RETREAT TO TLASCALA.
JULY, 1520.
FATAL MISTAKE OF THE MEXICANS—A BRIEF RESPITE ALLOWED THE
SPANIARDS—THE REMNANT OF THE ARMY AT TLACOPAN—THEY SET OUT
FOR TLASCALA—AN EVER INCREASING FORCE AT THEIR HEELS—REST AT
THE TEPZOLAC TEMPLE—CORTÉS REVIEWS HIS DISASTERS—THE MARCH
CONTINUED AMIDST GREAT TRIBULATION—ENCOUNTER OF THE GRAND
ARMY—IMPORTANT BATTLE AND REMARKABLE VICTORY—ARRIVAL AT
TLASCALA—THE FRIENDLY RECEPTION ACCORDED THEM THERE.
What would Emperor Charles have said to Hernan Cortés had they met
on the morning after the Sorrowful Night! It is related of Xerxes
that with a golden crown he rewarded a pilot who had saved his life,
and thereupon ordered him beheaded for having sacrificed in the
operation the lives of so many of his Persian subjects. Now Cortés
had not saved the emperor’s life, nor yet the emperor’s gold; he had
sacrificed many lives, and had little to show for them. Had Charles
been there, and had he valued Spaniards as did Xerxes Persians, he
might have cut off the Estremaduran’s head; but Cortés was yet worth
to Charles more than all that had been thus far lost in New Spain.
Prosperity implies ability; adversity, weakness of mind and
character. In the high-souled and chivalrous, prosperity tends to
yet loftier heights, while adversity sinks the unfortunate still
lower; nevertheless, the fortitude and dignity which come to the
really great under misfortune are among the grandest sights in this
universe. I have said that Cortés might have ridden to Mexico over
palm branches, midst hosannas, had he but known it; but had he done
so, there would have been no greatness attending the act. The door of
peaceable exit from the city of Mexico had long been open to him; but
to have accepted Montezuma’s invitation hence would not have raised
Cortés in the estimation either of himself or of his soldiers.
After all the terrible disasters of the Noche Triste the Spaniards were
not wholly forsaken by fortune, though they called it the irrepressible
Santiago on his milk-white steed who caused the Mexicans to neglect
their opportunity of vigorously pursuing the fugitives beyond the
last channel, and in their helpless state to exterminate them. Yet
we cannot help asking why Santiago did not come to their assistance
sooner, and save them untold woe. The Spaniards, however, were not
captious in their criticisms of benefactors, and so a small stone
was erected on the Tacuba road in honor of the mounted saint.[845]
If we would have the real cause why the Mexicans did not follow up
the Spaniards, we may find it in their greed for spoils, as Sahagun
observes, which detained the warriors, especially round the channels. A
thorough search was soon instituted by them; the canals were dragged,
and quantities of arms, baggage, and personal effects were secured,
beside the gold and jewels which had been taken by the Spaniards.
Their own dead they decently buried, while those of the Spaniards
and their allies were more summarily disposed of, and the whole road
cleared of obstructions and whatever might infect the atmosphere.[846]
According to Gomara the discovery of the bodies of Montezuma’s son
and heir and other princes created such sorrow that pursuit was on
this account suspended. It seems not unreasonable that the natives
should have charged their death wounds to the Spaniards, who, rather
than see men like King Cacama free to create mischief, should have
preferred to dispatch them, offering, Medea-like, a bribe to reverence
and love with a view to retard the Colchian pursuers.[847] Although
this accusation could not be proven, their death was nevertheless to
be avenged. At least forty Spaniards and a number of allies had been
captured during the night, and at the obsequies, which were of the
most imposing order, they added solemnity to the occasion by yielding
their hearts’ blood; while those who, according to native tradition,
turned back to hold the fort for three days before they swelled the
throng of victims, were reserved for the coronation soon to follow.
The respite from close pursuit had enabled the fugitive army to join,
in detached groups, the nucleus already gathered under Jamarillo
in one of the squares of Tlacopan,[848] the capital of the smallest
tripartite state, half a league from Mexico. A sorry spectacle was
this remainder of the brilliant army which had so lately entered
Mexico as conquerors. A haggard, bleeding, ragged crowd, dreggy
with mire and smeared with gore, many without weapons, and without
a vestige of their baggage and war stores. When Cortés arrived with
the last remnant the sun was rising, and fearing the danger of an
attack in the narrow streets, such as had made the sallies in Mexico
so disastrous, he hastened to conduct his men into the open field.
The movement was made none too soon, for immediately after the scouts
gave warning of approaching hosts, magnified to a hundred thousand or
more, speedily the war shrieks again broke on the ears of the startled
troops. The Mexicans had sent word to Tlacopan and the neighboring
towns to intercept the fugitives, and assistance coming with the dawn
they joined in the attack.[849]
A Tlascaltec chief had recommended a northward course, round the lakes,
as the least exposed to pursuit, and offered himself as guide.[850]
The march was accordingly directed north-westward through some
maizefields, with Cortés leading. The enemy were upon them before the
rear left the city, and several soldiers fell in the onslaught. A short
distance before them rose the hill of Totoltepec, Bird Mountain,[851]
surmounted by a temple with several strong buildings,[852] and a
small village. This appeared an eligible spot for the rest which
they so much needed. Crossing the Tepzolac Creek, at its foot, Cortés
ordered the advance guard, under Ordaz, to capture it, while he faced
the pursuers. Little resistance was offered at the temple, but the
general was hotly pressed, as the enemy perceived that their prey
was about to escape. At this juncture it was said that the Vírgen de
los Remedios appeared, and by casting dust into the eyes of the foe
enabled the Spaniards to effect their escape with little loss into
the temple. “By this time,” writes Cortés, “we had not a horse that
could run, or a horseman who could lift an arm, or a foot-soldier
who could move.”[853]
A few additional intrenchments were thrown up, and the necessary
guards posted to watch the baffled enemy, who perceiving the strength
of the place contented themselves with flinging their missiles and
filling the air with shouts. Feeling comparatively secure, the troops
abandoned themselves to rest round blazing fires. The food found in
the place, although insufficient for the demands of the half-starved
men, afforded some comfort, which was increased by grateful sleep.[854]
Thus were refreshed the wounded and disheartened. And with grateful
hearts the remnant of the brave army returned thanks to God for
deliverance. Some, however, attributed their escape to the presence
among them of the image of the Vírgen de los Remedios, which Rodriguez
de Villafuerte is said to have afterward placed in the great temple of
Mexico. It had been brought here by the owner, although some supposed
it might have come over of its own accord, as it is said to have
miraculously done in later times when detained in Mexico against its
will.[855] Some years after the Noche Triste it was found on this hill
under a bush, by a converted cacique named Juan de Tobar, who kept it
for a long time, and then by divine direction built a hermitage for
it on the hill, where it had been found. The many miracles reported
of the shrine induced the City of Mexico in 1574 to adopt it as a
patron, and by the following year the simple chapel was replaced by
a fine temple worthy of the sanctity of the image which has absorbed
so large a share of holy pilgrimage.[856]
The review held on Remedios Hill revealed the full extent of the blow
suffered, “one which Spaniards alone could have endured,” says Peter
Martyr. At the beginning of the siege the army mustered twelve hundred
and fifty Spaniards and six thousand allies, with arms and ammunition
in abundance, and now little more than five hundred soldiers and less
than two thousand allies remained.[857] The baggage, artillery and
ammunition, intrusted to the trains of carriers, had all been lost,
and a great portion of the arms carried by the men, so that only twelve
battered cross-bows and seven firelocks could be counted. What better
commentary could we have on the night’s disaster! The side arms were
fortunately better preserved, and there were twenty-four horses left,
now the only formidable element of the army.[858] Of the treasure
none could tell what had been saved, the holders keeping the fact
secret. It was whispered, however, that Cortés had taken good care of
the portion appropriated by him, Bernal Diaz, among others, insisting
that with the first party conducted by the general to Tlacopan went
a number of carriers with gold bars and jewels. Among these is said
to have been some of the royal treasure, but the officers declared
that it had all been lost, including the mare with the fifth proper,
and the account books and records. The loss of the papers, however
unfortunate for history, must have been rather convenient to Cortés,
at least, who had a fancy for adjusting facts and figures to suit
his schemes.[859]
Deeply stricken was Cortés, and bitterly did he repent of the mistakes
which had contributed to this sad result: of having left Alvarado
in charge to follow his rash bent; of having treated Montezuma and
his chiefs so inconsiderately on his arrival; and, above all, the
faulty arrangements for the flight by night.[860] His had been the
greatest conquest yet undertaken in the New World, and his the greatest
disaster. The men of Narvaez had suffered most, partly, it is said,
because they were most eager to burden themselves with gold, but
rather because they were inexperienced, and assigned chiefly to the
rear. It was the gaps in the ranks of his veterans that touched Cortés
most. Gone was the dear dandy Francisco de Salcedo, whom slovenly
comrades should no more trouble! The cavalry, so sadly depleted,
missed among its number the dashing Láres[861] and the brave Morla.
Neither could Botello be injured by the curses freely given him for
his false reading of the stars.[862] The death which most deeply moved
Cortés, however, was that of the true-hearted and brave Velazquez,
whose standing and influence, as a relative of the Cuban governor
and as a man of high birth, had so greatly assisted the general in
carrying out his schemes. Cortés had in return conferred on him some
of the most important commissions, ever regarding him as among the
truest of his friends. With him had died his native wife, Elvira,
the daughter of the Tlascaltec lord Maxixcatzin, and nearly every
prisoner.[863]
With so many losses to deplore, it proved a solace for Cortés to
find present his favorite captains, Sandoval, Alvarado, and Olid.
His interpreters were also here, and foremost the loving Marina,
whose life, together with that of Luisa, Xicotencatl’s daughter, was
due to the zealous care of the latter’s brothers. Martin Lopez, the
ship-builder, also survived, and the sight of him assisted to give the
thoughts of the general a hopeful bent, rousing in his enterprising
spirit projects for vengeance and recuperation. Remnants though
they were, his forces were still larger than those with which he had
overcome Narvaez, and which he had till then regarded as sufficient
for the conquest of the empire. The experience gained and a knowledge
of the country were in themselves an army; and, thank fortune, he
had some gold, and better still, allies. Tlascala was now his hope.
Everything, indeed, depended on the little republic, and whether it
would afford him shelter and aid. He knew that the loss of so many
of its warriors under his banner had brought wide-spread affliction,
which might turn to hatred toward him as the cause. Thereupon he
talked to the Tlascaltec chiefs who were yet alive, and endeavored
to stir in them the thirst for revenge, and excite their desires for
rich spoils and increased domain.[864]
* * * * *
Besiegers and besieged sat watching each other the whole day, but
the latter made no signs of stirring. Thinking that they would not
venture forth for some time, many of the former began to file off
homeward, leaving, nevertheless, a strong force round the hill. Cortés
feared that the morrow would bring them back with reinforcements
and make escape difficult. Trusting again therefore to the darkness,
now joined to the more advantageous circumstance of an open field,
he set forth, leaving the fires blazing to lull the watchfulness of
the foe. Eight captains were appointed for the different sections to
maintain the arranged order of march,[865] Cortés with a portion of
the cavalry taking the rear, as the post of danger. The rest of the
horsemen led the van, while the sound infantry formed a cordon for
the centre, wherein the wounded were carried in hammocks, or hobbled
along on hastily prepared crutches, a few being taken up behind the
horsemen. The rear had hardly left the temple before the enemy were
upon them with swords and lances, many of the captured and recovered
weapons of the Spaniards being now used against themselves. But the
attack was not severe, partly because the pursuers had been reduced
to irregular bands from the mainland settlements, whose chief object
was plunder. At dawn the town of Calacoayan was sighted, and on
approaching it the mounted scouts came in a ravine upon an ambuscade
formed by its warriors. Believing them to be numerous the horsemen
galloped back, and joined by others returned to charge. It is related
that the leader halting for a moment to arrange for the attack, a
soldier became impatient, and hoisting an improvised flag on his lance
he called out, “Santiago! follow me who dare!” The rest responded,
and the enemy was routed with slaughter.[866] The town was ransacked
for food and fired as a warning to the assailants. The march was
resumed, and the plain of Tizaapan reached, but owing to the fight
at the town and the constant skirmishing only three leagues were made
that day. Toward sunset they reached the hamlet of Teuculhuacan, and
took peaceable possession of the temple for the night.[867]
[Illustration]
At noon on the 3d the march was resumed, with quickened steps and
with less interruption. Though persistent in harassing, the pursuers
fled whenever the cavalry charged, and took refuge on the hill-slopes,
flinging with their missiles jeers and insults. “Women!” they cried;
“cowards, who fight only when mounted! You are going whence none
of you shall escape!” The latter threat was frequently heard, but
its meaning failed as yet to be understood. There was a worse enemy
than the Mexicans, however, and that was hunger, which made itself
severely felt, “although Spaniards can endure its pangs better than
any other nation,” vaunts Gomara, “and this band of Cortés’ better
than all.” Eagerly they scanned the road side for fruit or roots,
and many ate grass, while the Tlascaltecs threw themselves upon the
ground and begged their gods to take pity upon them.[868] One soldier
opened a dead body and ate the liver, and when Cortés heard of it
he ordered the man hanged, but the sentence was not executed. The
route, at first craggy, passed through the towns of Quauhtitlan and
Tepotzotlan, along the lake of Zumpango, to Citlaltepec, where camp
was formed. The inhabitants had fled, but food was there to eat, and
even to carry on their journey, and there they remained all the next
day.[869]
On the morning of the 5th of July they skirted the lake and turned
westward to Tlascala, pursued by increasing forces;[870] owing
to which, or to the roughness of the road, or to the guide, less
progress was made than on the previous day, and camp was pitched at
the deserted hamlet of Xoloc. The following day they proceeded toward
the Azaquemecan Mountains, and halted at the town Zacamolco.[871]
Observing a mysterious movement among the Indians on the slope, Cortés
set out with five horsemen and a dozen foot-soldiers to reconnoitre.
After skirting the mountain he came in sight of a large army,[872]
with a portion of which he came to close quarters, the fleet natives
having gained on the foot-soldiers in making the turn of the hill.
In the mêlée Cortés was badly wounded in the head.[873] He retreated
to camp and had the wound bandaged, and the forces were hurried away
from the town, which appeared too exposed for an attack. The Indians
pursued them so closely that two men were killed and a number wounded,
beside four or five horses. One of the animals died, and although the
troops deplored its loss, the meat proved acceptable, for roasted maize
with a little fruit had been their only food for several days.[874]
Camp appears to have been formed for the night in a hamlet among the
hills, the enemy being left on the opposite western slope of the range.
A serious encounter being apprehended the next day, additional crutches
and hammocks were prepared for those of the wounded who had hitherto
been carried on horseback, so as to leave the cavalry free in its
movements.[875] Before dawn on July 7th[876] the march was resumed,
in the hope of eluding the forces in the rear, little suspecting that
this was but a wing of the main body now preparing to surround them.
They had proceeded about a league, and were on the point of entering
the large plain of Otumba,[877] when the scouts came galloping back
with the information that the whole field was filled with warriors
in battle array. The hearts of the Spaniards sank within them. They
were hoping to escape an enemy such as this.[878] Cortés ordered a
halt, and with his captains talked over the situation. Retreat was
out of the question, and to turn aside would be useless. “We must
charge upon this host,” said Cortés; “we must make our path through
its very centre. Remember your dead comrades; remember your God;
comport yourselves like Christian soldiers, and this idolatrous horde
will melt before you like the morning mist.” He thereupon issued the
necessary instructions for charging and resisting, and for protecting
the disabled. The horsemen were to ride with loose rein, lancing at
the faces, so as to break the enemy’s lines, and open a path for the
infantry, who were to follow and thrust their sidearms at the bowels
of their assailants.[879]
Commending themselves to the virgin, and invoking the aid of Santiago,
the troops advanced and entered the plain, skirted on the east by
the lower ranges of the Tlaloc, which inclosed in the distance the
town of Otumba. The sight was as grand as it was terrifying. In every
direction were seemingly endless columns, with flowing plumage,
brilliant shields of varied designs, and above and beyond these a
forest of glittering iztli points. “It was the finest army Spaniards
ever encountered in the Indies,” exclaims Bernal Diaz. Their number
was legion, and the richness of their attire signified the presence
of the strength and nobility of the empire. The original estimate was
doubled, and that was increased fourfold, until, like Don Quixote’s
sheep, two hundred thousand seemed small. Aware of the route taken
and the destination of the Spaniards, Cuitlahuatzin had sent orders
to the caciques of Otumba, Teotihuacan, Calpulalpan, and adjoining
region, to mass their forces here and exterminate the intruders. This
order came most opportune, for at the time a fair was held at Otumba,
which attracted a large concourse, from which volunteers were readily
obtained for so laudable an object, represented not only as easy of
achievement, but as profitable from the spoils that were to follow.
A strong force from the lake region had come to form the nucleus of
the army, the command of which was assumed by Cihuacatzin, lord of
Teotihuacan.[880]
The sight of the sorry remnant of the Spanish army was greeted by
the native host with triumphant shouts, trumpet blasts, and the
clashing of weapons. Nothing should now prevent their escape; they
were doomed! Cautiously the Indians advanced to surround them; for
though the wounded and bedraggled band was small, it still looked
viperish. Like the French in Egypt the Mexicans might have said that
the centuries were looking down on them from the mystic towers of
Teotihuacan, consecrated to the sacred past. It was natural enough
for them to feel glad and proud; surely the invaders had brought
them misery enough to justify any return. But let them not forget
that there are still strong men, now nerved to desperation. And just
beyond the mountain fringe, toward which pointed their holy banner
of the cross, was a promised land, ‘the land of bread,’ and, as they
hoped, of trusty friends.
Cortés did not wait for them to advance too near before he made
a charge. With head and arm bandaged he led the cavalry, which in
parties of five rushed at the enemy, lancing straight at the face,
and opening a way for the infantry, which followed at a quick pace,
thrusting sword and pike as they had been directed.[881] This tactic
disconcerted the natives somewhat, and discarding their projectile
weapons the front ranks seized on lances, two-handed swords, and heavy
clubs, encouraging one another by shouting the names of their towns
and districts. After breaking the lines the horsemen turned to open
another path in the direction of the infantry, throwing the Indians
in a disorderly pressure one against the other, and keeping them in a
state of apprehension as to where the mounted avalanche would next roll
over them. Again the horsemen turned, dashing close along the flanks
of the troops, scattering the intermediate assailants in confusion,
and rendering them an easy prey to the foot-soldiers. Swift as the
wind the gallant Sandoval flew past, crying to his comrades: “We win
to-day, señores! We win to-day, God helping us!” María de Estrada was
likewise there, cheering onward the men, and sharing danger with the
foremost of the brave.
It would indeed seem to persons of less confidence than the Spaniards
that some supernatural power had been necessary on this day to deliver
them. Nor did the Tlascaltecs belie their fame as warriors, for they
fought like lions, as the soldier-chronicler declares, the chief
Calmecahua being particularly conspicuous for his bravery.[882]
For a while the horsemen had it all their own way, chiefly, as Cortés
observes, because the enemy consisted of such disorganized masses
as to prevent one another either from fighting or fleeing; but as
they became more used to the Spanish tactics they offered firmer
resistance. The horse of the general being so severely struck in
the mouth as to become unmanageable, Cortés dismounted and turned it
loose to seek another. The injured animal, seemingly imbued with its
master’s spirit, dashed at the enemy in mad career, creating quite a
panic in its course. The cavalry took advantage of the confusion to
follow, partly with a view to secure the animal; after regaining the
main body they indulged in a brief rest. The heat no less than the
fighting had tired out both men and horses; but there was for them
little respite, for no sooner had the foes observed their inaction
than they closed in round them with renewed courage. “Thrust well
and deep,” came the order to the soldiers, “for they are all chiefs!”
And so they seemed, from their rich dress, their elaborate devices,
and their glittering ornaments. Cortés now mounted a horse whose
viciousness had hitherto consigned him to the baggage department,[883]
and again the cavalry formed, this time in more compact order. But the
enemy, ever relieved by fresh men, maintained the firmness with which
they had begun the charge, and both horsemen and foot-soldiers found
the pressure becoming greater and the fight hotter. Thus the battle
continued during the greater part of the forenoon,[884] the natives
evidently as fresh as ever, and the Spaniards visibly failing. “We
thought surely that this was to be our last day,” writes Cortés, “in
view of the great strength of the Indians and the little resistance
they could find in us, tired as we were, and nearly all wounded, and
faint with hunger.”
A feeling of suffocation and deathly despair comes over the Spaniards
as the dusky host fold them in closer and yet fiercer embrace. Hot
falls the blood-reeking breath upon their faces, as, flushed with
success and sure of their victims, the foe lay hold of the Spaniards to
drag them away to the sacrifice. Rare offerings to the gods, indeed,
are these magnificent men! And such they will surely become if Mary,
Santiago, or the ready genius of Cortés appears not quickly to the
rescue! But how shall there be rescue? What rescue is there to the
sinking ship alone in mid-ocean? Can this Cortés for the release of
his comrades baffle death like Hercules for the release of Alcestis?
So it would seem. Behold yonder grand personage, borne aloft in open
litter, high over the others, with plumed head-dress, and above it
the gold-net standard, the _tlahuizmatlaxopilli_, set with precious
feathers, and secured to his back by a staff, according to custom.[885]
This is the generalissimo of all the native forces there gathered,
and around him are the flower of the army in feathered armor of rich
designs, guarding with zealous care the banner, and encouraging the
rest to renewed efforts and brave deeds. Cortés sees him, and his
purpose for weal or woe is fixed almost before his comrades are aware
of the chieftain’s approach; for he comes as captain of the hounds
to be in at the death of these Spanish foxes. Cortés is well aware
of the importance attached by natives to the person of the general,
and to the safe-keeping of the standard. In these centre all the
hope of their armies: success is theirs so long as they remain; but
once brought low, and the Indian regards all as lost. Even at this
juncture Cortés does not fail to observe the increased firmness and
spirit among the warriors as the banner approaches. Here, then, is
the one chance more, which is all the brave man asks. With a quick
motion to his mounted followers, pointing to the sacred insignia, and
as if he would throw the whole might of Spain into his brief words,
Cortés cries out: “Señores, let us break with them! In the name of
God and St Peter, señores, let us close with them!” Not a man there
but knew that the next moment would determine all, would determine
the fate of every Spaniard in New Spain.
Throwing themselves with the compact force of one of their own
cannon-balls against the heaving mass, they mow an instant path to
the charmed centre. The wave of disorder strikes the sacred guard,
while the unruly horse of Cortés, bearing him unresistingly onward,
overturns the litter of the generalissimo, and hurls the bearers to
the ground. “Victory!” shouts Cortés, when he recovers his breath; and
“victory! victory!” echo his people, while Juan de Salamanca plunges
his lance into the body of the prostrate chief, and seizing the sacred
banner, presents it to the general as his rightful trophy.[886]
The welcome cry of Cortés electrified the whole Spanish line, while
the warriors lately so triumphant stood stupefied with dismay. With
the disappearance of the palladium their courage had fallen, while
the Spanish soldiers, with the confidence and strength of joy, rushed
from wing to wing upon them. The warriors wavered; then, with one more
searching glance in the direction of the guiding emblem, they became
convinced that their leader had indeed fallen. Consternation followed;
the panic from the centre overtook the more distant, and valiantly
as they had fought before, as cravenly did they now flee.[887]
Forgetful of wounds and hunger, and regardless of the imminent danger
attending such a course, the Spaniards pursued the foolish fugitives,
thrusting and slashing at them until they had killed twenty thousand—a
round figure, truly, and one which accords well with the estimates
of the entire force. But after all, what the natives had hitherto
suffered must have been little compared with the present slaughter,
for their dead lay very thick along the line of retreat. Hardly one
among the Spaniards had come off scathless, while few of the poor
Tlascaltecs were left to share in the rich spoils.[888]
After recalling the troops from their bloody pursuit, the first care of
Cortés was to see that the wounded soldiers had rest and refreshment.
Then a solemn thanksgiving service was held, and right earnestly
did they all join in its offering. Cortés ascribed the victory to
St Peter, as with his name on his lips he had made the miraculous
charge. But Santiago was the soldiers’ favorite, as they declared he
was present and fought with them; and near the village of Tenexcalco
a chapel was afterward erected to commemorate his appearance.[889]
Obviously this battle was the most important so far in the New World;
and it must ever be regarded as one of the most remarkable in history.
The natives were probably much less numerous than the estimates of the
boastful victors; still they were immensely superior in number and
condition to the Spaniards, enfeebled by recent defeat, by wounds,
and want. Further, the latter had no fire-arms wherewith to terrify
the natives, only swords and pikes. Their main advantage lay in their
horses, their discipline, and the genius of their leader;[890] all
strengthened by the enthusiasm born of a national pride, and a certain
knowledge that failure meant utter destruction.
Fatigued as all were, and weakened from battle, Cortés resolved
nevertheless to push on toward Tlascala the same day, fearing that the
enemy might be shamed into a rally, or receive such reinforcements to
their already immense numbers as to encourage them to return. In this
he was not mistaken, for Cuitlahuatzin had ordered Tezcuco, Chalco, and
neighboring districts to send larger forces, and so insure an assumed
victory for the Otumban army. The reinforcements appear to have been
already in motion when news came of the defeat, accompanied by the
rumor that a Tlascaltec army was on the way to aid the Spaniards. The
hasty march eastward of the fugitives offered in itself sufficient
encouragement for straggling marauders from the surrounding villages
to follow in their wake and harass them with occasional missiles.[891]
By night the town of Temalacayocan[892] was reached, and here the
army obtained some food and camped in and around the temple. Badly
wounded as he was, Cortés took charge of the watch, for sleep had no
power over his mind at that moment. Before him rose invitingly the
ranges of the Tlascaltec border, where he hoped to find a haven. It
was only hope, however; for Cortés came not as before, heralded as the
invincible conqueror, to whose bravery and deeds the warlike republic
was delighted to offer homage; nor with the vision of the mighty
Montezuma bending before him; nor with the prospect of entering to
assume control of a great empire. All this was changed. He had lost
his former prestige, and could present himself only as a fugitive to
seek protection for a remnant of his army. And this at the hands of
those who might yet smart under the stigma of defeat by a handful,
and who might now find it prudent and convenient to accept the
friendship and wealth of the victorious Aztecs. What if the people
of Tlascala should reject him? “We were not very confident in finding
the natives of the said province faithful and friends of ours,” writes
Cortés; “for we feared that they, on seeing us so dismembered, might
seek our lives, in order to recover the liberty which they formerly
enjoyed. This thought and fear kept us in as great an affliction as
when we marched along harassed by those of Culúa.”[893] Nevertheless
he sought to cheer his men with hopes for the best, and to remind
them how necessary it was, now above all, to guard their conduct
so as to give rise to no jealousies or unpleasantness, since even a
petty quarrel might raise a whirlwind to overwhelm them. Should God,
however, not permit them to rest in Tlascala, they must recall their
many glorious victories over greater forces than could henceforth be
brought against them, and be prepared with stout hearts and vigorous
arms to meet the issue.
The march was resumed in the morning with the usual precautions,
although the pursuers fell off as the border was approached. Soon
the Spaniards reached a fountain on the slope of a hill, close to
an ancient fortress, which marked the boundary of the republic.[894]
Resting there for a while, they drank of the water and were refreshed.
Then they passed on to Hueyotlipan, a town of three or four thousand
families, about four leagues from the capital.[895] Here food was
obtained in sufficient abundance, yet not without the stimulus of
presents. The women, however, were most sympathetic in their offers
to tend the wounded, although only too many were deep in mourning
and clamoring for vengeance for brothers, sons, or husbands, who had
fallen during the retreat. The captains did their best to console them
with the prospect of speedy victories, with bitter retaliation on the
hated Aztecs. Whatever doubt yet remained of Tlascaltec disposition was
dispelled in the afternoon by the arrival of the lords, including the
ruler of Huexotzinco, with a large suite, bearing provisions and other
presents, and cheering the hearts of the discomfited with the most
cordial greeting. They still showed admiration for the white heroes,
and extended a sympathy for their sufferings which displayed itself
even to tears. This feeling was particularly strong in Maxixcatzin,
the most powerful of the four chiefs, who gently upbraided Cortés and
his captains for not having listened to his warnings. Remonstrances
were now out of place, however, and he and his could only bid them
welcome, and tender their estates and services. They were to regard
themselves as in their own house. Their escape from the plots and
overwhelming forces of the Mexicans had raised them and their prowess
in the estimation of the Tlascaltecs, and they were prepared, as
friends and as vassals of the Spanish king, to shed their last drop
of blood in the task of avenging the common injury suffered at the
hands of their ancient enemies. How inexpressibly dear is the prospect
of revenge! The hatred of the Tlascaltecs for the Mexicans was too
deep to be smothered by one reverse, and the desire to avenge their
fallen brethren intensified it. When the news came of the hostile
gathering at Otumba they had endeavored to procure reinforcements for
their allies, but had not been able to collect a sufficient number
in time.[896]
Cortés was deeply moved by the kind expressions and offers accorded
him, and sought in every way to strengthen this so vital friendship.
He exhibited profound grief over the death of so many Tlascaltec
allies, and sympathized in particular with Maxixcatzin over the loss
of his daughter Elvira, who had fallen with her husband Velazquez.
He also distributed presents, chiefly such as had been obtained from
the Otumba battle-field, and induced his men to follow the example.
Maxixcatzin’s heart was completely won by the gift of the banner
taken from the Mexican generalissimo,[897] and other chiefs were
gladdened with different trophies. The troops remained at Hueyotlipan
for three days,[898] in order to recruit somewhat, and then, assisted
by a number of carriers, they passed on to the capital. Here the
whole population came forth, headed by the lords, to welcome them,
with music, and flowers, and acclamations.[899] Cortés was taken in
charge by Maxixcatzin and lodged in his palace; Alvarado became the
guest of old Xicotencatl, and the others received every attention.
The reception concluded with a series of festivities.[900]
FOOTNOTES
[845] ‘Esto despues lo declararon los mismos Indios.’
_Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt. iii. 143. Nor do they omit
the ever recurring story of the virgin image casting dust
into the eyes of the pursuers.
[846] The Tlascaltec and Cempoalan bodies were thrown among
the reeds, and the Spanish into deeper water. _Sahagun_,
_Hist. Conq._ (ed. 1840), 126-7.
[847] Duran and Ixtlilxochitl make the murders take place
in the Spanish quarters, as we have seen. Sahagun permits
two of Montezuma’s sons to fall between the last channel
and Popotla, while guiding the fugitives. _Hist. Conq._,
33 (ed. 1840), 122. Gomara assumes also that the pursuers
may have been content with the injury inflicted, or cared
not to renew the fight on more open ground. _Hist. Mex._,
161. Solis attributes the respite wholly to the discovery
of the bodies. _Hist. Mex._, ii. 185-6.
[848] ‘Llegado á la dicha ciudad de Tacuba, hallé toda la
gente remolinada en una plaza, que no sabían dónde ir.’
_Cortés_, _Cartas_, 136. ‘Hasta cerca de Tlacupan hasta un
lugar que se llama _Tilihucan_.’ _Sahagun_, _Hist. Conq._,
33. ‘Tacuba ... is at the present day chiefly noted for the
large and noble church which was erected there by Cortez.’
_Latrobe’s Rambler_, 128.
[849] Gomara assumes that the Tlacopan people were not
aware of the broken condition of the troops. Now they
joined the 40,000 Mexicans who had set forth prepared for
pursuit. _Hist. Mex._, 161. ‘Yà auian venido de Mexico....
dar mandado a Tacuba, y a Escapuçalco, y a Tenayuca, para
que nos saliessen al encuentro.’ _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist.
Verdad._, 106. The Mexicans were disgusted with those of
Tlacopan for their neglect. _Herrera_, dec. ii. lib. x.
cap. xii.
[850] ‘Un Angel de Guarda, ó San Pedro, como otros quieren,
ó Santiago Apostol,’ observes the enthusiastic Lorenzana. _Cortés_,
_Hist. N. España_, 145.
[851] ‘Totolpec.’ _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, 302;
Toltotepec is Vetancurt’s misspelling. ‘Cerro llamado de
Muteczuma.’ _Lorenzana_, ubi sup.
[852] ‘Una torre y aposento fuerte.’ _Cortés_, _Cartas_,
136. ‘Vnas caserias q̄ en vn cerro estauan, y alli jũto a vn
Cu, e adoratorio, y como fortaleza.’ _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist.
Verdad._, 107. ‘A este templo llamaron de la Vitoria, y
despues nuestra Señora de los remedios.’ _Herrera_, dec.
ii. lib. x. cap. xii. Sahagun calls the rise Acueco, and
places upon it the Otomí village of Otoncapulco. _Hist.
Conq._ (ed. 1840), 122. Vetancurt follows, _Teatro Mex._,
pt. iii. 143, while Camargo calls it Tzacuyocan. The
variations in Sahagun’s editions lead Torquemada to say that
the Spaniards moved the same day from Otoncalpulco pueblo
to Acueco, an Otomí village, i. 504-5. This, Brasseur de
Bourbourg follows. The Spaniards may have passed through it
on departing, but would hardly move from a stronghold to a
probably open village while surrounded by enemies. If food
was the object, the able-bodied soldiers would have made a
sally for it. It appears that the army camped for the night
on the hill now occupied by the Remedios shrine, and in the
fortress-like temple, to which a small village was attached.
Alzate, however, who took pains to inquire into the subject,
found that the natives applied the name Otoncapulco, not
to the Remedios hill, but to the mountain, three fourths
of a league off. On this mountain he found the ruins of a
strong building, and none on the hill, whence he assumes
that the camp was not made on the site of the shrine, but
on the mountain. _Gacetas de Lit._, ii. 457-9. Bustamante
accepts this view, but Archbishop Lorenzana, whose testimony in the
matter must be reliable, says: ‘Se conservan aun algunos
vestigios de la antigua Fortaleza, y esta se ha convertido
dichosamente en el célebre Santuario de N. Sra. de los
Remedios.’ _Cortés_, _Hist. N. España_, p. xiii. He also
intimates that the Otoncapulco name is misapplied. Hence it
may be assumed that the common application of Otoncapulco
to this hill is due to a misinterpretation of Sahagun’s
versions, which have been greatly tampered with, for that
matter, and that the ruins mentioned by Lorenzana had disappeared
by the time Alzate examined the place.
[853] _Cartas_, 136; _Cabrera_, _Escudo Armas_, 110. ‘Aqui se
señalò mucho Gonçalo Dominguez, hombre diestro y valiente.’
_Herrera_, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xii. Prescott makes several
blunders and omissions in connection with this day.
[854] A few stragglers managed to reach the camp, and
among them one Sopuerta, who had escaped death by feigning
it. _Herrera_, ubi sup. Sahagun states that Otomís from
Teucalhuican, and from the immediate neighborhood, no doubt,
brought food, and invited the Spaniards to the former town,
a few leagues from there. _Hist. Conq._, 33. Torquemada
follows him, but the story is probably an exaggeration.
[855] It has been shown previously, by testimony not
accessible till later years, that the image placed in
the great temple was a picture on a tablet, while that of
Remedios is a doll. But, of course, the image that could
move through the air could also transform its shape. Bernal
Diaz assumes, as we have seen, that Montezuma had ordered
the image to be cared for; yet many believe that Rodriguez
secured it before or after the massacre, while the more
pious prefer to suppose that he could not find it, for want
of time, perhaps, and that it moved miraculously to the
camp. _Acosta_, _Hist. Ind._, 524; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist.
Chich._, 302. After the departure of the troops the image
hid itself on the spot, or Rodriguez, tired of the burden
which had saved his life, ungratefully left it there. It
is also supposed to have been carried to Tlascala ere it
reappeared on its later site. _Cabrera_, _Escudo Armas_,
106 et seq.; _Alaman_, _Disert._, i. 122. Lorenzana accepts
it as the image from Mexico’s temple. _Cortés_, _Hist. N.
España_, 138.
[856] It has frequently been brought to Mexico, and is
still brought to avert epidemics and other ills, to bring
rain or other blessings. When detained it would travel
back of its own accord to the shrine, a proof of which was
afforded by the travel stains on the dress. One rainy night
it arrived covered with mud. _Latrobe’s Rambler_, 133.
Thompson describes it as ‘a little alabaster doll, with the
nose broken, and the eye out ... about eight inches high.’
Her wardrobe and jewels are valued at over $1,000,000.
_Recollections_, 103-9. He gives an account of the veneration
for the image and its miraculous power. The history of its
origin and worship is to be found in a multitude of books,
among which may be mentioned, _Medina_, _Chrón. S. Diego
Mex._, 30 et seq.; _Cabrera_, _Escudo Armas_, 106 et seq.;
_Bustamante_, _Mem. Piedad Mex._, 1-52.
[857] Cortés prudently limits, and we must add untruthfully,
the loss to 150 soldiers and some 2000 allies. It is with
a view to this estimate that he reduced the force brought
into Mexico to 570 men, to which must be added the 140
composing the garrison. Deducting the 150 lost, 560 remain,
and since he would hardly overestimate the number, for
obvious reasons, this figure is probably near the truth.
Bernal Diaz musters 1300 at Tlascala, and has 80 at Mexico.
Deducting from this 800 men stated to have been lost before
entering Tlascala, not counting those who fell in other
provinces, leaves about 580; yet he acknowledges only
440 alive. _Hist. Verdad._, 108 et seq. Herrera is also
contradictory, admitting in one place 500, and in another
‘less than’ 400 soldiers and 600 allies. Oviedo reduces the
soldiers to 340. iii. 513. Vetancurt adopts Bernal Diaz’
440 soldiers and Herrera’s 600 allies. Prescott hastily
declares Gomara as nearest to the truth, yet he departs from
him in the result. With regard to the allies, he reckons
the full number of all who were brought to Mexico, while it
is pretty obvious, from figures and facts, that a portion
must have been allowed to return home during the inaction
of the emperor’s captivity. The list of losses, as given
by different authorities, stands as follows: 150 soldiers,
over 2000 allies, _Cortés_; over 200 soldiers, over 2000
allies, _Lejalde_, _Probanza_; nearly 200 soldiers, over
1000 allies, _Solis_; 300 soldiers, over 2000 allies, at
one bridge, _Sahagun_, 122; 450 soldiers, 4000 allies,
_Gomara_, followed by Ixtlilxochitl, Clavigero, Camargo,
and others; over 500 soldiers in all New Spain, _Carta del
Ejército_; over 600 soldiers, _Robertson_; over 600 soldiers,
_B. V. de Tapia_, in _Ramirez_, _Proceso contra Alvarado_,
38; 800 soldiers in all New Spain, _Cortés_, _Residencia_,
i. 42; 870 soldiers in all New Spain, _Bernal Diaz_; 1170
soldiers, 8000 allies, _Cano_, in _Oviedo_, iii. 551.
[858] The loss in horses varies from 45, in _Cortés_, to
56, in _Lejalde_, _Probanza_, both acknowledging 24 left.
[859] ‘Perdidose todo el oro y joyas y ropa,’ etc. _Cortés_,
_Cartas_, 135. It had been confided to Tlascaltecs, and was
nearly all lost, says their chief. _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._,
169-70. The officers testified afterward before public
notary: ‘Se perdió todo el dicho oro é joyas de SS. AA., é
mataron la yegua que lo traia.’ _Lejalde_, _Probanza_, in
_Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, i. 425. Two witnesses during the
residencia of Cortés stated that the general had two mares,
one given to carry the royal treasures and the other laden
with his own. The latter being lost, he claimed the other
to be his, and in this manner appropriated 45,000 pesos or
more which belonged to the king. _Cortés_, _Residencia_,
i. 69, 101-2. Not long after the retreat he called on all
to declare, under penalty, what gold they had saved of that
taken from the unappropriated piles. From those who did so
the treasures were taken, although it was understood that
they had been given to them. All this Cortés kept. _Id._,
101-2, 241-2; ii. 402. Many refused to surrender, and since
the leaders had also secured shares from the common pile,
the order to reveal possession thereof was not enforced,
says Bernal Diaz. He adds that one third was to be retained
by the possessor as a reward. Cortés kept as a forced loan
what had been surrendered. _Hist. Verdad._, 117-18. The
loss of treasure, that thrown away by carriers and pressed
soldiers, or sunken with their bodies, has been estimated at
from several hundred thousand pesos to over two millions,
in the values of that time; to which Wilson sarcastically
objects, that ‘nothing was really lost but the _imaginary
treasure_, now grown inconveniently large, and which had
to be accounted for to the emperor. The _Conquistador_ was
too good a soldier to hazard his gold; it was therefore in
the advance, and came safely off.’ _Conq. Mex._, 412-13.
[860] ‘Si esta cosa fuera de dia, por ventura no murieran
tantos,’ adds Gomara, _Hist. Mex._, 161. While grieving he
recognized ‘el manifiesto milagro que la reyna de los angeles
su abogada, el apostol San Pedro, y el de los egércitos
Españoles Santiago, habian hecho en haberse escapado él.’
_Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, 302. Vetancurt moralizes on
the flight as a chastisement by God, who saved the remnant
to spread the faith. _Teatro Mex._, pt. iii. 145-6.
[861] On a later page Bernal Diaz says he fell at Otumba.
_Hist. Verdad._, 107, 246.
[862] Herrera attempts to save somewhat the reputation of
the astrologer by the statement that he prophesied death
for himself or his brother.
[863] Every one, say Cortés and Herrera; but Ixtlilxochitl
states that one sister of King Cacama was saved, and he
intimates that one or two of his brothers also escaped.
He is contradictory, however. _Hist. Chich._, 302, 390.
The one who escaped must have been Cuicuitzcatl, the newly
made king of Tezcuco. Brasseur de Bourbourg adds two of
his brothers, probably from misinterpreting Ixtlilxochitl.
_Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 339.
[864] Ixtlilxochitl names some of the chiefs to whom these
offers were made. _Hist. Chich._, 302.
[865] Ávila, a veritable martinet, maimed a soldier with
a blow for stepping from the ranks to pluck some fruit.
_Herrera_, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xii. The same story has
been told of Ávila in Cempoala.
[866] Cortés allows the five scouts to defeat the enemy,
who are frightened by the supposition that a larger force
is upon them. _Cartas_, 137. Herrera is more explicit
with regard to the ambuscade, and makes Ordaz lead up the
reinforcements. dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xii.
[867] ‘Mas no cenar.’ _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 162. Sahagun
states, however, that this was the town to which the Otomís
had on the preceding day invited them, chiefly because
they were related to the Otomís of the Tlascaltec division
under Cortés. _Hist. Conq._, 34-5. A risky proceeding,
if true, for an isolated community, on whom might fall
the vengeance of the hostile Mexicans. In the account of
the route followed to Tlascala Cortés is still the best
guide, for he not only kept a record, but wrote his report
while the occurrences were yet fresh. He is wanting in
details, however, and fails to give names to localities.
These omissions are remedied by Sahagun, who now seems
more reliable. Other authors are vague or misleading for
the route, but the occasional incidents told by them are
noteworthy. Bernal Diaz indicates only one stopping place,
Quauhtitlan evidently, before Otumba is reached. Camargo
skips to a place adjoining Otumba, and Ixtlilxochitl takes
the army to Quauhximalpan, a place which modern maps locate
south of Remedios. He resumes the northern route, but names
some towns that cannot be identified. Gomara adheres pretty
well to Cortés, but his commentator, Chimalpain, supplies
names for places, which differ from Sahagun and indicate a
deviation from the extreme northern course, as will be seen.
Torquemada follows chiefly Sahagun, whom he recommends.
Orozco y Berra has closely studied the journey, and throws
much light on it, more so than any other writer; yet his
conclusions are not always satisfactory. _Itinerario del
Ejercito Español_, in _Mex. Not. Ciudad._, 246 et seq. I have
already spoken at length, in _Native Races_, iii. 231-6,
on the life and writings of Father Sahagun, and will here
refer only to the twelfth book of his _Historia General_,
inserted by Bustamante, at the beginning of the set, under
the title of _Historia de la Conquista de Mexico_. This
copy is from one found by Muñoz in the Franciscan convent
of Tolosa, in Navarre. Another copy of the twelfth book,
in possession of Conde de Cortina, claimed as the true
original, was published separately by the same editor, at
Mexico, 1840, with lengthy notes from Clavigero and other
writers to complete the chain of events, and to comment on
the suppression in the former issue of statements concerning
Spanish misdeeds. It has also an additional chapter. Neither
copy, however, corresponds quite to that used by Torquemada,
who in more than one instance quotes passages that are
startling compared with the modified expressions in the
others. The severity of the friar toward Spanish conquerors
was no doubt a strong reason for the suppression of his
work. The twelfth book begins with Grijalva’s arrival and
the omens preceding it, and carries the narrative of the
conquest down to the fall of Mexico. According to his own
statement, on page 132, it is founded to a great extent on
the relations given him by eye-witnesses, soldiers who had
assumed the Franciscan robe and associated daily with the
friar; but much is adopted, with little or no critique,
from superstitious natives, the whole forming a rather
confusing medley, so that it is difficult to extract the
many valuable points which it contains. This difficulty is,
of course, not encountered by such followers as Bustamante
and Brasseur de Bourbourg, and similar supporters of native
records or anti-Spanish versions.
In the _Native Races_ I give the traits which characterize
the French abbé and his famous works on Central American
culture and antiquities, and it remains only to refer
briefly to his version of the conquest, comprised in the
fourth volume of the _Histoire des Nations Civilisées_.
His pleasing style lends attraction to every page, but his
faults become more conspicuous from the comparison presented
by a vast array of authorities, revealing the indiscreet
and enthusiastic readiness to accept native tales, or
anything that favors the hypotheses by which he is ruled,
and in the disposition to build magnificent structures on
airy foundation. His version, indeed, strives rather to
narrate the conquest from a native standpoint, and to use
Spanish chronicles only as supplementary authority. To
this end he relies chiefly on the now well known writings
of Sahagun, Ixtlilxochitl, Camargo, and Torquemada, and it
is but rarely that he is able to quote the often startling
original manuscripts possessed only by himself.
[868] ‘Mordiendo la tierra, arrancando yeruas, y alçãdo los
ojos al cielo, dezian, dioses no nos desampareys en este
peligro, pues teneys poder sobre todos los hombres, hazed
que con vuestra ayuda salgamos del.’ _Herrera_, dec. ii.
lib. x. cap. xii.
[869] Herrera conforms to Cortés and Gomara in admitting a
stay of two nights at one place, but makes this Tecopatlan,
called ‘duck town,’ from its many fowl. This is evidently
Tepotzotlan. But it was not near the lake like Citlaltepec,
and ‘duck town’ applies rather to a lake town, in this
region, at least. Cortés also writes, in _Cartas_, 137,
‘fuimos aquel dia por cerca de unas lagunas hasta que
llegamos á una poblacion,’ and this does not apply well
to Tepotzotlan, which lies a goodly distance from the
lakes, requiring certainly no march along ‘some’ lakes to
reach it. Hence the Citlaltepec of Sahagun must be meant.
This author, however, supposes the Spaniards to stay one
night at each place. _Hist. Conq._, 36 (ed. 1840), 129.
Ixtlilxochitl calls the place after Tepotzotlan, Aychqualco.
_Hist. Chich._, 302. At Tepotzotlan, says Vetancurt, some
of the people remained to receive the Spaniards—this is
in accordance with one of Sahagun’s versions—and here
remained to hide the son of Montezuma, whom he supposes to
have escaped with the troops. _Teatro Mex._, pt. iii. 144.
According to Chimalpain’s interpretation the Spaniards stay
the two nights at Quauhtitlan, and thence proceed by way of
Ecatepec, now San Cristóbal, skirting the northern shore of
Tezcuco Lake, and on to Otumba. _Hist. Conq._, i. 304-5.
This route certainly appears the most direct, but there
is no authority for it. The sentence from Cortés might no
doubt be adopted equally well for this road; but Sahagun,
Ixtlilxochitl, and Herrera name towns which lie east and
north of the Zumpango Lake, and during the rainy season
now prevailing the passages between the lakes were rather
swampy. Tezcuco was beside too close for the fleeing army.
Alaman accepts the route south of Zumpango, _Disert._, i.
122, against which nearly all the above reasons apply.
[870] ‘Nos convenia ir muchas veces fuera de camino.’
_Cortés_, _Cartas_, 138. Owing to the guide’s inefficiency,
adds Gomara, _Hist. Mex._, 162.
[871] Sahagun also calls the mountain, or the slope, Tona.
His confusing versions sometimes reverse all the names.
Cortés places it two leagues from the last camp.
[872] ‘Detrás dél [hill] estaba una gran ciudad de mucha
gente.’ _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 138. Zacamolco is also called a
large town. There could hardly be two large towns so close
together in a district like this, so that the other must
have been Teotihuacan, ‘city of the gods,’ with its ancient
and lofty pyramids, sacred to all Anáhuac, and one of the
chief centres of pilgrimage. For description of ruins, see
_Native Races_, iv. 529-44.
[873] ‘Con un golpe de piedra en la cabeza tan violento,
que abollando las armas, le rompió la primera tunica del
cerebro.’ So Solis defines the wound, which afterward grew
dangerous. _Hist. Mex._, ii. 203. He supposes that it was
received at Otumba.
[874] ‘Le comieron sin dexar [como dizen] pelo ni huesso.’
_Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 162. ‘La cabeza cupo a siete o
ocho.’ The horse was Gamboa’s, on which Alvarado was saved
after his leap. _Herrera_, ii. x. xii.; _Bernal Diaz_,
_Hist. Verdad._, 107. Ixtlilxochitl says that Zinacatzin,
of Teotihuacan, killed it—he whom we shall find leading
the enemy on the morrow.
[875] ‘Y pareció que el Espíritu Santo me alumbró con este
aviso,’ exclaims Cortés, _Cartas_, 139. Many a soldier
carried a comrade on his back. _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 163.
[876] According to Cortés, whose dates I have already shown
to be reliable. He makes it a Saturday. Prescott makes it
the 8th, a mistake which has been copied by several writers,
including Brasseur de Bourbourg and Carbajal Espinosa.
[877] ‘Llanos de la provincia de Otupam.’ The battle taking
place near Metepec. _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, 302-3.
Plain of Otumpan, also called Atztaquemecan. _Camargo_,
_Hist. Tlax._, 170. ‘Los Llanos de Apan.’ ‘El Valle de
Otumba.’ _Lorenzana_, in _Cortés_, _Hist. N. España_, xiv.
148. Clavigero calls it the plain of Tonan, derived from
Sahagun, who applies the name to the slope of the range
bordering it.
[878] Following the intimation given by Sahagun, Torquemada
states that the enemy came pouring in from rear and sides
to surround the troops, i. 508.
[879] While they were halting, writes Ojeda, a big Indian
with club and shield advanced to challenge any Spaniard to
single combat. Ojeda responded, but in advancing against
the man his negro slave followed him, and either the sight
of two frightened the native or he sought to decoy them,
for he retreated into a copse. _Herrera_, ii. x. xiii.
[880] _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, 171-2; _Torquemada_, i.
509. Ixtlilxochitl spells the name Zihuatcatlzin, and
Oviedo calls it Xiaquetenga, based probably on that of the
Tlascaltec chief. _Duran_, _Hist. Ind._, MS., ii. 480. ‘La
flor de Mexico, y de Tezcuco, y Saltocan.’ _Bernal Diaz_,
_Hist. Verdad._, 108.
[881] Solis clears the way with volleys, but only seven
muskets remained and no ammunition.
[882] Camargo states that he lived to an age exceeding 130
years. Heroes in all ages have enjoyed the privilege of
not being tied down to laws governing ordinary mortals.
[883] An ill-natured brute, which attacked the enemy
with teeth and hoofs. He did good service all through the
following campaign, till he fell in one of the last battles
of the great siege. _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, 172.
[884] ‘Duró este terrible conflicto por mas de cuatro
horas.... Llegado el medio dia, con el intolerable trabajo
de la pelea, los españoles comenzaron á desmayar.’ _Sahagun_,
_Hist. Conq._ (ed. 1840), 132.
[885] ‘En vnas Andas, vn Caballero mandando, con vna
Rodela Dorada, y que la Vandera, y Señal Real, que le
salia por las Espaldas, era vna Red de Oro, que los Indios
llamaban Tlahuizmatlaxopilli, que le subia diez palmos.’
_Torquemada_, i. 509. ‘Su vandera tendida, con ricas armas
de oro, y grandes penachos de argenteria.’ _Bernal Diaz_,
_Hist. Verdad._, 108. Ixtlilxochitl calls the gold net
_matlaxopili_. _Hist. Chich._, 303. Camargo more correctly
agrees with Torquemada.
[886] The accounts of this incident vary greatly. According
to Bernal Diaz ‘Cortes dió vn encuẽtro cõ el cauallo al
Capitã Mexicano, hizo abatir su vãdera ... quiẽ siguiò
al Capitan q̄ traia la vandera que aun no auia caido del
encuentro que Cortes le diò, fue vn Juan de Salamanca,
natural de Ontiueros, con vna buena yegua ouera, que le
acabò de matar.’ _Hist. Verdad._, 108. The banner could
not have fallen without the general. Gomara intimates that
Cortés charged alone against the ‘capitan general, y diole
dos lançadas, de que cayo y murio.’ _Hist. Mex._, 163.
This is also substantially the view of Duran and Camargo.
Herrera leaves the impression that Salamanca alone follows
Cortés in the charge, and cuts off the head and banner of
the commander after his chief had wounded and overthrown
him. dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xiii. Torquemada, Clavigero,
Prescott, and others, also assume that Cortés lances the
generalissimo, but they let the cavalry follow. Sahagun, who
obtained his information from participants that afterward
became friars, merely states that Cortés and one other led
the charge, which resulted in the overthrow of the general
and his banner. _Hist. Conq._ (ed. 1840), 132. Cortés
is still more reticent in saying: ‘quiso Dios que murió
una persona dellos, que debia ser tan principal, que con
su muerte cesó toda aquella guerra.’ _Cartas_, 139. The
assumption that Cortés overthrew the commander with his
lance rests chiefly on the fact that Cortés as leader of
the charge receives credit for everything that happens.
Writers also forget that the commander was carried aloft in
a litter the better to observe the movements of the army.
His burdened carriers would with greater likelihood have
been overthrown by the horses or in the disorder created
by their advance. This supposition is confirmed by Cortés’
reference to the affair, wherein he gives credit to none
for the act, his usual custom when some one else performed
a noteworthy deed. He was seldom chary in giving credit to
himself for achievements, as may be gathered alone from his
account of the stay in Mexico City, which announces that
he it was who tore down the idols, who captured the temple
after another had failed to do so, who single-handed covered
the retreat of his comrades on the Tlacopan causeway on
the morning preceding the flight, and who with less than a
score that ‘dared stay with him’ protected the retreat of
the last remnant from the city. The supposition receives
further support from the permission given by the emperor to
Salamanca to add to his escutcheon the trophy taken from
the commander. This implies that although the victory was
due to Cortés he could not have inflicted the mortal wound.
Salamanca became alcalde mayor of Goazacoalco. _Bernal
Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 108, 111.
[887] ‘Los principales, lleuarõ cõ grã llanto, el cuerpo de
su general,’ says Herrera; but this is doubtful, to judge
also from his subsequent observations.
[888] ‘Murieron ... casi todos los amigos de los españoles,
y algunos de ellos mismos.’ _Sahagun_, _Hist. Conq._ (ed.
1840), 132. Solis acknowledges only wounded, of whom two
or three died afterward. _Hist. Mex._, ii. 203. Cortés did
not escape additional wounds, from which he was soon to
suffer intensely.
[889] The natives were particularly ready to testify to
this supernatural aid, as Camargo relates, _Hist. Tlax._,
172, perhaps for their own credit, as good converts and
brave warriors.
[890] ‘Never,’ writes Gomara, ‘did a man show such prowess as
he, and never were men so well led. He by his own personal
efforts saved them.’ _Hist. Mex._, 163. ‘Se tuuo la vitoria
despues de Dios, por el valor de Cortés.’ _Herrera_, dec.
ii. lib. x. cap. xiii. While quite prepared to uphold the
general as a hero, Bernal Diaz takes exception to this
praise as unjust to his many followers, who not only did
wonders in sustaining him, but in saving his life. _Hist.
Verdad._, 111.
[891] Ixtlilxochitl assumes that another army was encountered
and routed with great slaughter, a few leagues ahead, at
Teyocan. _Hist. Chich._, 303.
[892] _Ixtlilxochitl._ Chimalpain calls it Apam, which
appears to have been situated farther north. Lorenzana
refers to all this extent as the plains of Apan, the name
which it now bears. Camargo names the plains of Apantema,
Tacacatitlan, and Atlmoloyan as traversed by the army to
reach Tlascala. _Hist. Tlax._, 172.
[893] _Cartas_, 140. ‘Pues quizà sabiamos cierto, que nos
auian de ser leales, ò que voluntad ternian.’ _Bernal Diaz_,
_Hist. Verdad._, 108.
[894] Brasseur de Bourbourg gives to a village here
the name of Xaltelolco. _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 352.
Ixtlilxochitl refers to it as Huexoyotlipan, and states
that Citlalquiauhtzin came up with food and presents from
the lords.
[895] Cortés calls the town Gualipan; Bernal Diaz, Gualiopar;
Gomara, Huazilipan; Herrera gives it 2000 houses.
[896] ‘Yo queria,’ said Maxixcatzin, ‘yr en vuestra busca
con treynta mil guerreros.’ _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._,
109. This is confirmed by the Aztec version of Duran, which
says that the rumor of Tlascaltec preparations helped to
intimidate the proposed Mexican reinforcements for Otumba.
_Hist. Ind._, MS., ii. 483. According to Oviedo, 50,000
warriors, followed by 20,000 carriers, met the Spaniards
at the frontier, iii. 514. Camargo extends the number to
200,000, ‘who came too late, but served nevertheless to
check pursuit from the enemy.’ _Hist. Tlax._, 173. Gomara
stamps Oviedo’s statement as hearsay, but adds that the
Tlascaltecs declared themselves prepared to return with
the Spaniards at once against Mexico. This Cortés declined
to do for the present, but allowed a few soldiers to join
a band in pursuit of marauding stragglers. _Hist. Mex._,
164. The delay in collecting the proposed reinforcements
may have been due to the small faction hostile to the
Spaniards, headed by the captain-general, Xicotencatl the
younger, who seems never to have forgiven the disgrace of
defeat which they had been the first to inflict upon him. He
had accompanied the lords to Hueyotlipan, perhaps to gloat
over the misfortune of his victors. According to Herrera,
Captain Juan Paez—Torquemada writes Perez—was one of the
invalids at Tlascala, and to him 100,000 warriors had been
offered to go to the aid of his general; but he declined,
on the ground that his strict orders were to remain with
his 80 men at Tlascala. For this he was naturally upbraided
by Cortés as a coward, fit for hanging. The story is not
very probable. dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xiv,; _Torquemada_,
i. 512.
[897] ‘Que estimó él mucho, y puso por una de sus armas.’
_Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, 303.
[898] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 140. Bernal Diaz intimates one day.
[899] ‘Cõ mas de duzientos mil hombres en orden: yuan las
mugeres, y niños, en la delantera.’ _Herrera_, dec. ii.
lib. x. cap. xiii. This order may have been intended to
signify peace and welcome.
[900] Camargo differs from Bernal Diaz, in intimating that
all were lodged in Maxixcatzin’s palace, while Ixtlilxochitl
assumes that Cortés was the guest of Xicotencatl. ‘Magiscacin
me trajo una cama de madera encajada, con alguna ropa ... y
á todos hizo reparar de lo que él tuvo.’ _Cortés_, _Cartas_,
141.