been

among the 100 select, intimates that Alvarado also formed an

ambuscade that day, though less effective. _Hist. Verdad._,

153-4. In rushing from the hiding-place, says Cortés, two

horses collided, one of them throwing its rider and charging

alone amid the foe. After receiving several wounds it sought

refuge among the soldiers and was conducted to camp, where

it died.

[1192] ‘Fué bien principal causa para que la ciudad mas

presto se ganase,’ _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 245, but this must

be regarded as an exaggerated estimate.

[1193] _Herrera_, dec. iii. lib. ii. cap. ii. Torquemada,

i. 560, 564, wavers, intimating in one place that all were

determined to die. When the people at last inclined to

peace, says Gomara, Quauhtemotzin opposed it on the ground

that they had once decided for war, ‘contra su voluntad y

consejo.’ _Hist. Mex._, 213. Most of the revelation was made

by a woman of rank, it appears. Carried away by his love

for hero-painting, Prescott has either missed or ignored

the facts which now reveal his false coloring.

[1194] ‘Y asi escondidas huvo algunos Principales de las

Provincias cercanas que acudieron con algun maiz para solo

llevar joyas.’ That is, where the cruisers allowed such

smuggling. _Duran_, _Hist. Ind._, MS., ii. 497.

[1195] About 1000 were killed, says Ixtlilxochitl, _Hor.

Crueldades_, 44; but Cortés puts the killed and captured

at more than 800. _Cartas_, 245.

[1196] ‘Osauan nuestros vergantines romper las estacadas

... remauan con gran fuerça y ... a todas velas.’ _Bernal

Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 150.

[1197] ‘De la Capitana, que èl havia salvado,’ says Herrera,

while asserting that the captain Villafuerte abandoned her;

but this hardly agrees with his own later statements that

Villafuerte remained in charge of the fleet, dec. iii.

lib. i. cap. xxi.; lib. ii. cap. viii. The slain leader

is called the lieutenant-general of Quauhtemotzin, and

his death ‘fue causa, que mas presto se ganase la Ciudad,’

_Torquemada_, i. 558, all of which is doubtful. A similar

reward to that of Lopez was accorded on another occasion

to a soldier named Andrés Nuñez, who after the captain had

abandoned his vessel led her to the rescue of two consorts.

When the commander came to resume his post Nuñez refused

to admit him, saying that he had forfeited it. On being

appealed to, Cortés sustained the brave fellow and gave

him the command, in which capacity he rendered important

service. _Herrera_, dec. iii. lib. ii. cap. i.

[1198] July 25th, according to Clavigero, while Torquemada

less correctly makes it August 5th.

[1199] The Spanish corruption of Quauhtemotzin. ‘La calle

qᵉ ba al tianguiz de Tlatelulco qᵉ se llama de Guatimosa.’

_Libro de Cabildo_, MS., 88.

[1200] Herrera names Magallanes as one of those who succumbed

under the onslaught of a chief, but his death was avenged

by Diego Castellanos, a noted marksman. dec. iii. lib. i.

cap. xx. On this occasion Ixtlilxochitl intimates that his

namesake captured his brother, the usurper king of Tezcuco,

and surrendering him to Cortés, he was at once secured with

shackles. _Hor. Crueldades_, 42-3. ‘De manera que de cuatro

partes de la ciudad, las tres estaban ya por nosotros.’

_Cortés_, _Cartas_, 246.

[1201] At the corner of the street leading to Sandoval’s

quarter. _Id._, 247.

[1202] I knew three of them, writes Bernal Diaz. ‘Las

enterramos en vna Iglesia, que se dize aora los Mártires.’

_Hist. Verdad._, 153.

[1203] For a full description see _Native Races_, ii. 382

et seq.

[1204] Cortés saw the smoke from his camp, from which

he was preparing to start. _Cartas_, 247. Herrera leaves

the impression that Alférez Montaño captured the temple,

dec. iii. lib. ii. cap. i., but he was probably only the

first to step on the summit. Bernal Diaz, who fought under

Alvarado, states distinctly that Badajoz led the party, but

he is no doubt incorrect in adding that the fight on the

top continued till night. _Hist. Verdad._, 153. Torquemada,

i. 565, refers to the temple as the Acatliyacapan. Duran

makes Cortés appeal to the Chalcans, and they ‘tomando

la delantera del Ejército, y con ellos Yxtlilxachitl ...

ganaron el Cue grande.’ _Hist. Ind._, MS., ii. 506. This

must be a Chalcan version.

[1205] _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 210. Cortés calls them wounded

merely. Sahagun’s native version of the plaza fight is very

confusing, and mixed with that of the struggle against the

other divisions, ‘y tomaron los bergantines [two] á los

españoles, y lleváronlos á una laguna que llaman _Amanalco_.’

_Hist. Conq._ (ed. 1840), 202-3. But this must be a mistake.

[1206] ‘Que se llama Atenantitech, donde ahora està edificada

la Iglesia de la Concepcion, junto de la Albarrada.’

_Torquemada_, i. 553. Tetenamitl ward, says Sahagun in one

edition. _Hist. Conq._ (ed. 1840), 209.

[1207] This or a third relic bore the name of Mamalhuaztli.

Sahagun also refers to a divine bow and arrow. _Hist. Conq._,

53-4. But his editions vary in text; see that of 1840,

210-12. The serpent was invoked even after the conquest,

says the pious friar, and he heard Father Tembleque relate

that he one day opened his window during a storm and had his

left eye injured by a ray of lightning, which damaged the

house and adjoining church. This ray, the Mexicans assured

him, was the Xiuhcoatl, conjured up by the sorcerers, for

they had seen it issue in the form of a big snake through

the door. The editor Bustamante tells an equally impressive

story in connection with an attempt to account for the

snake and lightning.

[1208] One being killed and two horses wounded. _Bernal

Diaz_, loc. cit.

[1209] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Conq._ (ed. 1840), 213. The editor

Bustamante speaks of a similar phenomenon in Michoacan in

1829. _Id._ (ed. 1829), 68.

[1210] ‘De los niños no quedó nadie, que las mismas madres

y padres los comian,’ is the statement of the native

records. _Id._, 210. Yet Torquemada, i. 572, assumes that

the Mexicans would not eat of their own race. Thousands had

already died of starvation without touching the flesh of

countrymen, though priests partook of children sacrificed

during ordinary festivals; but at last the scruple among

the masses was overcome by despair. See _Native Races_,

ii. passim.

[1211] ‘Porque no acabas cõ el que nos acabe?... Desseamos la

muerte por yr a descansar cõ Quetçalcouatlh,’ adds Gomara,

_Hist. Mex._, 210-11.

[1212] The chroniclers call him an uncle of the Tezcucan

king, but this appears to be a misinterpretation of Cortés’

text, wherein he says that such an uncle had captured the

prisoner.

[1213] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 251. This was partly in accordance

with the law against nobles who returned from captivity,

as already instanced.

[1214] ‘Tenia mucho miedo de parecer ante mí, y tambien

estaba malo.’ _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 253. ‘Empacho,’ explains

Herrera, dec. iii. lib. ii. cap. vii. He feared to be shot.

_Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 164.

[1215] ‘Ni tenian ni hallaban flechas ni varas ni piedras

con que nos ofender.... No tenian paso por donde andar sino

por encima de los muertos y por las azoteas.’ _Cortés_,

_Cartas_, 254.

[1216] ‘Mataron y prendieron mas de cuarenta mil ánimas.’

_Id._ Ixtlilxochitl, _Hor. Crueldades_, 48, raises the

number to 50,000, while Duran states that over 40,000 men

and women perished while fleeing. _Hist. Ind._, MS., ii.

510. What pained the conquerors most, however, was the sight

and knowledge of what immense quantity of booty eluded them

to pass into the hands of these marauders.

[1217] ‘Entre la Garita del Peralvillo, la place de Santiago

de Tlatelolco et le pont d’Amaxac.’ So says Pichardo.

_Humboldt_, _Essai Pol._, i. 193. ‘Donde se embarcaban para

Atzlapotzalco,’ adds Bustamante. _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hor.

Crueldades_, 50.

[1218] Chimalpain calls him Tlacotzin, afterward baptized

as Juan Velasquez. _Hist. Conq._, ii. 71. ‘Ciguacoacin, y

era el Capitan y gobernador de todos ellos, é por su consejo

se seguian todas las cosas de la guerra,’ says Cortés,

_Cartas_, 255.

[1219] ‘Porque les queria combatir y acabar de matar.’

_Cartas_, 256. ‘Pues eran barbaros, que no queria dexar

hombre vivo, q̄ se fuessen.’ _Herrera_, dec. iii. lib. ii.

cap. vii.

[1220] The distinguished captive said: ‘Capitan señor,

dáte buena maña, que aquellos indios ... son esclavos de

Guatimuçin, é podrá ser quél va allí huyendo, porque su

bandera ya no paresçe.’ _Oviedo_, iii. 516. A canoe of twenty

rowers and bearing a number of people. _Gomara_, _Hist.

Conq._, 212. See also _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt. iii.

164; _Clavigero_, _Storia Mess._, iii. 230. A small canoe,

says Duran.

[1221] Torquemada, i. 570-1, followed by Clavigero, mentions

besides Tetlepanquetzaltzin, king of Tlacopan, the fugitive

king of Tezcuco; but this is doubtful, as we have seen.

He enumerates several dignitaries. Brasseur de Bourbourg

names Tlacahuepan, son of Montezuma, while his authority,

Ixtlilxochitl, states that his namesake captured him

and Tetlepanquetzaltzin in another canoe, and in a third

Papantzin Oxomoc, widow of Emperor Cuitlahuatzin. _Hor.

Crueldades_, 50. ‘Quahutimoc se puso en pie en la popa de

su canoa para pelear. Mas como vio ballestas ... rindiose.’

_Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 213. This probably assumed fact

has been elaborated by some writers into an heroic act.

The incident has been placed by tradition as occurring near

the later Puente del Clérigo. But this can hardly be. See

note 27. According to Bernal Diaz, Sandoval came up shortly

after, on learning the news, and demanded the surrender of

the captives to him as the commander of the fleet, who had

ordered Holguin to pursue the canoes. The latter refused,

and a delay occurred, during which another crew hurried to

bear the tidings to Cortés and claim the reward granted

for first reports. Two captains were now sent to summon

the disputants and captives. _Hist. Verdad._, 155. Cortés,

while according in his letter the credit of the capture to

Holguin, promised to refer the claim to the king. Holguin

figures some years later as regidor and estate owner in

the city.

[1222] ‘Esta casa era de un principal tlatilulcano que se

llamaba Aztaoatzin.’ _Sahagun_, _Hist. Conq._, 55.

[1223] The versions of this remarkable speech vary greatly.

‘Habia hecho todo lo que de su parte era obligado para

defenderse á si y á los suyos hasta venir en aquel estado,

que ahora ficiese dél lo que yo quisiese.’ _Cortés_,

_Cartas_, 257. ‘Diçiéndole que le diesse de puñaladas é lo

matasse, porque no era raçon que viviesse en el mundo hombre

que avia perdido lo que’l avia perdido,’ adds Oviedo, iii.

422. ‘Preguntáronle por los chripstianos, é dixo: No me

preguntés esso; é si me quereys matar; matadme ya: que harto

estoy de vivir,’ says another version. _Id._, 517. ‘Iria mui

consolado adonde sus dioses estaban, especialmente haviendo

muerto à manos de tal Capitan.’ _Herrera_, dec. iii. lib.

ii. cap. vii. ‘Why so stubborn?’ is the way Duran opens the

conversation on Cortés’ part. _Hist. Ind._, MS., ii. 509.

‘Toglietemi con questo pugnale una vita, che non perdei nella

difesa del mio Regno.’ _Clavigero_, _Storia Mess._, iii.

230. See also Ixtlilxochitl and others. Writers generally

go into ecstacy over this utterance. ‘Magnanimo,’ exclaims

Peter Martyr, dec. v. cap. viii. ‘Heroic,’ ejaculates

Bustamante in support of Chimalpain’s encomium. _Hist.

Conq._, ii. 75. ‘Ce trait est digne du plus beau temps de

la Grèce et de Rome.’ _Humboldt_, _Essai Pol._, i. 193.

‘A spirit worthy of an ancient Roman,’ echoes Prescott,

_Mex._, iii. 206. Bernal Diaz says the emperor wept, and

with him his chiefs. _Hist. Verdad._, 155.

[1224] Made a few years later by order of the city council.

It was not, as many suppose, the original standard, for

this was hidden during two centuries among rubbish in the

university, as stated in its records. It now exists in the

museum, forming a piece about a yard square, which shows

on one side the Virgin of the Immaculate Conception with

hands joined in prayer, and bearing on her head a crown

of gold surrounded by a halo and a circle of stars; on

the other are the royal arms. _Boturini_, _Idea_, 157.

In his _Catálogo_, 75, this author assumes it to be the

standard given to the Tlascaltecs, but Carbajal states

that at Tlascala exists another standard of Cortés’, with

royal arms, _Hist. Mex._, ii. 637, with a picture of the

above named virgin. See also _Beaumont_, _Crón. Mich._, ii.

345-6. By order of July 31, 1528, the city council orders

bull-fights and other entertainments in honor of the day,

‘e q todos cabalguen los q tovieren bestias.’ _Libro de

Cabildo_, MS., 127, 234. Mexicans are never seen to share

in the procession. ‘Tan profundo está en sus ánimos la

herida.’ _Cavo_, _Tres Siglos_, i. 3; _Humboldt_, _Essai

Pol._, i. 192. A minute account of the ceremonies on the

occasion is given in _Monumentos Hist. Admin. Colon._, MS.,

365, copied from the _Archivo General_.

[1225] Counting from May 30th, _Cartas_, 257, and so it is

stated in the grant to Cortés of Escudo de Armas. Duran

and Ixtlilxochitl extend it to 80 and Bernal Diaz to 93

days. ‘Despues de muchos combates, y mas de sessenta peleas

peligrosisimas.’ _Acosta_, _Hist. Nat. Ind._, 525.

[1226] Over 60 soldiers were lost in the great defeat, and

small numbers now and then, while the auxiliaries, less

skilled in fighting and chiefly unarmored, succumbed in

hordes. Gomara says about 50 soldiers, 6 horses, and not many

Indians; Herrera modifies to ‘a little over’ 50; Torquemada

advances to ‘less than 100,’ and Clavigero to ‘more than

100 Spaniards.’ Hernandez, in his _Estadist. Méj._, 232,

computes such curiously exact figures as 107 Spaniards,

18,915 Tlascaltecs, and 33,240 Aztecs. Ixtlilxochitl, ever

eager to enlarge upon the services of his race, claims

that 30,000 Tezcucans fell out of 200,000 employed, _Hor.

Crueldades_, 51; but this is evidently exaggerated.

[1227] ‘En que murieron infinitos.’ _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._,

213; _Herrera_, dec. iii. lib. ii. cap. viii.; _Clavigero_,

_Storia Mess._, iii. 232-3. Bustamante raises the number

killed to ‘150,000 at least.’ _Chimalpain_, _Hist. Conq._,

ii. 74; Ixtlilxochitl, loc. cit., to 240,000, including most

of the nobles; while Torquemada, i. 577, observes ‘que de

veinte partes, no quedò vna, aviendo perecido, y muerto las

diez y nueve,’ he and several others allowing the estimate

of fully 300,000 inhabitants. The survivors are estimated

at from 30,000 persons, by Torquemada to 70,000 warriors

by Oviedo, iii. 516.

[1228] ‘Hiço herrar algunos Hombres, y Mugeres por Esclavos;

à todos los demàs dexò en libertad.’ _Torquemada_, 573. ‘À

muchos indios é indias, porque estaban dados por traydores,’

says Oviedo, iii. 517. Cortés stayed and punished those

who took slaves, ‘aunque todavia herraron en la cara á

algunos mancebos y mugeres.’ So states the native record of

Sahagun, _Hist. Conq._ (ed. 1840), 231. But if he punished

slave-takers it was for not declaring the capture to

the royal official. Duran reduces his account of Spanish

liberality to an absurdity, but more from politic reasons

than because he had not at hand better evidence, _Hist.

Ind._, MS., ii. 510.

[1229] _Hist. Verdad._, 156. ‘Io sospetto, che da’ Messicani

lasciati fossero a bella posta insepolti i cadaveri, per

iscacciar colla puzza gli Assediatori.’ _Clavigero_, _Storia

Mess._, iii. 231. But this is unlikely. A severe siege will

produce such results.

[1230] Bernal Diaz relates that although wine and provisions

from Cuba were abundantly dispensed at the banquet, yet

there was not room for one third of the soldiers, and much

discontent grew out of it, partly from the utterances of

drunken men. A dance followed. Father Olmedo complained of

so much revelry before the rendering of due thanks to God.

Cortés pleaded that soldiers must be allowed some license,

but the following day was set apart for religious services.

_Hist. Verdad._, 156.

[1231] Bustamante comments on the non-fulfilment of the

promises to Tlascala, saying that the republic was rightly

served for lending herself to the invaders. _Sahagun_,

_Hist. Conq._, 144. On their way home, says Ixtlilxochitl,

the Tlascaltecs and their neighbors plundered Tezcuco and

other towns. With the slaves carried home by his namesake,

he adds consolingly, the destroyed palaces of Tezcuco were

rebuilt. _Hor. Crueldades_, 52-3. The Tlascaltecs ‘aun

lleuaron hartas cargas de tasajos cecinados de Indios

Mexicanos, que repartieron entre sus parientes ... por

fiestas.’ _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 157.

[1232] ‘Non dubitamus quin justa sint bella ... in eos qui

humanam carnem epulantur,’ etc. _De Jure Belli_, lib. ii.

cap. xx.

[1233] Alvarado was Ajax; Maxixcatzin, Nestor; Quauhtemotzin,

Hector. _Chevalier_, _Mex. Ancien_, 232-41.