THE MIGHTY PROJECT IS CONCEIVED.
MAY, 1519.
SERIOUS DILEMMA OF CORTÉS—AUTHORITY WITHOUT LAW—MONTEJO
SENT NORTHWARD—RECOMMENDS ANOTHER ANCHORAGE—DISSENSIONS AT
VERA CRUZ—PROMPT AND SHREWD ACTION OF CORTÉS—A MUNICIPALITY
ORGANIZED—CORTÉS RESIGNS—AND IS CHOSEN LEADER BY THE
MUNICIPALITY—VELAZQUEZ’ CAPTAINS INTIMATE REBELLION—CORTÉS
PROMPTLY ARRESTS SEVERAL OF THEM—THEN HE CONCILIATES THEM
ALL—IMPORTANT EMBASSY FROM CEMPOALA—THE VEIL LIFTED—THE
MARCH TO CEMPOALA—WHAT WAS DONE THERE—QUIAHUIZTLAN—THE
COMING OF THE TRIBUTE GATHERERS—HOW THEY WERE TREATED—GRAND
ALLIANCE.
At this point in his career Hernan Cortés found himself less master
of the situation than suited him. The color of his command was not
sufficiently pronounced. He had no authority to settle; he had no
authority to conquer; he might only discover and trade. He did not
care for Velazquez; anything that pertained to Velazquez he was
prepared to take. But Velazquez had no legal power to authorize him
further. Cortés cared little for the authorities at Española; the
king was his chief dependence; the king to whose favor his right
arm and mother wit should pave the way. Some signal service, in the
eyes of the monarch, might atone for slight irregularities; if he
failed, the severest punishments were already come. But where was
the service? Had Montezuma granted him an interview, he might make
report of that, and find listeners. As it was, he could land and slay
a few thousand natives, but his men would waste away and no benefits
accrue. Nevertheless, if he could plant himself somewhat more firmly
on this soil than his commission seemed to justify, chance might offer
opportunity, and the signal service find achievement. Such were the
thoughts that just now filled his sagacious brain, but the way was
by no means clear before him.
* * * * *
While the events narrated in the preceding chapter were in progress,
Montejo, with two vessels, had been sent northward to seek a harbor
less unwholesome than the present, where many of those wounded at
Tabasco had died.[176] As second in command went Rodrigo Álvarez
Chico, and as pilots, Alaminos, and Álvarez el Manquillo. On reaching
the extreme point attained by Grijalva, the strong current prevented
further advance, as in the former attempt.[177] They were obliged by
a gale to throw overboard part of their cargo. Water failed, and in
the attempt to land an artilleryman perished. Prayer was now their
only recourse, and this not only changed the wind, but brought rain.
After a fortnight of misadventures[178] they returned to San Juan
de Ulua, and hastened bareheaded to the cross to offer thanks. More
wholesome airs were not difficult to find, but good harbors were not
abundant thereabout. The only favorable spot found by Montejo lay
some ten leagues north of the camp, close to the native fortress of
Quiahuiztlan.[179] A high rock affording shelter from north winds
gave the place some resemblance to the Spanish harbor of Bernal,
which name was accordingly applied to it. Extending inland were green
fields fringed with fine timber, and supplied with creeks of good
water.[180]
The fifty men comprising the expedition of Montejo had been picked
from the adherents of Velazquez, in order that by weakening this
faction Cortés might be allowed to develop his plans. For the army was
slowly but surely drifting into division, as we have so often found
in adventures of this kind, and the Velazquez party comprised all who
desired immediately to return. In this clique were many wealthy and
influential men who cared no more for Velazquez than for Cortés, but
who had possessions in Cuba, and were becoming impatient to return
to them. Nor was there much difficulty in giving form to discontent.
There were grave suspicions afloat as to the loyalty of the commander;
but these, which assuredly were more conspicuous in Cuba than here,
were of little moment when they harmonized with the wishes of the
men. What stupidity in forming camp amidst such malaria, and in so
early making enemies of the people. It was evident, so they argued,
that the commander intended to sacrifice the company to his ambition.
The action of Cortés here as elsewhere marks the great man, the man
of genius, the born master of men, and rightfully places him beside
the Cæsars and the Napoleons of the world. The commander wished to
remain. All his fortune, all the fortunes of his friends were staked
on this adventure, and he would rather die than return unsuccessful.
Little hope there would be of his obtaining command again; he would
not return, neither would he just at present die. In desperate cases
spirited counsels and spirited actions are usually safest.
Calling to him his most trusty followers, Puertocarrero, Alvarado
and his brothers, Ávila, Olid, Escalante, and Francisco Lugo, he
laid the situation fairly before them. Shortly after these captains
were out among the men, holding forth to them privately on the wealth
of the country, the ease and glory of conquest, and the prospect of
repartimientos. Where was the benefit of returning to Cuba? Surely
they might as well hold the country for themselves as to abandon it
and let others step into their places. It would be much easier to
increase the present force by adding to it than to raise a new army
better appointed or larger than this. Nor did they forget the argument
of religion, which, however hollow in practice, was weighty enough in
theory. “Elect therefore to remain,” they said in conclusion; “and
choose the able and generous Cortés for your general and justicia
mayor till the emperor decides in the matter.”[181]
The opposition was by no means ignorant of these manœuvres, and Ordaz
was commissioned to remonstrate with Cortés. He dwelt on the danger
of present colonization, denounced any attempt to ignore Velazquez,
and insisted on instant return. Suppressing the anger naturally
arising from these insinuations, true as they were, Cortés disavowed
any intention of exceeding the instructions of his commission. For
himself he preferred to remain, as, among other reasons, the only
means of reimbursing himself for his heavy expenditures. If, however,
it was the will of the army to return, he would yield. A few hours
later appeared an order to embark the following day for Cuba. This,
as was intended, brought public feeling to a crisis. All saw their
golden hopes suddenly dashed to the ground, their visions of honors and
repartimientos dispelled; even the men so lately clamorous to return
were not prepared to find their request so readily granted. Would it
not be well to think further of the matter, and perhaps devise a plan
to cover the emergency? After noisy discussion the soldiers appeared
in force before the captain-general and demanded the revocation of
the order. They had left Cuba with the declared understanding that a
colony was to be planted, and now they were informed that Velazquez
had given no authority to settle. And if he had not, were not the
interests of God and the king paramount to the order of any governor?
And did not this same Velazquez defame Grijalva for not disobeying
instructions in this very regard? With no small satisfaction Cortés
saw that he was safe; then urging calm deliberation he graciously
promised delay,[182] which was employed first of all in impressing
on their minds how indispensable he was to their success.
Finally before the assembled army the captain-general appeared and
said: That he had invested his whole fortune in the fleet, and
controlled it; yet he was willing to subordinate his individual
interest to that of the whole. He had given the order to return
because he understood such to be the will of the majority. As this
was not the case, he would gladly remain; for God who had ever been
with them was now disclosing such a field of wealth and glory as had
never before been offered to Spaniard. Yet, if any wished to return,
let them freely speak, and a vessel would be at their disposal. What
magic power ruled, that, when the disaffected majority were thus
given their way, every mouth was dumb, and the commander remained
more potent than ever?
A colony being thus decided on, the founding ceremony was performed
by the quasi laying out of a town, the planting a pillory in the
plaza, and a gallows at some distance outside,[183] though strictly
speaking, the town was not properly located or laid out till afterward.
Referring to the treasures here obtained, and to the day of landing,
the new town was called Villa Rica de la Vera Cruz.[184] Cortés, as
commander, appointed the municipal officers,[185] naming for alcaldes
Puertocarrero and Montejo, a judicious selection, both for his own
interests and as likely to meet general approval. And here again is
displayed the subtle policy of Cortés, who to this important position
nominates but one from among his own faction, Montejo being for
Velazquez. Thus of an opponent he made an adherent, conciliating at
the same time the entire Velazquez party.[186] The regidores were
Alonso de Ávila, Pedro and Alonso de Alvarado, and Gonzalo de Sandoval;
procurador general, Francisco Álvarez Chico; alguacil mayor, Juan de
Escalante; escribano, Diego de Godoy. Beside these were appointed,
in the interests of the military department, as capitan de entradas
Pedro de Alvarado; maestre de campo, Cristóbal de Olid; alférez,
Corral; alguaciles de real, Ochoa and Romero; tesorero, Gonzalo Mejía;
contador, Alonso de Ávila.[187] Nearly all these men were devoted to
Cortés, and were therefore a powerful _point d’appui_ for his project.
Thus far all was well. The men of Velazquez and the men of Cortés,
Spaniards all, for the same God and the same king, had of their own
volition determined here to plant a Spanish settlement, and had so
planted it. By virtue of his office, and in the absence of any higher
authority, the captain-general had chosen temporary officers for the
new commonwealth. This was all. These men had elected to transform
the army into a civil society, for temporary or permanent purposes
as the case might be; and they had done so. But about their leader?
What position did he occupy? A general without an army, _de facto_
at the head of affairs, but by no legal right. Let him cut his own
knot.
* * * * *
Hat in hand, before the new municipality, Cortés appeared and
surrendered his commission. Authority, chief and absolute, was now
vested alone in the ayuntamiento. Then with the modesty of Cincinnatus
he retired.
It was then in order, on the part of the municipality, to choose a
chief ruler and representative of royal authority. This could be done
by the council alone, though in this instance, for obvious reasons,
it would be better to secure the appointment by popular vote. Cortés
felt safe enough either way. A glowing eulogy delivered by a fluent
speaker was followed by such noisy demonstrations that the opposition
found no opportunity to express their opinion.[188] The following day
a committee was sent to apprise Cortés of his election,[189] in the
name of their Catholic Highnesses, to the offices of captain-general,
and of justicia mayor of the town. On appearing before the council to
take the oath, the alcalde addressed Cortés, giving as reason for the
appointment his loyalty, his worth, and his talents. The commission
which was then given granted him one fifth of all treasure acquired
by trade or conquest, after deducting the royal fifth. This was in
consideration chiefly for his services as leader.[190] _Exitus acta
probat._ Las Casas insists that, since Cortés had no authority to
form a settlement, his appointment of an ayuntamiento was illegal,
and consequently their election of him. No one supposed for a moment,
least of all Cortés, that these proceedings were regular. They were
but make-believe legal. But in following Gomara’s version Las Casas
failed to understand that the appointment was conferred by the popular
majority in the name of the king, which though not strictly legal
threw over all the color of law. Beside, with consummate skill Cortés
made it appear that the expedition obliged him to act as he did;
and if these manœuvres did not legalize the transaction, they were
the means of weaving a strong bond between the men and their leader,
such as King Charles and all his ordinance-makers never could have
created. Cortés was no longer the chief of Velazquez’ expedition,
but the leader of the Vera Cruz militia, as the army might now be
termed, and removable only by the power that placed him there, or by
the emperor.[191]
Although opposition was now in vain, the adherents of Velazquez loudly
denounced the whole affair, called it a conspiracy and a cheat, and
refused to acknowledge Cortés as their leader. So abusive did they
become that open rupture was imminent. The leaders of this faction
were Velazquez de Leon, Ordaz, Escobar, Pedro Escudero, Morla, and
the priest Juan Diaz. Seeing the necessity of prompt action, Cortés
seized the first two, with a few others, and sent them on shipboard
in irons, while Alvarado went a-foraging with a hundred men, chiefly
adherents of the disaffected leaders.[192] They found a fertile
country, and several small towns. The inhabitants fled at their
approach, leaving signs of recent human sacrifices in the temple. In
one building, with pyramidal foundation several feet in height, were
found a number of fine rooms, some filled with grain, beans, honey,
and other provisions; others with cotton fabrics and feathers, adorned
in instances with gold and silver. In obedience to strict orders
nothing was touched save food. The report brought back of the beauty
of the country, together with the ample supplies obtained, tended
toward harmony; and while the soldiers were thus easily reconciled to
the new order of things, Cortés with his usual tact won over nearly
all his adversaries. Some he bribed, some he flattered; others were
allured with hopes of preferment. Most remarkable was it that with such
fire in his veins, he could so control it; for however treacherous
Cortés knew them to be, seldom a sign escaped him that he suspected
them. Even the imprisoned officers yielded to his persuasive power,
aided as it was by irons, and soon were ranked among his devoted
sustainers.[193]
And now came to pass an event such as the gods not unfrequently fling
their favorites, which was materially to brighten the prospects of the
Spaniards. While preparing their removal to a new harbor, and shortly
after the Mexican withdrawal from intercourse, Bernal Diaz brought
in from his outpost five Indians, different in dress and features
from any hitherto seen. Among other peculiarities were large gold
rings, set with stones, in their perforated ears, nose, and lower
lip. Two of them, who spoke Mexican, explained the purport of their
visit. The deeds of the Spaniards having reached the ears of their
master, the lord of Cempoala, in the Totonac country, they had been
sent to see these valiant beings, and invite them to their city a few
leagues distant.[194] Questionings revealed that the Totonacs were a
subjected nation, languishing like others under the oppressive yoke
of the Aztecs, and only too ready to welcome deliverance.
It must be remembered that Cortés and his companions were wholly in
the dark as to the power and positions of the interior nations. Now
for the first time a little light was shed on the subject. It appeared
that the mighty monarch, with whom took place the late interchange of
courtesies, had enemies who, if not as powerful as himself, were still
strong, and in spirit, at least, unsubdued. Might not this adverse
influence be utilized and joined to other adverse influences for the
humbling of the great interior power? Possibly Montezuma might grant
Cortés audience under circumstances yet to be. Thus the plan of the
conquest was conceived. The messengers were dismissed with presents
and the assurance of a speedy visit.[195]
According to Ixtlilxochitl, the first revelation of Aztec weakness
was made by his ancestor and namesake, the king of northern
Acolhuacan.[196] Fearing the power and treachery of Montezuma and his
allies, and hating the Aztecs with a perfect hatred, this prince had
hailed with joy the arrival of the Spaniards, and had gloated over
the terror with which their presence would inspire the emperor. The
prospect of gaining an ally who might aid his own ambitious plans
for supremacy, and for Mexican humiliation, impelled him to send an
embassy to Cortés with rich presents, and with instructions to explain
to the strangers the prevailing disaffection, the ease with which
the Aztecs might be overthrown, and the rare spoils that would accrue
to the conquerors. The interview with Cortés is placed at about the
same time as the Totonac visit, and Ixtlilxochitl is said to have
received the most friendly assurances from Cortés.[197] Be that as
it may, here was an incident which should crush all cavillings.
* * * * *
As well to examine the country as to inure the troops to whatever
experience should be theirs on this strange shore, Cortés with about
four hundred men and two light guns proceeded by land to Cempoala,
while the fleet with the heavy camp material and the remainder of
the expedition coasted farther northward to Quiahuiztlan.
Burning overhead was the sun; burning underfoot were the sands;
while on the one side was the tantalizing sea, and on the other
the tantalizing wood, both inviting by their cool refreshing airs.
Behind the dark-fringed forests rose old Orizaba,[198] laughing at
their distress beneath its cap of snow, and wondering why mortals so
superior should choose the deadly _tierra caliente_ country for their
promenade, when gentle, genial Anáhuac lay so near. But presently
the senses quickened to the aroma of vegetation; soft swards and
cultivated fields spread before them their living green, and the moist,
murmuring wood anon threw over them its grateful shade. If beside
grave thoughts on the stupendous matters then under consideration,
might find place such trifles of God’s creation as birds of brilliant
plumage and of sweet song, they were there in myriads to charm the
eye and ear; game to fill the stomach, though not so satisfying as
gold, always commanded attention, and was also plentiful.[199] Through
all, dispensing life and beauty on every side, flowed the Rio de la
Antigua, where a few years later rose old Vera Cruz.[200]
Crossing this stream with the aid of rafts and shaky canoes, the army
quartered on the opposite bank, in one of the towns there, which was
destitute alike of food and people, but which displayed the usual
ghastly indications of recent human sacrifice. The next morning they
followed the river westward, and soon after met a party of twelve
Totonacs, who had been sent by the Cempoalan ruler with presents of
food. By them the Spaniards were guided northward to a hamlet where a
bountiful supper was provided.[201] While marching the next day, with
scouts deployed as usual to guard against ambuscades, they emerged
from a dense tropical forest into the midst of gardens and orchards,
and by a sudden turn in the road the bright buildings of Cempoala
stood forth to view.
Just then twenty nobles appeared and offered welcome. They were
followed by slaves, and instantly the travel-worn army was revelling
in fruits and flowers. What more beautiful reception could have been
given? yet the Spaniards would have preferred a shower of gold. To
Cortés were given bouquets; a garland, chiefly of roses, was flung
around his neck, and a wreath placed upon his helmet. Species of
pineapples and cherries, juicy zapotes, and aromatic anones were
distributed to the men without stint. Almost the entire populace of
the city, some twenty-five thousand,[202] staring their wonderment
with open eyes and mouth, thronged either side of the way along which
marched the army in battle array, headed by the cavalry. Never before
had the Spaniards seen so beautiful an American city. Cortés called it
Seville, a name which Spaniards frequently applied to any place that
pleased them, as we have seen, while the soldiers, charmed with its
floral wealth and beauty, termed it Villaviciosa, and declared it a
terrestrial paradise. One of the cavalry scouts, on first beholding
the freshly stuccoed walls gleaming in the sun, came galloping back
with the intelligence that the houses were silver-plated. It was indeed
an important place, holding a large daily market. A central plaza
was inclosed by imposing temples and palaces, resting on pyramidal
foundations, lined with apartments and surmounted by towers, and
around clustered neat dwellings with whitened adobe walls embowered
in foliage. Statelier edifices of masonry, some having several
court-yards, rose here and there, while in every direction spread
an extensive suburb of mud huts with the never failing palm-leaf
roof. Yet even the humblest abodes were smothered in flowers.[203]
The people also, as we might expect by their surroundings, were of a
superior order, well formed, of intelligent aspect, clothed in neat
white and colored cotton robes and mantles, the nobles being adorned
with golden necklaces, bracelets, and nose and lip rings, set with
pearls and precious stones.
When the troops reached the plaza, Chicomacatl,[204] lord of the
province, stepped from the palace to receive his guests. He was
supported by two nobles, and though enormously stout,[205] his features
denoted high intelligence, and his manner refinement. He was more
of a gentleman than many of the Spaniards, whose merriment over his
corpulence Cortés was obliged to repress. After saluting and wafting
incense before the commander of the strange company, Chicomacatl
embraced Cortés and led him to his quarters in the spacious halls
adjoining the temple, after which he retired for a time. There the
men rested and refreshed themselves, guards being carefully posted,
for Cortés would not trust his fate to strangers, and strict orders
were given that no one should leave the building.[206]
It was not long before Chicomacatl returned in a litter with a richly
attired suite, bringing presents of fine robes, and jewels worth
about two thousand ducats. During the conversation that ensued,
Cortés as usual extolled the greatness and power of his king, and
spoke warmly of his mission to replace their bloody religion with
a knowledge of the true God. Were there wrongs to redress, that is
to say, when opportunity offered for the perpetration of a greater
wrong by himself, no knight of La Mancha or Amadis of Gaul could
be more valiant than he. In return the chief of Cempoala unbosomed
himself, for the manner of Cortés was winning, and his speech inspired
confidence whenever he chose to make it so. Then his fame, already
wide-spread over the land, and the dim uncertainty as to his nature,
whether more celestial or terrestrial, added weight to his words.
So Chicomacatl poured forth from an overflowing heart a torrent of
complaints against the tyranny of Montezuma. He drew for the Spaniards
a historic outline of the Aztecs—how a people the youngest in the
land had, at first by cunning and treachery, and finally by forced
allies and preponderance of arms, built their power upon the ruin of
older states. The Totonacs, whose records as an independent nation in
this region extended over seven centuries, had succumbed only some
twenty-five years before this.[207] And now Montezuma’s collectors
overran the provinces, gathering heavy tributes, seizing the beautiful
maidens, and conveying the men into slavery or to the sacrificial
stone. Neither life, liberty, nor property could be enjoyed with any
degree of safety.
Whereat Cortés of course was indignant. It was his special business
to do all the tyrannizing in that region himself; his sword would
give ample protection to his new allies, and bring abundant honor
to his king and himself. Let but the people prove loyal to him, he
concluded, and he surely would deliver them from the hated yoke;
yet he did not mention the more fatal bondage into which he would
place them. Chicomacatl eagerly assured Cortés of support from the
Totonacs, numbering fifty thousand warriors, with numerous towns and
fortresses.[208] Furthermore, there were many other states ready to
join an insurrection which should prove strong enough to brave the
terrible Montezuma.
Their visit over,[209] the Spaniards continued their march northward
to join the fleet. Four hundred _tlamamas_, or carriers, attended, in
courtesy to honored guests, to relieve the soldiers of their burdens.
The following day they reached Quiahuiztlan, a fortified town about
a league from the sea. This town was picturesquely placed on a rocky
promontory bordering one of the many wild ravines thereabout, and of
difficult access, commanding the plain and harbor at its base.[210]
The army advanced cautiously, in battle array,[211] but the place
was deserted. On reaching the plaza, however, some fifteen chiefs
came forward with swinging censers, and apologized, saying that the
people had fled, not knowing what the strange arrival portended, but
reassured by the Cempoalans, they were already returning to serve
them. The soldiers then took possession of a large building, where
food was brought them. Presently the chief appeared; and close at his
heels in hot haste came the lord of Cempoala, who announced that the
Aztec collectors had entered his city.[212] While conferring with
Cortés and the chiefs assembled, Chicomacatl was informed that the
collectors, five[213] in number, had followed him to Quiahuiztlan, and
were even then at the door. All the chiefs present turned pale, and
hastened out to humble themselves before the officers, who responded
with disdainful condescension. The officers were clad in embroidered
robes, with a profusion of jewelry, and wore the hair gathered upon
the crown. In the right hand they carried their insignia of office, a
hooked carved stick, and in the left a bunch of roses, the ever welcome
offering of the obsequious Totonac nobles who swelled their train.
A suite of servitors followed, some with fans and dusters, for the
comfort of their masters. Passing the Spanish quarter without deigning
to salute the strangers, the emissaries of the mighty Montezuma
entered another large building, and after refreshing themselves
summoned the tributary chiefs, reprimanded them for having received
the Spaniards without permission from Montezuma, and demanded twenty
young persons for an atoning sacrifice. Well might the demoniacal
order cause to tremble every youth throughout the land; for whose
turn should be next none could tell. Even the faces of the chiefs
were blanched as they told Cortés, informing him also that it was
already determined in Aztec circles to make slaves of the Spaniards,
and after being used awhile for purposes of procreation, they were
to be sacrificed.[214] Cortés laughed, and ordered the Totonacs to
seize the insolent officials. What! lay violent hands on Montezuma’s
messengers? The very thought to them was appalling. Nevertheless they
did it, for there was something in the tone of Cortés that made them
obey, though they could not distinguish the meaning of his words.
They laid hold on those tax-men of Montezuma, put collars on their
necks, and tied their hands and feet to poles.[215] Their timidity
thus broken, they became audacious, and demanded the sacrifice of the
prisoners.[216] “By no means,” Cortés said, and he himself assumed
their custody.
Howsoever the cards fall to him, a skilful gamester plays each
severally, nothing cavilling, at its worth. So Cortés now played
these messengers, the method assuming form in his mind immediately he
saw them. With him this whole Mexican business was one great game,
a life game, though it should last but a day; and as the agencies
and influences of it fell into his fingers, with the subtlety of the
serpent he dealt them out, placing one here and another there, playing
with equal readiness enemy against enemy, and multiplying friends by
friends.
These so lately pride-puffed tribute-men, now low laid in the depths
of despondency—how shall they be played? Well, let them be like him
who fell amongst thieves, while the Spanish commander acts the good
Samaritan. In pursuance of which plan, when all had retired for the
night, he went stealthily to them, asked who they were, and why they
were in that sad plight, pretending ignorance. And when they told
him, this rare redresser was angry, hot with indignation that the
noble representatives of so noble a monarch should be so treated.
Whereupon he instantly released two of them, comforting the others
with the assurance that their deliverance should quickly follow; for
the emperor Montezuma he esteemed above all emperors, and he desired
to serve him, as commanded by his king. Then he sent the twain down
the coast in a boat, beyond the Totonac boundary.
Next morning, when told that two of the Aztec captives had broken
their bonds and escaped, the Totonacs were more urgent than ever for
the immolation of the others. But Cortés again said no, and arranged
that they should be sent in chains on board one of his vessels,
determined afterward to release them, for they were worth far more
to his purpose alive than dead.
* * * * *
It is refreshing at this juncture to hear pious people censure Cortés
for his duplicity, and to hear other pious people defend him on the
ground of necessity, or otherwise. Such men might with equal reason
wrangle over the method by which it was right and honorable for the
tiger to spring and seize the hind. The one great wrong is lost sight
of in the discussion of numerous lesser wrongs. The murderer of an
empire should not be too severely criticised for crushing a gnat
while on the way about the business.[217]
* * * * *
At the suggestion of Cortés, messengers were sent to all the towns of
the province, with orders to stop the payment of tribute and to seize
the collectors, but to spare their lives. Information was likewise
to be given to the neighboring nations, that all might prepare to
resist the force which Montezuma would probably send against them. The
Totonacs became wild with joy, and declared that the little band who
dare so brave Montezuma must be more than men.[218] To Quiahuitzlan
flocked chiefs and nobles from all parts, eager to behold these beings,
and to ascertain their own future course of action. There were those
among them still timid, who urged an embassy to the king of kings,
to beseech pardon before his army should be upon them, slaying,
enslaving, and laying waste; but Cortés had already influence, was
already strong enough to allay their fears, and bring them all into
allegiance to the Spanish sovereign, exacting their oath before the
notary Godoy to support him with all their forces. Thus, by virtue
of this man’s mind, many battles were fought and won without the
striking of a blow. Already every Spaniard there was a sovereign,
and the meanest soldier among them a ruler of men.
FOOTNOTES
[176] _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 27. Herrera, dec.
ii. lib. v. cap. vi., and others refer to a similar number
as being on the sick-list. Yellow fever, or vómito negro,
now the scourge of this and adjoining regions, appears to
have developed with the growth of European settlements, and
Clavigero states that it was not known there before 1725.
_Storia Mess._, i. 117.
[177] ‘Hasta el parage del rio grande de Pánuco,’ _Herrera_,
loc. cit. ‘Llegaron al parage del rio grande, que es cerca
de Panuco, adonde otra vez llegamos quãdo lo del Capitá
Juan de Grijalua.’ _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 27.
[178] ‘Doze dias que gastaron en este peligroso viage.’
_Herrera_, ubi sup. ‘Boluiose al cabo de tres semanas ...
le salian los de la costa, y se sacauã sangre, y se la
ofreciã en pajuelos por amistad a deidad.’ _Gomara_, _Hist.
Mex._, 45.
[179] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, 289. Quiauitl, rain
or shower. _Molina_, _Vocabulario_. Hence rainy place.
Herrera calls it Chianhuitzlan, and this has been adopted
by Clavigero and most other writers. Prescott, _Mex._, i.
348, in a note holds up Clavigero as a standard for the
spelling of Mexican names, but he forgets that the Italian
form, as in the above case, would be misleading to English
people.
[180] ‘Le llamarõ Vernal, por ser, como es, vn Cerro alto.’
_Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt. iii. 115. This may have
been the origin of the name for the Spanish port, after
which Bernal Diaz says it was called. _Hist. Verdad._, 27.
He applies the name to a neighboring fort, spelling it in
different ways, of which Solis, and consequently Robertson,
have selected the most unlikely. Gomara applies Aquiahuiztlan
to the harbor. _Hist. Mex._, 49.
[181] Bernal Diaz relates with great satisfaction how
earnestly the speaker pleaded for his vote, addressing
him repeatedly as ‘your worship.’ One reason for their
earnestness, he implies, was the superiority in number
of the Velazquez party. ‘Los deudos, y amigos del Diego
Velazquez, que eran muchos mas que nosotros.’ _Bernal Diaz_,
_Hist. Verdad._, 28-9. He forms this estimate most likely
on the proportion of leaders who from jealousy of Cortés,
and for other reasons, were addicted to Velazquez; but
their men were probably more in favor of the general than
of the captains, to judge from the result. The sailors for
obvious reasons may have added to the Velazquez number, if
not to their strength.
[182] ‘Se hazia mucho de rogar: y como dize el refran: Tu
me lo ruegas, è yo me lo quiero.’ _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist.
Verdad._, 29.
[183] ‘Se puso vna picota en la plaça, y fuera de la Uilla
vna horca.’ _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 29; _Vetancvrt_,
_Teatro Mex._, pt. iii. 116. This signifies that justice
was installed, its officers being next appointed.
[184] See note 23, chap. ii., this volume.
[185] ‘Nombrónos ... por alcaldes y regidores,’ say
distinctly the appointed officers themselves, in their
letter to the emperor. _Carta del Ayunt._, in _Cortés_,
_Cartas_, 20. Bernal Diaz also indicates that Cortés made the
appointments, although he at first says, ‘hizimos Alcalde,
y Regidores.’ Yet it is probable that the authorities were
confirmed formally as they were tacitly by the members of
the expedition; for Cortés, as he acknowledges, had no real
authority to form a settlement.
[186] _Testimonio de Montejo_, in _Col. Doc. Inéd._, i.
489. ‘Â este Montejo porque no estaua muy bien con Cortés,
por metelle en los primeros, y principal, le mandò nombrar
por Alcalde.’ _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 29.
[187] _Herrera_, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. vii; _Torquemada_, i.
587. Bernal Diaz skips the regidores. He thinks Villareal was
not reappointed alférez because of a difficulty with Cortés
about a Cuban female. _Hist. Verdad._, 29; _Vetancvrt_,
_Teatro Mex._, pt. iii. 116. Promotion and other causes
gave speedy rise to changes among the officials; Ávila, for
instance, becoming alcalde mayor of New Spain, and Pedro
de Alvarado alcalde of the town.
[188] ‘Los q̄ para esto estauã auisados, sin dar lugar
a que nadie tomasse la mano. A vozes respõdierõ Cortes,
Cortes.’ _Herrera_, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. vii. Bernal
Diaz merely intimates that a ‘packed’ meeting was held, by
stating that the men of Velazquez were furious on finding
Cortés and the municipality elected, declaring, ‘q̄ no era
bien hecho sin ser sabidores dello todos los Capitanes, y
soldados.’ _Hist. Verdad._, 29. This indicates also that
many of the opponents must have been sent away from camp
for the occasion, perhaps on board the vessels. Montejo
had besides a number with him.
[189] ‘El qual como si nada supiera del caso, preguntò
que era lo que mandauã.’ Having signified his acceptance,
‘Quisierõ besarle las manos por ello, como cosa al bien de
todos.’ _Herrera_, ubi sup.
[190] Gomara says frankly, ‘Cortés acepto el cargo de capitan
general y justicia mayor, a pocos ruegos, porq̄ no desseaua
otra cosa mas por entonces.’ _Hist. Mex._, 48. ‘Y no tuvo
vergüenza Gomara,’ is Las Casas’ comment on the admission.
_Hist. Ind._, iv. 496. Bernal Diaz states that Cortés had
made it a condition, when the army pleaded to remain in the
country, that he should receive these offices: ‘Y lo peor de
todo que le otorgamos que le dariamos el quinto del oro.’
_Hist. Verdad._, 29. The letter of the ayuntamiento to the
emperor sets forth that they had represented to Cortés the
injustice of trading gold for the sole benefit of Velazquez
and himself, and the necessity of securing the country
and its wealth for the king by founding a colony, which
would also benefit them all in the distribution of grants.
They had accordingly urged him to stop barter as hitherto
carried on, and to found a town. It is then related how he
yielded his own interest in favor of king and community,
and appointed them alcaldes and regidores. His authority
having in consequence become null, they appointed him in
the king’s name justicia, alcalde mayor, and captain, as
the ablest and most loyal man, and in consideration of his
expenses and services so far. _Carta 10 Jul., 1519_, in
_Cortés_, _Cartas_, 19-21. Both Puertocarrero and Montejo
confirm, in their testimony before the authorities in
Spain, that Cortés yielded to the general desire in doing
what he did. _Col. Doc. Inéd._, i. 489, 493-4. According to
Gomara, Cortés makes a trip into the neighboring country,
and, finding how rich it is, he proposes to settle, and
to send the vessels to Cuba for more men wherewith to
undertake the conquest. This was approved: Cortés accordingly
appointed the municipality, and resigning the authority
conferred by the Jeronimite Fathers and by Velazquez, as
now useless, these officers in turn elected him as their
captain-general and justicia mayor. The council proposed
that, since the only provisions remaining belonged to
Cortés, he should take from the vessels what he needed for
himself and servants, and distribute the rest among the
men at a just price, their joint credit being pledged for
payment. The fleets and outfit were to be accepted by the
company in the same way, the vessels to be used to carry
provisions from the islands. Scorning the idea of trading
his possessions, Cortés surrendered the fleet and effects
for free distribution among his companions. Although liberal
at all times with them, this act was prompted by a desire
to gain good-will. _Hist. Mex._, 46-8; Herrera, dec. ii.
lib. v. cap. vii.; _Torquemada_, i. 395, 587. Las Casas
terms the whole transaction, as related by Gomara and the
ayuntamiento, a plot to defraud Velazquez of his property
and honors. Comparing the conduct of Cortés with that
of Velazquez against Colon, he finds the latter trifling
and pardonable, while the former was a barefaced robbery,
resulting to Velazquez in loss of fortune, honors, and life.
The captains were accomplices. _Hist. Ind._, iv. 453, 494-6.
Peter Martyr gives the facts in brief without venturing an
opinion, dec. v. cap. i.; _Zumárraga_, in _Ramirez_, _Doc._,
MS., 271-2. Cortés still held out the offer to furnish a
vessel for those who preferred to return to Cuba. As for
Velazquez’ goods, they remained safely in charge of the
authorized agent, who also recovered the advances made to
members. See note 5, cap. v.
[191] As for the ayuntamiento, the passive recognition
accorded to it, confirmed as it was by the popularly elected
general, may be regarded as sufficient. Spanish municipal
bodies possessed an extensive power conferred upon them
during successive reigns, chiefly with a view to afford
the sovereign a support against the assuming arrogance of
the nobles. Their deliberations were respected; they could
appoint members, regulate their expenses, and even raise
troops under their own standard. As an instance of the
consideration enjoyed by these troops, it is related that
Isabella the Catholic, when reviewing the army besieging
Moclin, gave a special salute of respect to the banner of
Seville. _Alaman_, _Disert._, i. 612; _Zamacois_, _Hist.
Méj._, ii. 401-2.
[192] According to Gomara, Cortés enters the country with
400 men and all the horses, before the election had been
mooted. He describes the towns visited. _Hist. Mex._, 46-8.
Bernal Diaz pronounces the number of men and the time of
entry false. He also states that Montejo was bought over
for 2000 pesos and more. _Hist. Verdad._, 30.
[193] According to Bernal Diaz, _Hist. Verdad._, 30,
gold played an important role in effecting this change of
allegiance, termed by Velazquez, in his Memorials to Spain,
a witchery. Solis sees nothing but the dignified yet clever
traits of his hero in all this.
[194] The soldiers called them Lopelucios, because their
first inquiry was Lopelucio, ‘chief,’ whom they wished to
see. They had not ventured to approach while the Mexicans
were at the camp. _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 28.
[195] According to Gomara, followed by Herrera, the Totonacs
were about twenty in number, and came while Teuhtlile was
absent on his second mission to Mexico, without bringing
a direct invitation to the Spaniards. _Hist. Mex._, 43-4.
[196] See _Native Races_, v. 475-7.
[197] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, 288. This author
is not very careful, however, and his desire to court
the Spaniards has no doubt led him to antedate the event.
Brasseur de Bourbourg accepts his story in full. _Hist. Nat.
Civ._, iv. 87-8. A similar revelation is claimed to have
been made by two Aztec chiefs, Vamapantzin and Atonaltzin,
who came to the camp in the retinue of the first messengers
from Mexico. Descendants of the early Aztec kings, and
discontented with the present ruler, they promised Cortés
to deliver certain native paintings foretelling the coming
of white men, to reveal the whereabouts of the imperial
treasures, and to plot an uprising among native states in
aid of Spaniards. For these services they received extensive
grants after the conquest, including that of Ajapusco town.
The document recording this is a fragment which Zerecero
parades in the opening part of his _Mem. Rev. Méx._, 8-14,
as a discovery by him in the Archivo General. It pretends
to be a title to Ajapusco lands, and contains on the first
pages a letter signed by Cortés at San Juan de Ulua, ‘20
March,’ 1519, as ‘Captain-general and governor of these
New Spains.’ Both the date and titles stamp the letter at
least as more than suspicious.
[198] The natives called it Citlaltepetl, starry mountain,
with reference probably to the sparks issuing from it. For
height, etc., see _Humboldt_, _Essai Pol._, i. 273. Brasseur
de Bourbourg gives it the unlikely name of Ahuilizapan.
_Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 99. The ending ‘pan’ implies a
district or town, not a mountain. The description in _Carta
del Ayunt._, in _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 22-3, expresses doubt
whether the whiteness of the summit is due to snow or to
clouds.
[199] Alvarado chased a deer, and succeeded in wounding
it, but the next moment the dense underbrush saved it
from pursuit. The _Carta del Ayunt._, loc. cit., gives a
list of birds and quadrupeds; and a descriptive account,
founded greatly on fancy, however, is to be found in the
curious _Erasmi Francisci Guineischer und Americanischer
Blumen-Pusch_, Nürnberg, 1669, wherein the compiler presents
under the title of a nosegay the ‘perfume of the wonders of
strange animals, of peculiar customs, and of the doings of
the kings of Peru and Mexico.’ The first of its two parts
is devoted to the animal kingdom, with particular attention
to the marvellous, wherein credulity finds free play, as
may be seen also in the flying dragon of one of the crude
engravings. In the second part, the aborigines, their
history, condition, and customs, are treated of, chiefly
under Peru and Mexico, chapter v. relating specially to
the latter country. The narrative is quite superficial and
fragmentary; the ‘nosegay’ being not only common but faded,
even the style and type appearing antiquated for the date.
Appended is _Hemmersam_, _Guineische und West-Indianische
Reissbeschreibung_, with addition by Dietherr, relating to
Africa and Brazil.
[200] ‘A tres leguas andadas llego al rio que parte termino
con tierras de Montecçuma.’ _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 49;
_Torquemada_, i. 395.
[201] Gomara, who ignores the previous night’s camp, states
that the detour up the river was made to avoid marshes.
They saw only isolated huts, and fields, and also about
twenty natives, who were chased and caught. By them they
were guided to the hamlet. _Hist. Mex._, 49. They met one
hundred men bringing them food. _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist.
Chich._, 289. Prescott allows the Spaniards to cross only
a tributary of la Antigua, and yet gain Cempoala. _Mex._,
i. 339-40.
[202] Las Casas says 20,000 to 30,000. _Hist. Ind._, iv.
492. Torquemada varies in different places from 25,000 to
150,000. The inhabitants were moved by Conde de Monterey
to a village in Jalapa district, and in Torquemada’s time
less than half a dozen remained. i. 397. ‘Dista de Vera-Cruz
quatro leguas, y las ruínas dan á entender la grandeza de
la Ciudad; pero es distinto de otro Zempoal ... que dista
de este doze leguas.’ _Lorenzana_, in _Cortés_, _Hist. N. España_,
39. ‘Assentada en vn llano entre dos rios.’ A league and
a half from the sea. _Herrera_, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. viii.
[203] ‘Cempoal, que yo intitulé Sevilla.’ _Cortés_, _Cartas_,
52. See _Native Races_, ii. 553-90; iv. 425-63, on Nahua
architecture.
[204] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, 294. Brasseur de
Bourbourg, by a misconstruction of his authorities, calls
him Tlacochcalcatl. _Codex Chimalpopoca_, in _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 93. See _Sahagun_, _Hist.
Conq._, 16.
[205] ‘Una gordura monstruosa.... Fue necesario que Cortés
detuviesse la risa de los soldados.’ _Solis_, _Hist. Mex._,
i. 175.
[206] ‘Se hizo el alojamento en el patio del Templo mayor.’
_Herrera_, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. viii.
[207] For the reigns of their kings, see _Torquemada_, i.
278-80. Robertson, _Hist. Am._, ii. 31, wrongly assumes the
Totonacs to be a fierce people, different from Cempoalans.
[208] ‘Toda aquella provincia de Cempoal y toda la sierra
comarcana á la dicha villa, que serán hasta cinquenta
mil hombres de guerra y cincuenta villas y fortalezas.’
_Cortés_, _Cartas_, 53. ‘Cien mil hõbres entre toda la
liga.’ _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 57. ‘En aquellas tierras de
la lengua de Totonaque, que eran mas de trienta pueblos.’
_Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 31. The province appears
to have extended from Rio de la Antigua to Huaxtecapan, in
the north of Vera Cruz, and from the sea to Zacatlan, in
Puebla. Patiño assumes Mixquhuacan to have been the capital,
but this must be a mistake.
[209] Gomara relates that the army remained at Cempoala
fifteen days, during which frequent visits were made by
the lord, Cortés paying the first return visit on the third
day, attended by fifty soldiers. He describes briefly the
palace, and how Cortés, seated by the side of the lord,
on icpalli stools, now won his confidence and adhesion.
_Hist. Mex._, 51-3; _Tapia_, _Rel._, in _Icazbalceta_,
_Col. Doc._, ii. 561; _Herrera_, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. x.
Bernal Diaz declares Gomara wrong, and insists that they
proceeded on their way the following day. _Hist. Verdad._,
31; _Clavigero_, _Storia Mess._, iii. 26-7.
[210] For illustrated description of barranca ruins, see
_Native Races_, iv. 439 et seq.
[211] Ávila, who had command, was so strict as to lance
Hernando Alonso de Villanueva for not keeping in line.
Lamed in the arm, he received the nickname of el Manquillo.
_Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 31. The riders were obliged
to retain their seats, lest the Indians should suppose that
the horses could be deterred by any obstacles. _Gomara_,
_Hist. Mex._, 53.
[212] _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt. iii. 117. Others
suppose that he came merely to persuade the cacique to join
Cortés. _Clavigero_, _Storia Mess._, iii. 27.
[213] Four men. _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, 289.
‘Twenty men,’ says Gomara, _Hist. Mex._, 54, who does not
refer to the arrival of Cempoala’s lord.
[214] ‘Monteçuma tenia pensamiẽnto, ... de nos auer todos á
las manos, para que hiziessemos generacion, y tambien para
tener que sacrificar.’ _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 28.
[215] ‘Carcerati nelle loro gabbie,’ is the way Clavigero
puts it. _Storia Mess._, iii. 28. One was even whipped for
resisting.
[216] ‘Porque no se les fuesse alguno dellos á dar mandado
á Mexico,’ is Bernal Diaz’ reason for it. _Hist. Verdad._,
32.
[217] ‘Condotta artifiziosa, e doppia,’ etc., says Clavigero,
_Storia Mess._, iii. 28, while Solis lauds it as ‘Grande
artífice de medir lo que disponia, con lo que rezelaba: y
prudente Capitan.’ _Hist. Mex._, i. 186.
[218] ‘Desde alli adelante nos llamaron Teules,’ says Bernal
Diaz, with great satisfaction. _Hist Verdad._, 32. ‘A los
Españoles llamaron _teteuh_, que quiere decir dioses, y
los Españoles corrompiendo el vocablo decian _teules_, el
cual nombre les duró mas de tres años,’ till we stopped it,
declaring that there was but one God. _Motolinia_, _Hist.
Ind._, i. 142-3. See note 16.