MULTIPLICATION OF PLOTS.
JUNE-JULY, 1519.
CORTÉS, DIPLOMATE AND GENERAL—THE MUNICIPALITY OF VILLA
RICA LOCATED—EXCITEMENT THROUGHOUT ANÁHUAC—MONTEZUMA
DEMORALIZED—ARRIVAL OF THE RELEASED COLLECTORS AT THE MEXICAN
CAPITAL—THE ORDER FOR TROOPS COUNTERMANDED—MONTEZUMA SENDS
AN EMBASSY TO CORTÉS—CHICOMACATL ASKS AID AGAINST A MEXICAN
GARRISON—A PIECE OF PLEASANTRY—THE VELAZQUEZ MEN REFUSE TO
ACCOMPANY THE EXPEDITION—OPPORTUNITY OFFERED THEM TO RETURN
TO CUBA, WHICH THEY DECLINE THROUGH SHAME—THE TOTONACS
REBUKED—THE CEMPOALA BRIDES—DESTRUCTION OF THE IDOLS—ARRIVAL
AT VILLA RICA OF SALCEDO—EFFORTS OF VELAZQUEZ WITH THE
EMPEROR—CORTÉS SENDS MESSENGERS TO SPAIN—VELAZQUEZ ORDERS
THEM PURSUED—THE LETTERS OF CORTÉS—AUDIENCIA OF THE EMPEROR
AT TORDESILLAS.
Palamedes invented the game of chess while watching before the
gates of Troy; a tame business, truly, beside the achievements of
the heaven-born Achilles, the hero of the war. Yet chess remains,
while Achilles and his heaven have melted with the mists. Who shall
say, then, which was the greater, Cortés the soldier, or Cortés
the diplomate? But these were barbarians, one says, with whom the
shrewd Spaniards had to deal; they had neither horses, nor iron, nor
gunpowder, to aid them in their wars. Furthermore, they regarded the
strangers fully as demi-gods, probably as some of their own wandering
deities returned. True; but he makes a great mistake who rates the
Mexicans so far beneath Europeans in natural ability and cunning.
Montezuma lacked some of the murderous enginery that Cortés had, and
his inner life was of different dye; that was about all. If any would
place Cortés, his genius, and his exploits, below those of the world’s
greatest generals, because he warred on enemies weaker than their
enemies, we have only to consider the means at his command, how much
less was his force than theirs. What could the Scipios or the Cæsars
have done with half a thousand men; or Washington, or Wellington,
with five hundred against five hundred thousand? Napoleon’s tactics
were always to have at hand more forces than the enemy. In this
the Corsican displayed his astuteness. But a keener astuteness was
required by Cortés to conquer thousands with hundreds and with tens.
Perhaps Moltke, who, with a stronger force, could wage successful war
on France, perhaps he, and a handful of his veterans, could land on
the deadly shores of the Mexican Gulf, and with Montezuma there, and
all the interior as dark to them as Erebus, by strategy and force
of arms possess themselves of the country. I doubt it exceedingly.
I doubt if one in ten of the greatest generals who ever lived would
have achieved what the base bastard Pizarro did in Peru. The very
qualities which made them great would have deterred them from anything
which, viewed in the light of experience and reason, was so wildly
chimerical. Then give these birds of prey their petting, I say; they
deserve it. And be fame or infamy immortal ever theirs! Lastly, if
any still suspect the genius of Cortés unable to cope with others
than Indians, let them observe how he handles his brother Spaniards.
* * * * *
It was about time the municipality should find anchorage; too much
travelling by a town of such immaculate conception, of so much more
than ordinary signification, were not seemly. Velazquez would deride
it; the emperor Charles would wonder at it: therefore half a league
below Quiahuiztlan, in the dimpled plain which stretches from its base
to the harbor of Bernal at present protecting the ships, where bright
waters commingling with soft round hills and rugged promontories were
lifted into ethereal heights by the misted sunshine, the whole scene
falling on the senses like a vision, and not like tame reality, there
they chose a site for the Villa Rica,[219] and drew a plan of the
town, distributed lots, laid the foundations for forts and batteries,
granary, church, town-hall, and other buildings, which were constructed
chiefly of adobe, the whole being inclosed by a strong stockade. To
encourage alike men and officers to push the work, Cortés himself set
the example in preparing for the structures, and in carrying earth
and stones. The natives also lent their aid, and in a few weeks the
town stood ready, furnishing a good shipping depot, a fortress for the
control of the interior, a starting-point for operations, an asylum
for the sick and wounded, and a refuge for the army in case of need.
* * * * *
Great was the excitement in Anáhuac and the regions round about over
the revolt of the Totonacs and the attitude assumed by the Spaniards;
and while hope swelled the breast of subjected peoples, the Aztec
nobles, seeing revolution in the signs of the times, began to look
to the safety of their families and estates.[220] To Montezuma the
seizure of his collectors was an outrage on the sacredness of his
majesty, and a slur on his power, which the council declared must be
punished in the most prompt and effective manner, lest other provinces
should follow the example. And yet the monarch had no stomach for the
business. Ofttimes since these accursed strangers touched his shores
would he willingly have resigned that which he above all feared to
lose, his sceptre and his life; then again, as appetite returned and
existence was loaded with affluent pleasure, he sighed to taste the
sweets of power a little longer. He was becoming sadly pusillanimous,
an object of contempt before his gods, his nobles, and himself.
It seemed to him as if the heavens had fallen on him and held him
inexorably to earth. There was no escape. There were none to pity. He
was alone. His very gods were recreant, cowering before the approach
of other gods. Repressing his misgivings as best he might, he issued
orders for an immediate descent of the army on the offenders. Let the
mettle of these beings be proven, and let them live or die with their
Totonac allies. To this end let levies be made of men and money on a
long-suffering people, whose murmurs shall be drowned in the groans
of fresh victims on the sacrificial altar of the war god.[221]
See now how powerfully had wagged that little forked tongue of Cortés!
See how those gentle whisperings that night at Quiahuiztlan, those
soft dissemblings breathed into the ears of two poor captives—see how
they shot forth like winged swords to stop an army on the point of
marching to its slaughters! Here, as in scores of other instances,
Cortés’ shrewdness saved him from disaster.
For in the midst of the warlike preparations arrived the two released
collectors, and their presentation of the magnanimity of the white
chief, of his friendly conduct and warm assurances, materially changed
the aspect of affairs. There was no alliance; there was no rebellion;
the Totonacs dared not rebel without foreign support; with them
Montezuma would settle presently. And with no little alacrity did
he countermand the order for troops, and send an embassy to Cortés.
Thus through the vacillating policy which now possessed the Mexican
monarch was lost the opportunity to strike the enemy perhaps a fatal
blow; and thus by that far off impalpable breath was fought and won
another battle, this time vanquishing the king of kings himself, with
his hundred thousand men.
The embassy sent comprised two of Montezuma’s nephews,[222] accompanied
by four old and honorable caciques. They were to express the monarch’s
thanks to the Spaniards, and to remonstrate against the revolt
encouraged by their presence. He had become assured that they were
of the race predicted by his forefathers, and consequently of his own
lineage; out of regard for them, as guests of the revolted people, he
would withhold present chastisement. A gift of robes and feather-work,
and gold worth two thousand castellanos, accompanied the message.[223]
We cannot blame Cortés if his heart danced to its own music as he
assured the envoys that he and all his people continued devoted to
their master; in proof of which he straightway produced the other
three collectors, safe, sound, and arrayed in their new attire.[224]
Nevertheless, he could but express displeasure at the abrupt departure
of the Mexicans from the former camp. This act had forced him to seek
hospitality at the hand of the Totonacs, and for their kind reception
of him they deserved to be forgiven. Further than this, they had
rendered the Spaniards great benefits, and should not be expected
to serve two masters, or to pay double tribute; for the rest, Cortés
himself would soon come to Mexico and arrange everything. The envoys
replied that their sovereign was too engrossed in serious affairs
to be able as yet to appoint an interview. “Adieu,” they concluded,
“and beware of the Totonacs, for they are a treacherous race.” Not
to create needless alarm, nor leave on the minds of the envoys at
their departure unpleasant impressions concerning his projects,
Cortés entertained them hospitably, astonished them with cavalry and
other exhibitions, and gratified them with presents. The effect of
this visit was to raise still higher the Spaniards in the estimation
not only of the Aztecs, but of the Totonacs, who with amazement saw
come from the dread Montezuma, instead of a scourging army, this high
embassy of peace. “It must be so,” they said among themselves, “that
the Mexican monarch stands in awe of the strangers.”
* * * * *
Not long after, Chicomacatl came to Cortés asking aid against a
Mexican garrison, said to be committing ravages at Tizapantzinco,[225]
some eight leagues from Cempoala. Cortés was in a merry mood at the
moment; he could see the important progress he was making toward the
consummation of his desires, though the men of Velazquez could not—at
least they would admit of nothing honorable or beneficial to Cortés,
and they continued to make much trouble. Here was an opportunity to
test the credulity of these heathen, how far they might be brought
to believe in the supernatural power of the Spaniards. Among the
musketeers was an old Biscayan from the Italian wars, Heredia by
name, the ugliest man in the army, uglier than Thersites, who could
not find his fellow among all the Greeks that came to Troy. Lame
in one foot, blind in one eye, bow-legged, with a slashed face,
bushy-bearded as a lion, this musketeer had also the heart of a lion,
and would march straight into the mouth of Popocatepetl, without a
question, at the order of his general. Calling the man to him, Cortés
said: “The Greeks worshipped beauty, as thou knowest, good Heredia,
but these Americans seem to deify deformity, which in thee reaches
its uttermost. Thou art hideous enough at once to awe and enravish
the Aztecs, whose Pantheon cannot produce thine equal. Go to them,
Heredia; bend fiercely on them thine only eye, walk bravely before
them, flash thy sword, and thunder a little with thy gun, and thou
shalt at once command a hundred sacrifices.” Then to the Totonac
chief: “This brother of mine is all sufficient to aid thee in thy
purpose. Go, and behold the Culhuas will vanish at thy presence.”
And they went; an obedience significant of the estimation in which
Cortés was then held, both by his own men and by the natives.
They had not proceeded far when Cortés sent and recalled them, saying
that he desired to examine the country, and would accompany them.
Tlamamas would be required to carry the guns and baggage, and they
would set out the next day. At the last moment seven of the Velazquez
faction refused to go, on the ground of ill health. Then others of
their number spoke, condemning the rashness of the present proceeding,
and desiring to return to Cuba. Cortés told them they could go, and
after chiding them for neglect of duty he ordered prepared a vessel,
which should be placed at their service. As they were about to embark,
a deputation appeared to protest against permitting any to depart, as
a proceeding prejudicial to the service of God, and of the king. “Men
who at such a moment, and under such circumstances, desert their flag
deserve death.” These were the words of Cortés put into the mouth of
the speaker. Of course the order concerning the vessel was recalled,
and the men of Velazquez were losers by the affair.[226]
The expedition, composed of four hundred soldiers, with fourteen
horses, and the necessary carriers, then set off for Cempoala, where
they were joined by four companies of two thousand warriors. Two days’
march brought them close to Tizapantzinco, and the following morning
they entered the plain at the foot of the fortress, which was strongly
situated on a high rock bordered by a stream. Here stood the people
prepared to receive them; but scarcely had the cavalry come in sight
when they turned to seek refuge within the fort. The horsemen cut off
their retreat in that direction, however, and leaving them, began
the ascent. Eight chiefs and priests thereupon came forth wailing,
and informed the Spaniards that the Mexican garrison had left at the
first uprising of the Totonacs, and that the Cempoalans were taking
advantage of this and of the Spanish alliance to enforce the settlement
of a long-standing boundary dispute. They begged that the army would
not advance. Cortés at once gave orders to restrain the Cempoalans,
who were already plundering. Their captains were severely reprimanded
for want of candor as to the real object of the expedition, and were
ordered to restore the effects and captives taken. This strictness
was by no means confined to them, for a soldier named Mora, caught
by the general in the act of stealing two fowls, was ordered hanged.
Alvarado, however, cut him down in time to save his life, probably
at the secret intimation of Cortés, who, while securing the benefit
of example, would not unnecessarily sacrifice a soldier.[227]
Charmed by this display of justice on the part of the Spaniards, and
impressed as well by their ever increasing prestige, the chiefs of
the district came in and tendered allegiance. A lasting friendship
was established between them and the Cempoalans;[228] after which the
army returned to Cempoala by a new route,[229] and was received with
demonstrations of joy by the populace. With a view of binding more
closely such powerful allies, Chicomacatl proposed intermarriages. And
as a beginning he presented eight young women,[230] richly dressed,
with necklaces and ear-rings of gold, and each attended by servants.
“Take them,” said he to Cortés. “They are all daughters of caciques.
Seven are for your captains, and this, my niece, is for yourself,
for she is the ruler of towns.”
Matters were becoming interesting. Cortés and some of his captains
had wives in Cuba, and nearly all of them had mistresses here. The
damsels of Cempoala were not famed for their beauty; the one offered
Cortés was particularly ill-favored. With regard to captives and
slaves, of course no marriage vow was necessary, but with princesses
the case was different. But even here there was little difficulty. The
aboriginal form of marriage, while it satisfied the natives, rested
lightly on the Spaniards. Indeed, with them it was no marriage at
all; and so it has been throughout the New World; in their marital
relations with foreigners the natives have felt themselves bound,
while the Europeans have not. To the ceremony in this instance no
objection was offered.
At this happy consummation, though the rite is not yet performed,
serious meditation takes possession of the mind of Cortés, who bethinks
himself that he is doing little of late for his God, who is doing so
much for him. Success everywhere attends his strategies. And these
female slaves and princesses! While trying to quiet his conscience
for accepting this princess, he was exceedingly careful in regard
to taking unto himself real wives, as we have seen in Cuba. But
here marriage after the New World fashion would surely advance his
purposes. And so they are compelled to submit to the stronger, who by
the right of might proceeds to rob them of their gold and to desolate
their homes; and now assumes the higher prerogative of requiring them
to relinquish the faith of their fathers and embrace the religion
of their enemies. It would please God to have these Cempoala people
worship him; Cortés can make them do so. True, they love their gods
as much as Cortés loves his. Their gods likewise help them to good
things, among others to the Spaniards themselves, who in return now
determine their overthrow. And shall they consent! Alas, they are
weak, and their gods are weak!
Heathenism, with its idolatry, and bloody sacrifices, and cannibalism,
is horrible, I grant you. “For daily they sacrificed three or five
Indians,” says Bernal Diaz, “offering the heart to idols, smearing
the blood upon the walls, and cutting off the limbs to be eaten. I
even believe they sold the flesh in the market.”[231] But equally
horrible, and far more unfair, are the doings of the superior race,
which with the advance of the centuries, and the increase of knowledge
and refinement, are often guilty of deeds as bloodthirsty and cruel as
these. With the most powerful of microscopic aids to vision, I can see
no difference between the innate goodness and badness of men now and
two or five thousand years ago; the difference lies merely in a change
of morality fashions, and in the apparent refining and draping of what
conventionally we choose to call wickedness. What is the serving of
dainty dishes to the gods in the form of human sacrifices, of carving
before them a few thousand fattened captives, to the extirpation of
a continent of helpless human beings; and that by such extremes of
treachery and cruelty as the cannibals never dreamed of, entrapping
by fair words only to cut, and mangle, and kill by steel, saltpetre,
and blood-hounds; stealing at the same time their lands and goods,
and adding still more to their infamy by doing all this in the name
of Christ; when in reality they violate every principle of religion
and disregard every injunction of the church; just as men to-day lie
and cheat and praise and pray, and out of their swindlings hope to
buy favor of the Almighty!
And now these poor people must give up their poor gods, for their
masters so decree. The chiefs and native priests protest. The Spaniards
are benefactors and friends, but the gods are superior to men. To
them they owe health, prosperity, existence; and sacrifices are but
the necessary slight returns for so great blessings. The sacrificed
are by no means injured, say the Aztecs, but are sent to heaven and
enfolded at once in the bosom of their god. Verily there are curious
articles of faith among the heathen worshipers as well as among our
own, but if we look for all the good in ours we shall be mistaken.
In vain the men of Cempoala beg to retain the religion of their
forefathers and the sacred emblems of their faith. Carried away by
the fierce zeal which more than once in these annals overcomes his
prudence and brings him to the brink of ruin, Cortés cries: “Christians
and soldiers, shall these things be—these idolatries and sacrifices,
and other impious doings? No! First down with the images, then to
arguments, and the granting of entreaties. Our lives on work rewarded
with eternal glory!” Shouts of earnest approval was the response,
and on they marched toward the temple. Priests and people rushed to
the defence of their deities. With a scornful gesture the ruler was
waived aside, as he interposed with the warning that to lay hands
on the idols was to bring destruction alike on all. “You are not my
friends,” exclaimed Cortés, “if you do not as I wish! Choose ye; and
I will leave you your gods to save you from the threatened vengeance
of Montezuma.” This was by far too practical an application of their
piety. The fact is, their gods had not done exactly right by them
in the matter of the Aztec imposition. These white strangers, after
all, seemed to be better gods than their idols. “Well, work your
will,” at length said Chicomacatl, “but do not ask our aid in such
detestable doings.” So the thing was accomplished, as before this
had been determined. In a moment fifty soldiers were on the temple
summit, and down came the worshipful wooden things, shattered and
clattering along the steps, while with bleeding hearts their makers
stood by, their faces covered to exclude the sacrilegious sight. Ah,
how they wailed, how they lamented, calling on the misshapen blocks
to pity their inability to stop the deed![232]
Not such dastards were these people, however, that not one among them
would strike a blow for their faith. For presently the court-yard was
filled with armed men, headed by infuriated priests in long hooded
robes of dark material, with slashed ears and faces clotted with blood,
determined, if not to prevent, at least to avenge the outrage. What
was sworn allegiance, or even life, beside the momentous question of
religion? Seeing the danger, Cortés with characteristic promptness
seized the lord, together with several leading men, and declared if
a single Spaniard was so much as scratched they should immediately
die. Chicomacatl accordingly spoke to the people and made them retire.
Nor was wholly lost on them the mute argument of the shattered idols
lying powerless at their feet. Hence when the images were burned, the
natives looked on with comparative calmness. “Surely these beings are
superior to our gods, whom they have thus vanquished,” they said one to
another. Sweetly and serenely Cortés now smiled on them, called them
brethren, and preached the European doctrines. The pagan temple was
cleansed, the blood-smeared walls were whitewashed, and in their place
was erected a Christian altar, decorated with flowers and surmounted
with a cross. Here, before the assembled natives, Olmedo preached the
Christian faith, and celebrated mass. The contrast between the simple
beauty of this impressive ceremony and their own bloody worship made
a deep impression on the minds of the natives, and at the conclusion
those who desired were baptized. Among them were the eight brides,
the ill-favored ruler of towns who had been given to Cortés being
called Catalina, probably in honor of his wife in Cuba, whose place
she was to occupy for a time. Lucky Puertocarrero’s second pretty
prize, the daughter of Cacique Cuesco, was named Francisca.[233]
Accompanied by the brides and a large escort the army now returned to
Villa Rica. There they found just arrived from Cuba a vessel commanded
by Francisco de Salcedo, nicknamed ‘the dandy,’ who with Luis Marin, an
able officer, and ten soldiers, all well provided with arms, and with
two horses, had come in quest of fortune under Cortés.[234] Salcedo
reported that Velazquez had received the appointment of adelantado
over all lands discovered by him or at his cost, with one fifteenth
of all royal revenues thence arising.[235]
Benito Martin, the chaplain, who had been sent to obtain the
commission, was rewarded with the benefice of the new discovery at
Ulua, which really comprised all Mexico, while the lately appointed
bishop of Cuba, the Dominican Julian Garcés, confessor to the bishop
of Búrgos, the patron of Velazquez, was promoted to the insignificant
see of Cozumel. These preferments, based on an insufficient knowledge
of the country, were corrected at a later time, when Garcés was made
bishop of Tlascala, while Martin received other compensation.[236]
Before the issue of these grants it appears that Yucatan at least
had a narrow escape from slipping entirely out of Spanish hands. At
the first news of Córdoba’s discoveries the admiral of Flanders was
induced to ask for the land in grant, in order to settle it with
Flemings, and also to petition for the governorship of Cuba as a means
to promote the colony. This was supported by Xèvres, the chief adviser
in such matters, who knew little of the Indies and the vast tracts
referred to, and so the promise was given. Las Casas was in Spain
at the time, and being consulted by the admiral as to the means for
colonizing, became indignant at the rash concession of Cuba, which
he considered as belonging to Columbus. He remonstrated, and warned
those interested to do the same. The result was the withdrawal of
the grant, greatly to the disappointment of the admiral, for whose
account several vessels had already reached San Lúcar, laden with
Flemish settlers.[237]
* * * * *
Cortés was fully aware that Velazquez, possessed of a commission,
would not long delay in asserting his claim with all the power at his
command upon the islands, and with all his influence at court; this
spurred on the captain-general to lose no time in bringing forward
his own pretensions, and in seeking to obtain royal approval of his
acts. Therefore at this juncture he determined to gain authority for
effectually supplanting the Cuban governor in the field wherein he
had already openly ignored him, and to despatch messengers to the
king. The men of Cortés needed no prompting to see how necessary to
their interest it was to procure his confirmation as general to the
exclusion of Velazquez, and to support Cortés by writing reports
in corroboration of his own statements. Yet, in view of the flowing
in of exaggerated accounts concerning new discoveries, little would
avail descriptions of conquests and resources, however glowing, and
recommendations however warm, unless made real by specimens of the
treasures which were the main attraction alike to king and subject.
For gifts can move gods, says Hesiod. To the crown was due one fifth
of the wealth so far obtained, but fearing that this would hardly
produce the effect desired, Cortés proposed to surrender the one
fifth due himself, and prevailed on his friends, and with their aid
on all members of the expedition, to give up their share in the finer
pieces of wrought gold and silver, and in all choice articles, so
that a gift worthy of themselves and the country might be presented
to the king.[238]
The flag-ship was prepared for the voyage, and the navigation intrusted
to Alaminos and another pilot called Bautista, with fifteen sailors
and the necessary outfit. Four Indians, rescued from the sacrificial
cage at Cempoala, where they had been kept to fatten, were also
sent on board, together with native curiosities, including specimens
of picture-writing. The difficult task of out-manœuvring Velazquez
and securing the aims of their party was intrusted to the alcaldes
Puertocarrero and Montejo, the former being selected chiefly because
of his high connections, which might serve him at court, the latter
for his business talent. Three thousand castellanos were given them
from the treasury for expenses, together with the necessary power and
instructions, and three letters in duplicate for the king. One of these
was the first of the celebrated letters of Cortés on the conquest.
He related at length all that had occurred since he left Santiago;
the difficulties with Velazquez, the hardships of the voyage, and
the progress of conquest for God and the king. He dwelt on the vast
extent and wealth of the country, and expressed the hope of speedily
subjecting it to the crown, and of seizing the person of the great
Montezuma. And he trusted that in return for his services and loyal
devotion he would be remembered in the cédulas to be issued for this
new addition to the empire.[239]
The second letter was by the ayuntamiento of Villa Rica, dated July 10,
1519,[240] covering not only the same ground, but giving an account
of the voyages of discovery by Córdoba and Grijalva, the reasons for
founding a colony, and for Cortés’ appointment. The features of the
country, its resources and inhabitants, were touched upon, and the
belief expressed that of gold, silver, and precious stones “there
is in the land as much as in that where it is said Solomon took the
gold for the temple.” Velazquez was exposed as a cruel, dishonest,
and incompetent governor, and as such most dangerous to be intrusted
with the control of these vast and rich territories. They asked for
an investigation to prove the charges, as well as the propriety of
their own acts; and concluded by recommending that Cortés, whose
character and conduct stamped him a loyal subject and an able leader,
be confirmed in his offices, till the conquest of the country, at
least, should have been achieved.[241]
The third letter, even longer than this, though of similar tenor, was
signed by the representative men in the army,[242] and concluded by
praying that their services and hardships be rewarded with grants,
and that Cortés be confirmed in the government till the king might be
pleased to appoint an infante or a grandee of the highest class, for
so large and rich a country ought to be ruled by none else. Should
the designing bishop of Búrgos of his accord “send us a governor or
captain, before we obey him we shall inform your royal person.” This
sentence, which Las Casas characterizes as a “great though sweetened
piece of impudence,” and several others not in harmony with Cortés’
own calculated report, were probably the cause for the disappearance
of the letter before it reached the emperor.[243]
The messengers or procuradores left the port July 16,[244] and
although ordered not to touch Cuba, lest Velazquez should learn of
the mission, Montejo could not resist the temptation of taking a peep
at his estates at Mariel de Cuba, a port close to Habana. Here they
entered August 23, and took supplies and water. This could not of
course be done in secret, and swelling with rumor the report reached
Velazquez that his flag-ship had come ballasted with gold, to the
value of two hundred and seventy thousand pesos. No less alarmed
than furious at this proof of the perfidy he had so long feared, he
despatched a fast sailing vessel with a strong force under Gonzalo
de Guzman, the royal treasurer, to capture her; but she had stayed
only three days at Mariel, and then passed safely through the Bahamas
Channel, the first to make that passage.[245]
* * * * *
The arrival of the messengers at Seville, in October, created no
small stir, and aided by their treasures and reports they became
the heroes of the hour. But their triumph was of short duration; for
Benito Martin, the chaplain of Velazquez, happened to be at the port.
This man at once laid claim to the vessel for his master, denounced
the persons on board as traitors, and prevailed upon the Casa de
Contratacion to seize the ship, together with the private funds of the
commission, as well as certain money sent by Cortés for his father. A
still stronger opponent appeared in the person of Fonseca, bishop of
Búrgos, whose interest in Velazquez, fostered by a long interchange
of favors, was strengthened by a projected marriage of the governor
with his niece.[246] Detaining the messengers and their papers by
deferred promises and other measures,[247] he filled the royal ear
with the most damaging charges against them and their party in behalf
of his protégé.
Velazquez had meanwhile been taking testimony against Cortés, and
had sent treasurer Guzman to Spain with documents and instructions
to join Martin in pressing his suit before the bishop.[248]
* * * * *
Charles V. had been elected emperor, and was busy in Spain raising
supplies and making preparations on a vast scale for presenting
an appearance in Germany befitting so high a dignity. Previous to
embarking for Flanders he was to meet the cortes at Compostela. The
messengers from New Spain could afford to lose no more time, and so
with the aid of Puertocarrero’s friends and the men opposed to Fonseca,
among them the Licenciado Nuñez, relator of the royal council and
related to Cortés, they slipped away, and in company with Alaminos and
Martin Cortés, managed to be presented to the monarch at Tordesillas,
in the beginning of March.[249] The king was not a little pleased
with the reports, gilded as they were with the richest presents that
had as yet reached him from his American possessions,[250] but he was
unfortunately too absorbed with the imperial crown and the preparations
for departure to give more than a passing attention to the subject,
and still less would he enter into the merits of the claims presented.
Finding, however, that Fonseca had not been impartial in the matter,
he was prevailed on to refer it to Cardinal Adrian, and the junta of
prelates and ministers governing the kingdom during the royal absence,
before whom the Council of the Indies had also to lay its reports.
The messengers were meanwhile allowed under bond to receive from the
seized funds what was needed for their support.[251] The powerful
Fonseca managed, however, by misrepresentation and other means, to
delay the case, and for about two years it dragged its weary length.
And yet, where a man is strong enough to carve out his own fortune,
particularly where the administration of strict justice might send
his neck to the halter, the law’s delay and its susceptibility to
perversion may be most fortunate.
FOOTNOTES
[219] Villa Rica is the name appearing in the first royal
charter of 1523, but with later foundations Vera Cruz
became the title. _Panes_, _Extension Veracruz_, MS., 1 et
seq. The municipal council, however, distinctly calls it
_la Rica Villa de la Veracruz_ and ought to be the proper
authority for the form of name first applied. _Carta del
Ayunt._, in _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 1 et seq. ‘Y luego ordenamos
de hazer, y fundar, è poblar vna Villa, que se nombró la
Villa Rica de la Vera-Cruz; porque llegamos Jueves de la
Cena, y desembarcamos en Uiernes Santo de la Cruz, é rica
por aquel Cauallero que ... dixo que mirasse las tierras
ricas.’ _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 29. ‘Llamola
Villa Rica a la nueua poblaciõ, y de la Veracruz, por auer
desembarcado el Viernes Sãto, y Rica, por la riqueza que se
auia descubierto.’ _Herrera_, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. vii.
Although nominally founded adjacent to San Juan de Ulua,
there was no intention to build the town on that unhealthy
and dreary spot. The first actual foundation took place
at the harbor of Bernal. Nearly five years later the town
rose anew on the present Rio de la Antigua, where it became
known alone as Vera Cruz. In 1599 the actual or new Vera
Cruz found itself finally planted on the very site of the
first nominal foundation. The chief reason for this change
was probably the need for the better protection against
filibusters afforded by the island of San Juan de Ulua,
whose batteries commanded the harbor. See _Albornoz_, _Carta
al Emperador_, Dec., 1525, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._,
i. 495. The charter for la Nueva Ciudad de la Vera-Cruz
was granted July 19, 1615. _Calle_, _Mem. y Not._, 68;
_Clavigero_, _Storia Mess._, iii. 30; _Rivera_, _Hist.
Jalapa_, i. 27; _Humboldt_, _Essai Pol._, i. 276-7. Alegre,
_Hist. Comp. de Jesus_, i. 149-50, has some excellent remarks
hereon. Few authors, however, are free from blunders with
regard to the different sites, even Lorenzana committing more than
one. _Cortés_, _Hist. N. España_, 381.
[220] ‘Los Hombres mas Poderosos entendian en buscar Lugares
en los Montes, y partes mas remotas, para conservar sus
Mugeres, Hijos, y Hacienda.’ _Torquemada_, i. 403.
[221] Inconsolable at the prospect of the strangers acquiring
a footing in the country, Montezuma, after vainly searching
for admission into the Hades of Cicalco, retired to the
abode occupied by him ere he became emperor. _Sahagun_,
_Hist. Conq._, i. 15-16. One reason for this is said to have
been the result of the embassy to the oracle at Achiuhtla,
in Miztecapan, which brought back the announcement that
the Aztec empire must yield to strangers. _Burgoa_, _Geog.
Descrip. Oajaca_, pt. ii. 129.
[222] ‘Figliuoli porse del suo fratello Cuitlahuatzin.’
_Clavigero_, _Storia Mess._, iii. 30.
[223] ‘Ciertas pieças de oro y plata bien labradas, y vn
casquete de oro menudo.... Peso todo esto dos mil, y nouenta
Castellanos.’ _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 58.
[224] Before the embassy came, says Herrera, ‘Diò orden con
voluntad del señor de Chianhuitzlan, que los tres Mexicanos
pressos fuessen sueltos,’ dec. ii. lib. v. cap. xi.
[225] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, 290. Other authorities
differ in the spelling.
[226] One of them who had bartered a fine light-colored horse
for some property in Cuba was unable to annul the trade,
and thus lost his animal. _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._,
34. Gomara, _Hist. Mex._, 64, refers merely to murmurs in
favor of Velazquez, which Cortés quiets by placing a few
in chains for a time.
[227] ‘Muriò este soldado en vna guerra en la Prouincia de
Guatimala sobre vn Peñol.’ _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._,
35. He places the incident on the return march.
[228] According to Gomara the Aztec garrison does ravage
the country when the Totonac revolt occurs, and their forces
meet the Spaniards on the field, only to flee at the sight of
the horsemen. Cortés and four others dismount, and mingling
with the fleeing, reach the fort gates, which they hold
till their troops come up. Surrendering the place to the
allies, Cortés tells them to respect the people and to let
the garrison depart without arms or banner. This victory
gained great influence for the Spaniards, and remembering
the feat of Cortés, the Indians declared that one Spaniard
was enough to aid them in achieving victory. _Hist. Mex._,
59. Ixtlilxochitl, who follows Gomara, fights the Aztec
garrison as far as the city, and then captures it. _Hist.
Chich._, 290. Solis assumes that a few Spaniards cut off
the retreat of the townsmen, and rushing forward with some
Cempoalans, are already inside when the leaders come to
plead for mercy. _Hist. Mex._, i. 197-8. The foremost credit
is however due to Bernal Diaz, _Hist. Verdad._, 34-5, who,
being present, declares Gomara’s account wholly wrong, that
no garrison existed here, and that no resistance was made.
The latter sentence is modified by Tapia, also a member of
the expedition, who states that the town did resist and was
punished. _Relacion_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, ii.
566. Hence it may be assumed that Diaz, as a foot soldier,
was not present to see the probably bloodless rout of the
Indians by the cavalry. The townsmen are not likely to
have allowed the Cempoalans to approach without offering
resistance, or, in case they knew of the Spanish advance,
without sending a deputation before the pillage began.
[229] Passing through two towns, the soldiers suffering
greatly from heat and fatigue. Near Cempoala the lord
awaited them in some temporary huts with bountiful cheer,
though apprehensive of Cortés’ anger at his deception. The
following day they entered the city. _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist.
Verdad._, 35; _Herrera_, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. xiii.
[230] ‘Veinte Doncellas (aunque Gomara dice, que fueron
ocho),’ says Torquemada, i. 399, without giving his reasons.
[231] ‘Tambien auian de ser limpios de sodomias, porque
tenian muchachos vestidos en habito de mugeres, que andauan â
ganar en aquel maldito oficio.’ This they promised. _Bernal
Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 35. Solis assumes that Cortés was
aroused to this crusade by the heavy sacrifices at a great
festival. _Hist. Mex._, i. 204-5.
[232] Gomara makes the natives tear down the idols and the
sepulchres of caciques worshipped as gods. ‘Acabo con los
de la ciudad que derribassen los idolos y sepulcros de los
caciques, q̄ tambien reuerẽciauan como a dioses.’ _Hist.
Mex._, 67.
[233] _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 36; _Herrera_, dec.
ii. lib. v. cap. ix. xiv. Gomara places the presentation
of the women at the first visit of the Spaniards to the
city, and herein he is followed by Herrera, Torquemada,
and Ixtlilxochitl. _Hist. Chich._, 289.
[234] These proved the more valuable since Cortés’ horse
had died shortly before. He obtained, by gift or purchase,
the fine Arriero, a dark chestnut belonging to Ortiz, the
musician, and to García, the miner. _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist.
Verdad._, 33. Gomara assumes that Salcedo brought a caravel,
with sixty Spaniards and nine horses, the vessel having
been detained in Cuba for repairs. _Hist. Mex._, 59; yet
he includes Salcedo as present at the final review there.
_Id._, 14. He is evidently confused.
[235] For himself and one heir. Further, after conquering
and settling four islands, he might select one from which
to receive perpetually for himself and heirs one twentieth
part of all the revenue accruing therefrom for the king.
No duty would be charged during his life on any clothing,
arms, and provisions imported by him into those lands. As
an aid toward the expenses of the conquest, a royal estate
at Habana was granted him, and a salary in those lands
of 300,000 maravedís. The other clauses of the commission
related to mines, clergy, taxes, and settlers. It was dated
at Saragossa, November 13, 1518, ‘five days previous to the
usurpation of the fleet by Cortés,’ observes Las Casas,
_Hist. Ind._, v. 3-5. Dated at Barcelona, says Herrera,
dec. ii. lib. iii. cap. xi. Several are led to suppose that
Velazquez did not receive the notice of his appointment for
over a year after its date, which is unlikely. _Mex._, ii.
222-3.
[236] Which he failed to enjoy, since he died at sea while
en route to New Spain to take possession. _Las Casas_,
_Hist. Ind._, iv. 465-6; _Herrera_, dec. ii. lib. iii. cap.
xi.; _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yucathan_, 16-17.
[237] Many of these died from hardship, and the rest
returned impoverished to their country. _Las Casas_, _Hist.
Ind._, iv. 374-6; _Herrera_, dec. ii. lib. ii. cap. xix.;
_Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yucathan_, 8.
[238] It has been generally assumed, from a loose
acceptance of chroniclers’ text, that all the treasures
were surrendered for the object in view, but this could
not have been the case. The pile of gold dust and nuggets,
accumulated by constant barter along the coast, and increased
by the contents of two helmets sent by Montezuma, formed
a respectable amount, of which only a small portion was
sent to the king, as specimens of mining products. Three
thousand castellanos were set aside for the expenses of the
messengers to Spain, and an equal sum for Cortés’ father,
‘Otros 3000 que Cortés enviaba para su padre.’ _Las Casas_,
_Hist. Ind._, iv. 498. ‘A su padre Martin Cortes y a su
madre ciertos Castellanos.’ _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 62.
The disposal of the dust alone indicates an apportionment.
Further, the list of treasure sent to Spain, as appended to
the _Carta del Ayuntamiento_, and as given by Gomara, shows
that much of the wrought metal received from Montezuma,
not counting that acquired by barter, was retained by the
expedition. Gomara writes that the first step of Cortés was
to order a division of treasures by Ávila and Mejía, acting
respectively for the crown and the army. All the effects
being displayed in the plaza, the gold and silver amounting
to 27,000 ducats, the cabildo observed that what remained
after deducting the royal fifth would belong to the general
in payment for the vessels, arms, and supplies surrendered
by him to the company. Cortés said there was time enough to
pay him; he would now take only his share as captain-general,
and leave others wherewith to settle their small debts. He
also proposed that instead of sending merely the one fifth
to the king, the finest specimens should be given, which
was agreed to. His list is given in _Hist. Mex._, 60-2.
Ordaz and Montejo were sent round with a list to be signed
by all who wished to surrender their share in the gold.
‘Y desta manera todos lo firmaron â vna.’ _Bernal Diaz_,
_Hist. Verdad._, 36. The _Carta del Ayunt._ refers to four
of Velazquez’ men as objecting to the presents being sent
elsewhere than to their leader. _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 26-7;
_Tapia_, _Relacion_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, ii.
563; _Herrera_, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. xiv.; _Torquemada_,
i. 407; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt. iii. 118.
[239] No generous allusion appears to have been made to the
discoverers who opened the way for him. Gomara alone gives
a brief outline of the letter, but the original or copy has
never been found, notwithstanding the close search made.
Since Charles V. received it on the eve of his departure
for Germany, it occurred to Robertson that the Vienna
archives might throw on it some light, and the consequent
search led to the discovery of an authenticated copy of the
companion letter from the municipality of Villa Rica, but
nothing relating to Cortés’ report. _Hist. Am._, preface,
x.-xi. Panes insists that the letter must have existed in
the Vienna Court Library at one time. _Doc. Domin. Esp._,
MS., 59-60. Barcia suggests several ways in which it might
have been lost; one being its production before the royal
council at the instance of Pánfilo de Narvaez. _Bibl.
Occid._, tit. iv. ii. 598. Fortunately the companion letter
and other narratives cover its essential points.
[240] ‘El Cabildo escriuiò juntamente con diez soldados ...
ê iva yo firmado en ella.’ _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._,
36.
[241] Written by Cortés’ most devoted friends, and
undoubtedly under his supervision, we cannot expect to
find it other than a labored effort to promote his views.
Robertson, whose suggestion led to its discovery in the
Vienna Imperial Library, offers a mere synopsis of the
contents. _Hist. Am._, preface, p. xi. ii. 521-2. It is
given at length in the _Cortés_, _Cartas_, by Gayangos,
Paris, 1866, 1-34, with notes, and with the list of presents
appended; and in _Col. Doc. Inéd._, i. 417-72, and in
_Alaman_, _Disert._, i. 2d app., 41-104, preceded by an
introductory sketch of the expedition by the collector of
the papers, and containing the list of presents as checked
by Muñoz in 1784 from the Manual del Tesorero de la Casa
de la Contratacion de Sevilla.
[242] ‘Todos los Capitanes, y soldados juntamente escriuimos
otra carta.’ _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 36. ‘El cabildo
... escriuio ... dos letras. Vna ... no firmaron sino
alcaldes y regidores. La otra fue acordada y firmada del
cabildo y de todos los mas principales.’ _Gomara_, _Hist.
Mex._, 63.
[243] Bernal Diaz, _Hist. Verdad._, 37, gives a long detail
of its contents, particularly of the conclusion, wherein
the bishop of Búrgos is pointed out as favoring his friends
and relations in the distribution of Indian governments.
Velazquez enjoyed his special favor in return for the large
presents in gold and towns he had made, to the prejudice
of the crown. Cortés, on reading the letter, was highly
pleased with the eulogy bestowed upon himself, and promised
to remember it when rewards came to be distributed, but
he objected to the prominence given to the discoveries
of Córdoba and Grijalva, ‘sino á èl solo se atribuia el
descubrimiento, y la honra, ê honor de todo,’ and wished to
suppress the statement that one fifth of the profits were
to be given to him. The men declined to hide anything from
the king, and so Cortés no doubt made the messengers hide
the letter. Tapia gives a brief synopsis of it, mentioning
the objections raised against the bishop of Búrgos, and
the resolution not to obey any orders contrary to their
report till the king had replied to it—‘é para que otra
cosa en contrario de lo que le escrebiamos no se hiciese,
que S. M. sin saber de qué hacia mercedes, no las hiciese,
estábamos prestos de morir é tener la tierra en su real
nombre fasta ver respuesta de esta carta.’ _Relacion_, in
_Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, ii. 566. ‘Esta carta no vido
el Emperador, porque, si la viera, no les sucederia ni á
Cortés ni á sus consortes el negocio tan favorable como
abajo se parecerá.’ _Las Casas_, _Hist. Ind._, iv. 498.
[244] ‘En una nao que ... despaché á 16 de julio del año
de 1519, envié a V. A. muy larga y particular relacion.’
_Cortés_, _Cartas_, 51; _Oviedo_, iii. 261. ‘En veinte y
seis dias del mes de Julio ... partieron de San Juan de
Ulua.’ _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 37. On the next
page he says July 6th. The naming of Ulua as the port of
departure shows also a carelessness of facts; yet Gomara
says:‘Partieron ... de Aquiahuiztlã ... a veinte y seis.’
_Hist. Mex._, 6. Still Cortés’ letter, written so soon
after, ought to be correct. Prescott accepts the 26th.
[245] ‘Esta fuga fue ocasion de descubrir el derrotero de la
Canal de Bahama, para la buelta de España, hasta entonces
no nauegada, y desde aquella ocasion siempre seguida.’
_Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yucathan_, 41. ‘Alaminos ... fue el
primero que nauegò por aquella canal.’ _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist.
Verdad._, 36-39. Prejudiced against Montejo, as shown by
previous expressions, this author accuses him of sending
letters to Velazquez by a sailor, who spread the news of
the mission along his route. Some of the letters were from
adherents in Cortés’ army. ‘Pareciò, de otras personas
principales que estauan en nuestro Real, fueron aconsejados
que fuessen á aquella estancia ... y aun escriuieron para
que el Diego Velazquez tuuiesse tiempo de auellos á las
manos.’ Velazquez accordingly sends two small vessels under
Gabriel de Rojas and Guzman to pursue the ship, but their
cruise between Habana and the Bahamas Channel is in vain.
Montejo’s conduct before and after this indicates nothing
that can justify the accusations, and Velazquez, in his
letter to Figueroa, juez de residencia in Española, inveighs
against one ‘Montejo’ and his companion for taking not
only provisions and forty butts of water, but a number of
Indians from Mariel, and then leaving ‘without informing
any magistrate or other person,’ taking a dangerous and
hitherto unknown route. In _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, i.
401. During the investigation held on the subject by the
governor, it appeared that Juan de Rojas of Habana reported
the secret visit of Montejo, who, knowing that Rojas had
become aware of his presence, wrote him at the moment of
leaving that he was going to visit Velazquez. From Perez,
a servant of Rojas and in charge at Mariel, it seems, he
exacted an oath not to reveal what he had learned of the
rich cargo and destination of the vessel. Rojas nevertheless
obtained the facts from him. _Testimonio_, in _Pacheco_ and
_Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xii. 151-204. In a letter to the
bishop of Búrgos, October 12, 1519, Velazquez states that a
man at Mariel, Perez probably, was at the last moment shown
the treasures. Guzman was sent with a vessel in pursuit. In
_Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xii. 248-50. Gomara
also says, ‘embiando tras ella vna carauela de armada.’
_Hist. Mex._, 64; _Torquemada_, i. 407.
[246] ‘Doña Mayor de Fonseca. El obispo de Búrgos ... por
la muerte del Gran Chanciller ... tornó á alear y á ser
principal.’ _Las Casas_, _Hist. Ind._, v. 2; _Herrera_, dec.
ii. lib. iii. cap. xi.; _Zúñiga_, _Anales Ecles. Sevilla_,
414.
[247] The bishop of Búrgos, then at Valladolid, spoke
so harshly to Puertocarrero that the latter ventured to
remonstrate, and demand that their messages be forwarded to
the king. A charge was now raked up against Puertocarrero of
having three years before carried off a woman from Medellin
to the Indies, and for this he was cast into prison. _Bernal
Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 38; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._,
pt. iii. 119.
[248] Guzman appears to have started in October from Cuba,
when Narvaez’ expedition against Cortés had already begun
to be fitted out. _Carta de Velazquez_, Oct. 12, 1519, in
_Col. Doc. Inéd._, i. 472-5; _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col.
Doc._, xii. 246-51; _Carta al Figueroa_, in _Icazbalceta_,
_Col. Doc._, i. 402; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Ind._, v. 2. His
appeal to the Jeronimite Fathers, says Bernal Diaz, met
only with rebuff. They considered that Cortés had done
well to send so rich a present to the king. ‘Le embiaron al
Diego Velazquez â Cuba â vn Licenciado que se dezia Zuazo
para que le tomasse residencia ... Uelazquez, se congoxó
mucho mas, y como de antes era muy gordo, se paró flaco en
aquellos dias.’ _Hist. Verdad._, 38. Martin petitioned the
bishop for the repair and return of the messengers’ vessel
to Velazquez, together with another vessel, both to carry
reinforcements to the Indies. This was needed, partly to
prevent the possible conflict between Cortés’ party and
the expedition fitting out under Velazquez to support the
men he had already sent under Cortés as his lieutenant.
_Memorial_, in _Col. Doc. Inéd._, i. 407-9.
[249] _Sandoval_, _Hist. Carlos V._, i. 203. ‘Viniéronse
con la corte hasta llegar á la Coruña, y en este camino los
cognoscí yo.’ _Las Casas_, _Hist. Ind._, iv. 499; _Herrera_,
dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. vii.
[250] In the Manual de la Casa de Contratacion de la Indias
is noted that the Cempoala natives were presented to the
king, at Tordesillas, in February, or March, 1520, and the
presents at Valladolid in April. The Indians were sent to
Cuba at the close of March, 1521, except one who had died.
_Cortés_, _Cartas_, 34; _Alaman_, _Disert._, i. 91-104.
[251] According to Bernal Diaz the bishop of Búrgos retained
not only the original letters of the king, but a portion of
the presents, which produced a sharp letter from Charles.
The duplicate letters reached him, however. _Hist. Verdad._,
38-9. This author is not well informed about the movements
of the procuradores. He lets the king reach Flanders before
they arrive, and there receive only the reports.