THE VOYAGE.
1519.
SOMETHING OF THE CAPTAINS OF
CORTÉS—ALVARADO—MONTEJO—ÁVILA—OLID—SANDOVAL—LEON—ORDAZ—MORLA—THE
PASSAGE—THE FLEET STRUCK BY A SQUALL—ARRIVAL AT
COZUMEL—ALVARADO CENSURED—SEARCH FOR THE CAPTIVE
CHRISTIANS—ARRIVAL OF AGUILAR—HIS CHASTE ADVENTURES—THEY COME
TO TABASCO RIVER—BATTLES THERE—CONQUEST OF THE NATIVES—PEACE
MADE—TWENTY FEMALE SLAVES AMONG THE PRESENTS—THE FLEET
PROCEEDS ALONG THE SHORE—PUERTOCARRERO’S WITTICISM—ARRIVAL AT
SAN JUAN DE ULUA.
As the everlasting waves that bowl his ships along are discoursing to
Cortés of his destiny, let us make the acquaintance of his captains,
some of whom are to play parts in the Anáhuac amphitheatre secondary
only to his own.
First, there was the fiery and impetuous Pedro de Alvarado, a hero
of the Achilles or Sir Lancelot school, strong and symmetrical as
a goddess-born; haughty, choleric, sometimes stanch and generous;
passionate in his loves and hates, with the usual mixture of license,
loyalty, and zeal for the church. He had not eyes to see, from where
he stood in the warfare of his day, at once the decline of the fiercer
barbarism and the dawn of a truer and gentler heroism. Already we
have discovered flashes of temper and tendencies to treachery that
display his character by too sulphurous a flame; but we shall find
in him much to admire as conquistador and governor.
Alvarado was about the age of Cortés, Bajadoz being his native
place. There his father, Diego de Alvarado, comendador de Lobon in
the order of Santiago, and his mother, Sara de Contreras, struggled
with poverty to maintain the reputation of a good family name. At
the age of twenty-five Pedro came over to Santo Domingo, and prompted
by vanity paraded himself in an old gown of his fathers, whereon was
sewn the red cross of Santiago. At first he wore this garment inside
out, giving as a reason his reduced circumstances which made him
ashamed to publicly own the rank of knight. On being reproved by the
admiral, he boldly affixed the insignia to his other dresses, and
thenceforth called and signed himself the Comendador Alvarado.[104]
The title was never openly questioned in the Indies, where men had
little time for inquiring into the affairs of others, and Alvarado
failed not with his plausible tongue and crafty nature to use it for
obtaining certain privileges and advancement.
When Grijalva prepared his expedition he was living as an encomendero,
near Trinidad, in Cuba, with five brothers.[105] As captain under
this chief he gave evidence of an enterprising nature, combined with
an impatiency of restraint which ill fitted a subordinate. The want
of principle already shown by his conduct at Santo Domingo was here
made apparent in the attempt to injure his commander with Velazquez,
in order to further his own ends. His now prominent position as a
well-to-do gentleman, and the experience gathered under Grijalva,
had made him a welcome member of the present expedition. He had
also acquired the reputation of a good soldier and horseman, with
a bravery bordering on recklessness, and was a great favorite with
his men, among whom he also ranked as an able drill master. With an
agile frame, he presented a most cheerful and pleasing countenance,
fair, some called it, with a tendency to ruddiness. Its attraction
centred chiefly in the eyes, and afterward obtained for him among the
Indians of Tlascala the appellation of _Tonatiuh_, the Sun.[106] His
first glance thrown upon a combatant was the flash which was to be
followed by the thunderbolt. Vanity prompted a careful attention to
dress, but with a result approaching the showy rather than the elegant.
His manner, no less winning than the face, made him a most agreeable
companion, the more so as he was a liberal fellow, particularly with
respect to women, and to pleasures generally. Beneath this smiling
exterior, however, lay hidden an insatiable longing for power, and a
blind worship of gold as the purchaser of pleasure, and under their
influence he became at times so insensible to feelings of humanity
as to place him outside the category of greatness.[107]
Another of Grijalva’s captains here present was Francisco de Montejo,
who came from Spain with Pedrarias Dávila in 1514. After enlisting men
in Española, and aiding in the conquest of Cenú, he came to Cuba to
wield the sword for Velazquez; but while ranking as a brave officer
and a good horseman, he showed greater aptitude for business.
At the present time he was about thirty-five years of age, of medium
stature, and with a bright face, which indicated love for pleasure
and generous liberality.[108]
Alonso de Ávila, the third of Grijalva’s brave lieutenants, had also
a pleasant face and liberal disposition, combined with good reasoning
power, but was altogether too loud-spoken and argumentative, and
had an overbearing manner that created many enemies. He was about
thirty-three years of age. Cristóbal de Olid, a year his junior, was a
well formed, strong-limbed man, with wide shoulders and a somewhat fair
complexion. Despite the peculiarity of a groove in the lower lip, which
gave it the appearance of being split, the face was most attractive,
and the powerful voice helped to bear him out as a good talker. While
lacking in sincerity and depth of thought, and being little fit for
the council, he possessed qualities which, in connection with great
bravery and determination, made him an admirable executive officer;
but an ambition to command began to assert itself, and directed by
evil influence it brought about his fall a few years later. Bernal
Diaz calls him a very Hector in combat, and possessing, among other
good qualities, that of being liberal; on the whole an excellent
man, though unfit to be a leader.[109] The youngest of the captains,
the most worshipful and the most lovable, was Gonzalo de Sandoval,
an hidalgo of only twenty-two years, from Cortés’ own town, the son
of a fortress commandant, but with merely a rudimentary education.
Brave, intrepid, and with a good head, he was equally determined in
speech and in deportment, yet with a faultless obedience and loyalty
that won the confidence and esteem of his chief. With a strict eye to
discipline, he possessed also a kind, humane disposition, which gained
the love and respect of his men, whose comfort he studied far more
than his own. Plain in dress, and modest in manner and aspiration, he
was free from the greed which tainted so many around him. A soldier
in all qualities of the heart and mind, he was also physically fitted
for one. In battle he was as wrathful and as beautiful as Apollo
when he slew the Python. The robust frame, with its high chest and
broad shoulders, supported a full face adorned with short, curly,
nut-brown hair. The powerful voice, inclining at times to a lisp, was
exhibited more in the issue of brief command than in conversation;
for Don Gonzalo was as energetic to act as he was chary of words.
The slightly bow-legged limbs indicated an early training for the
saddle. Indeed, equestrian exercises were his delight, and his horse
Motilla, a chestnut with a white foot and a star on the forehead, is
described by Bernal Diaz as the finest he ever saw. Sandoval stands
before us not only as an admirable man, but as an ideal officer,
in his combined qualities of juvenile ardor and prudence, valor and
humanity, modesty of disposition and purity of heart. Cortés spoke of
him after his death with feelings of deepest regret, and represented
him to the emperor as one of the finest soldiers in the world, fit
to command armies.[110]
In Velazquez de Leon we find another admirable officer, who possesses
many traits in common with Sandoval. He is described as about four
years older than that chivalrous youth, with a well formed, powerful
frame, fine chest and shoulders, full face, set in a somewhat curled
and carefully tended beard. He was open with the hand, ready with
the sword, and an expert horseman. He bore the reputation of having
killed a prominent and rich man in a duel in Española, a deed which
had obliged him to seek refuge in Cuba with his relation Velazquez.
The most devoted adherent of Velazquez, although not bound to him
by ties of relationship, was his ancient mayordomo mayor, Diego de
Ordaz,[111] a powerful man, of large stature, with full face, thin,
dark beard, and stuttering speech. As a leader of foot-soldiers, for
he did not ride, he gained the reputation of possessing great daring,
as well as a good head; and among comrades he ranked as a liberal man
and a conversationalist. Of the other captains, Francisco de Salcedo,
reputed chief butler to the admiral of Castile, bore the sobriquet
of ‘Dandy’ from his spruce manner;[112] and Francisco de Morla is
spoken of as a valiant soldier and good horseman.[113]
On the way over the vessels were dispersed by a squall, but were
gathered by the flag-ship, some at Catoche, and some at Port San
Juan, on the north end of Cozumel Island, where they all finally
congregated.[114] Quite early in the adventure Cortés was called on
to spread before his unbridled associates the quality of discipline
they might expect. It seems that Alvarado arrived at Cozumel Island
two days before the fleet, and had begun to carry matters with rather
a high hand for a subordinate. He had entered two towns, taken three
persons captive, and seized some property of the natives. “Is this the
way to win to our purpose barbarous peoples?” exclaimed the indignant
Cortés. For failing to bring the vessel to the rendezvous at Cape San
Antonio, Alvarado’s pilot was placed in chains. A little later, seven
sailors were flogged for theft and perjury. The captives were soothed
with presents and liberated, the stolen articles restored, and with
the aid of Melchor, the interpreter, the fears of the natives were
assuaged.
In answer to his inquiries regarding the captive Christians, Cortés
was informed that two days’ journey in the interior of Yucatan bearded
men had been seen by Cozumel traders, not long since, whereupon two
vessels were despatched to Catoche under Ordaz, who was there to
await, one week, the return of three Indian messengers, sent with
presents to redeem the captives, and bearing a letter telling them
where to find their countrymen.[115]
While waiting events, Cortés landed the horses to explore and forage,
and employed the otherwise unoccupied men in military exercise. The
islanders were highly entertained, and thought the animals giant deer
and the ships water-houses. In return they gave the strangers cause
for wonderment not unmixed with wrath; for this was a sacred island,
in a heathen sense, and thither, from distant parts, resorted pilgrims
with offerings for sanguinary shrines. And when one feast-day the
priests of Baal, within their temple, arose before the people and
called upon the gods of their fathers, the excited Spaniards could
not contain themselves; Cortés stood forth and preached his religion
to the indignant savages, but failing in the desired effect, the
Spaniards rushed upon the idols, hurled them from their seats, and
planted in their place the emblem of their faith.[116]
In due time Ordaz returned without the lost Christians, greatly
to the disappointment of Cortés, who desired them particularly for
interpreters. The fleet then set sail, but was obliged to return,
owing to the leaky condition of Escalante’s vessel. While engaged
upon repairs one day, the Spaniards being encamped upon the shore, a
canoe was seen approaching the harbor from the mainland. Andrés de
Tapia and others hastened to the landing, where presently the boat
arrived, and four tawny undressed figures stepped upon the shore. One
was bearded, and his form a little bent, and as he advanced before
the others there was eager questioning in the piercing glance he threw
about him. Presently he cried out in ill-articulated speech, “Señores,
sois cristianos?” On being assured that they were, he dropped upon his
knees, and with tears falling from uplifted eyes thanked God for his
deliverance. Tapia saw it at a glance; this was one of the captives.
Hastily stepping forward, he caught the uncouth object in his arms,
raised him from the ground with a tender embrace, and conducted him
to camp.[117] But for the beard it would have been difficult, from
his outward appearance, to believe him a European. Naturally of a
dark complexion, he was now bronzed by exposure, and entirely naked
except for a breech-cloth and sandals. His crown was shorn, and the
remaining hair braided and coiled upon the head.[118] In his hand he
carried a net containing, among other things, a greasy prayer-book.
On being presented to Cortés he seemed dazed, scarcely knowing whether
to call himself savage or civilized. At best he could not all at once
throw himself out of the former and into the latter category; for when
his Indian companions squatted themselves before the captain-general,
and with the right hand, moistened by the lips, touched the ground
and then the region of the heart in token of reverence, impelled by
habit he found himself doing the same. Cortés was touched. Lifting
him up, he threw over the naked Spaniard his own yellow mantle, lined
with crimson. He asked his name, and the man said he was Gerónimo de
Aguilar, ordained in minor orders, a native of Ecija, and relative
of the Licenciado Marcos de Aguilar, known to Cortés in Española.
He and Gonzalo Guerrero, a sailor and a native of Palos, were the
sole survivors of the expedition which, nearly eight years before,
had left Darien for Española, under Valdivia, whose shipwreck and
horrible fate I have elsewhere detailed.[119]
If backward at the beginning in the use of his tongue, Aguilar talked
well enough when started, giving his thrilling experiences in words
which filled his listeners with amazement. On escaping from the lord
of Maya, who had eaten Valdivia and the others with the same relish
that the Cyclops ate the companions of Ulysses, the survivors threw
themselves on the mercy of a neighboring cacique called Ahkin Xooc.
He with his successor, Taxmar, enslaved them, and treated them so
severely that all died but himself and the sailor, Guerrero. There is a
law of relativity which applies to happiness and misery, no less than
to mental and physical consciousness. By ways widely different these
two men had saved themselves; the former by humility and chastity,
the latter by boldness and sensuality. Securing services under Nachan
Kan, cacique of Chetumal, the sailor adopted the dress and manners
of the people, rapidly rose in favor, became the chief captain of
his master, married a woman of rank, and began to rear a dusky race;
so that when the messengers of Cortés arrived he declined to be
ransomed.[120] Then blushing beneath his tawny skin the sanctified
Aguilar went on to tell of his own temptations and triumphs, in which
he had been as lonely as was Ethan Brand in hugging the unpardonable
sin. So sublime had been his patience and his piety under the drudgery
at first put upon him, that he too rose in the estimation of his
master, who was led to entrust him with more important matters. For
in all things pertaining to flesh and spirit he acted with so much
conscientiousness that Taxmar, a stranger to those who loved virtue
for its own sake, suspected the motives that inspired his captives. To
test his wonderful integrity, for he had noticed that Aguilar never
raised his eyes to look upon a woman, Taxmar once sent him for fish
to a distant station, giving him as sole companion a beautiful girl,
who had been instructed to employ all her arts to cause the Christian
to break his vow of continency. Care had been taken that there should
be but one hammock between them, and at night she bantered him to
occupy it with her; but stopping his ears to the voice of the siren,
he threw himself upon the cold, chaste sands, and passed the night
in peaceful dreams beneath the songs of heaven.[121]
Cortés smiled somewhat sceptically at this and like recitals, wherein
the sentiments expressed would have done honor to Scipio Africanus;
nevertheless, he was exceedingly glad to secure this man, even
though he had been a little less chaste and brave and cunning than he
represented himself to be. He found him not only useful but willing,
for this humble holy man was a great fighter, as he had said, and
was very ready to lead the Spaniards against his late master, though
pledged to peace and friendliness.
Early in March[122] the fleet again sailed, and after taking shelter
from a gale behind Punta de las Mujeres for one or two days, passed
round Catoche and along the Yucatan coast, hugging the shore to
note its features, and sending forth a growl of revenge on passing
Potonchan. Boca de Términos was now reached, whither Escobar had
been sent in advance to explore, and within the entrance of a little
harbor, to which a boat’s crew was guided by blazings, a letter was
found, hidden in a tree, from which circumstance the harbor was named
Puerto Escondido. The letter reported a good harbor, surrounded by rich
lands abounding in game; and soon after the fleet met the exploring
vessel, and learned of the important acquisition to the expedition
in Grijalva’s lost dog.[123] Off Rio de Tabasco the fleet came to
anchor, and the pilots knowing the bar to be low, only the smaller
vessels entered the river. Remembering the friendly reception accorded
Grijalva, the Spaniards were surprised to find the banks lined with
hostile bands, forbidding them to land. Cortés therefore encamped at
Punta de los Palmares, on an island about half a league up the river
from the mouth, and not far from the capital of the Nonohualcas, a
large town of adobe and stone buildings on the opposite mainland,
protected by a heavy stockade.[124]
In answer to a demand for water, the natives thereabout pointed to
the river; as for food, they would bring some on the morrow. Cortés
did not like the appearance of things; and when, during the night,
they began to remove their women and children from the town, he
saw that his work must begin here. More men and arms were landed on
the island, and Ávila was ordered to proceed to the mainland with
one hundred men, gain the rear of the town, and attack at a given
signal.[125] In the morning a few canoes arrived at the island with
scanty provisions, all that could be obtained, the natives said;
and further than this, the Spaniards must leave: if they attempted
to penetrate the interior, they would be cut off to a man. Cortés
answered that his duty to the great king he served required him to
examine the country and barter for supplies. Entering the vessels,
he ordered them to advance toward the town; and in the presence of
the royal notary, Diego de Godoy, he made a final appeal for peace,
as required by Spanish law, casting upon the natives the blame for
the consequences of their refusal. The reply came in the form of
yells, mingled with the noise of conchs, trumpets, and drums, and a
shower of arrows. The Spaniards drove their prows forward into the
mud. The Indians crowded round in canoes to prevent their landing. A
well directed volley at once cleared the way, and notified Ávila to
attack. Panic-stricken at the strangeness and suddenness of it all,
the natives fell back, but rallied at the call of their leaders, and
poured a shower of arrows on the Spaniards as they threw themselves
into the water to wade ashore, receiving them at the point of their
lances as they reached the bank. Tabasco’s men were powerful and brave.
The charge of cowardice had been flung at them by their neighbors for
having been friendly with the Spaniards on former occasions, and they
were now determined to vindicate their character for courage. Once on
solid ground the Spaniards rang their battle-cry of “Sus, Santiago,
á ellos!” Up, Santiago, and at them! and drove the enemy within the
stockade. A breach was quickly made, and the defenders chased some
distance up the streets, where they made a stand, shouting “La, la,
calachoni!” Strike at the chief! At this juncture Ávila appeared.
The natives saw the day was lost to them, and they turned and fled.
The Spaniards did not pursue very far, but halted in an open space,
where three stately temples invited to pillage, though little was
found worth taking, except some maize and fowl. During the action
eighteen Indians were killed and fourteen Spaniards wounded.[126]
In the formal taking of possession which followed, it was noticed by
those present that mention of the name of Velazquez was significantly
omitted.[127]
Next morning Alvarado and Francisco de Lugo, each with one hundred men,
were sent by different ways to reconnoitre and forage, with orders to
return before dark.[128] Melchor, on being called to accompany one
of them, was missing. Presently his clothes were discovered hanging
on a tree, indicating that he had gone over to the enemy. Lugo had
advanced not more than a league when, near a town called Centla, he
encountered a large body of warriors, who attacked him fiercely and
drove him back toward the camp. Alvarado had meanwhile been turned
by an estuary from his course and in the direction of Lugo. Hearing
the noise of battle he hastens to the assistance of Lugo, only to
be likewise driven back by the ever increasing hosts, and not until
Cortés came to the rescue with two guns did the enemy retire.[129]
The result, according to Bernal Diaz, was two of Lugo’s men killed
and eleven wounded, while fifteen Indians fell and three were captured.
Nor did the matter rest here. The captives told Cortés that Tabasco,
concerned at the arrival of so large a fleet which augured hostile
occupation, had aroused the province, the assembled chiefs being
also urged by Melchor to manfully expel the invaders, as the people
of Potonchan had done. To depart now would leave a stain upon the
generalship of Cortés in the eyes of both Spaniards and Indians such
as was not to be thought of. There must be a battle fought and won.
To this end all the horses, cross-bows, firelocks, and guns were
brought on shore. Thirteen of the best horsemen[130] were selected
to form a cavalry corps under the leadership of Cortés. The horses
were provided with poitrels having bells attached, and the riders
were to charge the thick of the enemy and strike at the face. Ordaz
was made chief of infantry and artillery, the latter being in special
charge of Mesa.[131] In order both to surprise the enemy and secure
good ground for the cavalry, Cortés resolved to advance at once on
Centla. It was annunciation day, the 25th of March, when the army
left camp and stood before Centla, in the midst of broad maize and
cocoa fields, intersected by irrigation ditches. The enemy were ready,
their dark forms appearing in the distance under an agitated sea of
glistening iztli. The cavalry now made a detour to gain their rear,
while the infantry marched straight on.[132] Formidable as was in
truth the Spanish army, the unsophisticated natives made light of
it, and came gayly forward to the combat in five squadrons, of eight
thousand warriors each,[133] as Bernal Diaz says, “all in flowing
plumes, with faces painted in red, white, and black, sounding drums
and trumpets, and flourishing lances and shields, two-handed swords,
fire-hardened darts, and slings, and every man protected by an armor
of quilted cotton.” They would encircle these impudent interlopers,
and did they not fall fainting beneath their brave yells and savage
music, they would crush them like flies. And by way of beginning,
they sent forth a cloud of arrows, stones, and charred darts, wounding
many and killing one, a soldier named Saldaña. The Spaniards answered
with their cross-bows and firelocks, and mowed the packed masses with
their cannon. The soft soil and ditches were less to the agile Indian
than to the heavily accoutred Spaniard.
It adds nothing to the honor of Spanish arms to throw in at this
juncture a miracle to terrify the already half-paralyzed Indians, who
might otherwise prove too strong for their steel-clad assailants; but
the records compel me. While in the dire embrace of heathen hordes,
midst thrust and slash and crash of steel and stone, the enemy hewn
down and driven back only to give place to thrice the number, behold,
upon a gray-spotted steed, a heavenly horseman appeared, and from a
slight eminence overlooking the bloody field he frowned confusion on
the foe. The heathen warriors were stricken powerless, enabling the
Spaniards to form anew; but when the horseman vanished, the Indians
rallied. Thrice, with the same effect, the awful apparition came and
went.[134] Then there were horsemen indeed, more real to the Spaniards,
but none the less spectral to the Indians. They had been detained by
the marshes intervening; and now, with swords and helmets glittering,
they rose in the enemy’s rear, and midst clang of arms and shouts of
Santiago y San Pedro, they threw themselves with terrible effect upon
him. What could the Indians do? Those that were not trampled or cut
to death turned and fled, and the Spaniards possessed the field. “And
this was the first preaching of the gospel in New Spain, by Cortés,”
remarks the caustic Las Casas.[135]
The Spaniards drew up at a grove to return thanks for this great
victory. A large number of the enemy were slain. Sixty of their own
number were wounded, and two lay dead; eight horses had been scratched,
and their wounds were cauterized and anointed with the fat of dead
Indians.[136] On returning to camp two of five captives, leading men,
were sent with presents to the cacique to represent the danger of
further hostility, and to propose a council of peace. Tabasco was very
ready to lay down arms, and he sent a propitiatory offering of fowl,
fried fish, and maize bread by messengers with blackened faces and
dressed in rags. Cortés answered with a reprimand, “Tell your master,
if he desires peace he must sue for it, and not send slaves.” Tabasco
hastened to comply, and sent immediately to Cortés an embassy of
forty chiefs, richly clad and walking in stately procession, followed
by a file of slaves bearing presents. Low bowing before the bearded
assembly, and swinging before them the censer in token of reverence,
the ambassador implored pardon, and proffered submission. “The blame
is all your own,” said Cortés, with severity. The Indians acquiesced,
though it puzzled them to know for what they were to blame. Cortés
further informed them that the great king, his master, had sent him
to scatter blessings, if they were found deserving; if not, to let
loose upon them the caged lightning and the thunder which he carried.
Whereat the gun charged for the occasion was fired, and as the noise
reverberated over the hills and the ball went crashing through the
trees, the Indians fell prostrate with fear, and the noble Europeans
were proud of their superiority.
Reassured against further punishment, the next trick played upon
them was to tie a mare in the bushes in sight of a stallion which
they paraded before their visitors; and when he neighed and reared
and plunged to get to his mate, the natives were told that the great
beast was angry because of the peace that was being made, and only
further gifts would pacify him.
On the following morning Tabasco presented himself in person, attended
by a large retinue, and bringing presents, among which were some gold
ornaments of little value and twenty female slaves. The terms dictated
by Cortés were that they should return their women and children to
the village within two days, in token of their good faith, and that
the treacherous Melchor should be delivered up. But the unfortunate
interpreter had already suffered death in return for his bad advice.
It was useless to demand gold, for there was little or none here.
So they proceeded at once to expound the doctrines of their faith;
to lay before them the truths of the gospel which they had come so
far to bring. An altar was erected in the chief temple on which was
placed a large cross. From this altar Father Olmedo preached to the
natives, and here were baptized the first converts to the church in
New Spain, consisting of the twenty female slaves, who were afterward
distributed among the leaders. Then followed the ceremonial tender of
allegiance by the chiefs of Tabasco’s province to the Spanish king,
and the formal naming of the large town, which was called Santa María
de la Victoria, in commemoration of the victory.[137]
Palm Sunday being at hand, it was resolved to celebrate it in such
a manner as to further impress the natives. Attired in their most
brightly colored garments, with palms in their hands and banners aloft,
the Spaniards marched in solemn procession, to harmonious chants, about
the temple; and when these doughty men of war humbled themselves before
the symbols of their faith, the wondering heathen thought that great
indeed must be the god worshipped by such beings. After commending
the sacred emblems to the care of the chiefs, with a promise to send
holy men to teach them the true faith, and with assurances of royal
protection, the Spaniards bade the Nonohualcas farewell, and were
shortly on their way again.
Keeping close to the shore for purposes of observation, the several
places observed and named by Grijalva were pointed out to Cortés and
commented upon by those who had accompanied the former expedition.
Certain of the new captains took umbrage at this assumption of superior
knowledge, accompanied by liberal proffers of advice; and one of
them, the polished Puertocarrero, broke out in a strain of pleasant
sarcasm. “It seems to me, señor,” he said, taking the incidents
of a well-known romance for his text, “as if these gentlemen would
enlighten you, in the words of the father of Montesinos:
Behold France, Montesinos;
Behold Paris, the city;
Behold the waters of Douro,
Where they fall into the sea!
Now I would humbly suggest that your worship yourself should seek out
rich lands and learn to govern them wisely.” Catching the significance
of the words, Cortés replied: “Let God only grant success to our arms,
as he did to Paladin Roldan, and with such gentlemen as yourself to
aid me I shall well know what to do.”
Gliding past islas Blanca and Verde, the fleet anchored behind San
Juan de Ulua late on Thursday in passion week.
FOOTNOTES
[104] ‘Qustando ... en la cibdad de Sto Domingo vibiendo
con el Almirante.’ _Ramirez_, _Proceso contra Alvarado_,
pp. xi. 61; _Juarros_, _Guat._, i. 252.
[105] ‘Todos hermanos, que fue el Capitan Pedro de Aluarado,
y Gonçalo de Aluarado, y Jorge de Aluarado, y Gonçalo
[Alonzo] y Gomez, è Juan de Alvarado el viejo, que era
bastardo.’ _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 14.
[106] See _Native Races_, iii. 109 and 183. ‘Biondo.’
_Clavigero_, _Storia Mess._, iii. 8. Elaborating this,
Brasseur de Bourbourg says, ‘Aux cheveux blonds et coloré
de visage, ce qui lui fit donner par les Tlaxcaltèques
le surnom de Tonatiuh.’ _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 53. But
the authority for calling him blonde is not mentioned. It
may rest on mere tradition. A Mexican picture gives him
dark beard and a yellow helmet or head-dress, the same
colors being given to the beard and head-dress of figures
representing the Spanish troops. Ramirez is rather inclined
to doubt the authenticity of the portrait so frequently
copied from Cortina’s copper-plates, representing him as of
dark complexion, with long, meagre, pointed face, very high
forehead, stubbed hair, mustache, and imperial. _Ramirez_,
_Proceso contra Alvarado_, pp. xi. xxii. 277-82, with plates.
_Prescott’s Mex._ (Mex. 1844), i. 458; _Id._ (_Gondra ed._),
iii. 220; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, ii. 340, 686,
with signature. A wood-cut in _Armin_, _Alte Mex._, 222,
presents a much younger man, with a round, handsome face,
curled hair, and full, curled beard. This corresponds more
to the description given in the text, but the authority
is not indicated. Zamacois, _Hist. Méj._, ii. 484, gives
a full-length portrait corresponding to this.
[107] Helps, _Cortés_, ii. 163, compares him to Murat,
Cortés being the Napoleon. _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._,
15, 240, 245.
[108] _Montejo_, _Memorial al Emp._, 1545, in _Cent. Amer._,
1545-55, MS. 130. ‘Fué uno de aquellos mílites que passaron
á estas partes ... mill é quinientos y catorçe, é aquel
mesmo año ... fuésse de la Tierra-Firma ... é passóse á la
isla de Cuba.’ _Oviedo_, iii. 217.
[109] See _Hist. Cent. Am._, this series, i., 524-32. ‘Era
estremado varon, mas no era para mandar, sino para ser
mãdado, y era de edad de treinta y seis años, natural de
cerca de Baeza ò Linares.... Tenia otras buenas codiciones,
de ser franco.’ _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 177. ‘Era vn
Hector en el esfuerço, para combatir persona por persona.’
_Id._, 240. ‘Natural que fue de Vbeda ò de Linares.’ _Id._,
241. ‘Da Baeza nell’Andaluzia. Era membruto, ombroso, e
doppio.’ _Clavigero_, _Storia Mess._, iii. 8. ‘D’une laideur
extrême; sa duplicité et sa fourberie le rendaient un homme
peu sur,’ says Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat. Civ._,
iv. 53, with his not unusual hasty elaboration. Portrait in
_Prescott’s Mex._ (Mex. 1844), i. 421; also in _Zamacois_,
_Hist. Méj._, iv. 254.
[110] _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 240, 246; _Clavigero_,
_Storia Mess._, iii. 8; Portrait and signature in _Carbajal
Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, ii. 254, 686. Portrait in
_Zamacois_, _Hist. Méj._, ii. 485, and in _Armin_, _Alte
Mex._, 217.
[111] Also written Ordás. ‘Natural de tierra de Campos.’
_Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 246. Portrait in _Carbajal
Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, ii. 192.
[112] ‘Saucedo, natural de Medina de Rioseco; y porque era
muy pulído, le llamavamos, el galan.’ _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist.
Verdad._, 240. This captain joins later.
[113] Bernal Diaz, _Hist. Verdad._, 240-7, gives a long
list of notices of members of the expedition, many of whom
will receive attention during the course of the narrative.
[114] San Juan, Ante Portam Latinam. See also _Carta del
Ayunt. de Vera Cruz_, in _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 9. Several
authors, following Gomara, it seems, refer to one vessel
as missing, but as this is identified with Escobar’s,
sent, according to Bernal Diaz, on a special exploring
expedition to Laguna de Términos, the view of the latter
author is probably more correct. It is not likely that a
captain would have sailed so far beyond the rendezvous, and
there waited for weeks the chance arrival of the fleet. In
_Tapia_, _Relacion_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, ii.
557, are references yet more vague to a missing vessel.
During the gale Morla’s vessel was struck by a wave, which
unshipped her rudder. His signal of distress caused the
flag-ship to heave to till daybreak. The rudder was then
discovered floating close by, and tying a rope to his body,
Morla leaped into the sea to aid in replacing it. _Gomara_,
_Hist. Mex._, 16; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Ind._, iv. 458.
[115] The letter, as given in _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._,
17, and _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 19, differs somewhat in
tenor, and the former assigns eight days, the latter six, as
the time Ordaz was to wait. Gomara writes further that the
Indians were at first afraid to venture on such an errand
into the interior, but the large reward overcame their
fears, and they were carried to the cape in Escalante’s
vessel, escorted by Ordaz in two other craft manned by fifty
men. Cogolludo, _Hist. Yucathan_, 20, thinks there could
be no danger for messengers. ‘Escondieron [the letter] a
vno entre los cabellos, que trahian largos y trenzados,
rebueltos, a la cabeça: y embiò los dos nauios de menos
porte ... con veynte ballesteros, y escopeteros ... y que
el menor boluiesse a dar cuenta de lo que auian hecho.’
_Herrera_, dec. ii. lib. iv. cap. vi.; _Peter Martyr_,
dec. iv. cap. vi. ‘Envió un bergantin é cuatro bateles ...
que esperarian cinco dias, é no mas.’ _Tapia_, _Relacion_,
in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, ii. 556. Las Casas, _Hist.
Ind._, iv. 459, states that the cacique of Cozumel, eager
to communicate freely with Cortés, sent messengers to the
lord owning one of the captives, and asked him to sell or
lend the man. Cortés at first proposed to rescue the captive
with an armed force, but the cacique suggested a ransom
as more effective. _Solis_, _Hist. Mex._, i. 76; _Landa_,
_Rel. de Yuc._, 24-6.
[116] Two carpenters, Alonso Yañez and Álvaro Lopez, claim
the honor of having raised the first cross for the church in
New Spain. To this the natives made no great objection, the
cross having already with them a religious significance; and
surely the sanctified effigy of the benign Mary was a more
beautiful object to look upon than their idols. See _Native
Races_, iii. 468-70. In one of the temples ‘auia vna cruz
de cal tan alta como diez palmos.’ _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._,
24. Las Casas objects to the compulsory mode of conversion
used by Cortés and his holy company, and devotes a long
paragraph to depicting the folly and evil thereof. _Hist.
Ind._, iv. 460-2, 470. Bernal Diaz, _Hist. Verdad._, 18,
describes the idolatrous rite, and Prescott, _Mex._, i.
269-71, speaks of Cortés as a reformer.
[117] This is the substance of Tapia’s own account.
_Relacion_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, ii. 556-7. Others
differ somewhat in the number of Indians who arrive in the
canoe, in the mode of addressing Tapia, and other points.
According to Bernal Diaz, _Hist. Verdad._, 19, some soldiers
out hunting report the approach of the canoe, whereupon
Cortés sends Tapia to ascertain its object. Seven Indians
of Cozumel land, and, on seeing the Spaniards advance, are
about to flee in alarm, but one of them reassures the rest,
and calls out, ‘Dios, y Santa María, y Sevilla.’ While he
is embraced by Tapia, a soldier rushes to announce the news
to Cortés. According to Gomara, _Hist. Mex._, 20, it is
meal-time and first Sunday in Lent when the news of a canoe
with four Indians is brought. The fleet had been prevented
by a storm from sailing on the previous day.
[118] This was a common form of Maya hair-dress. Bernal
Diaz, _Hist. Verdad._, 19, and some others describe him
as shorn like a slave; but this man appears to have risen
from that condition. He gives him an extra pair of sandals,
hanging at the waist, a dilapidated mantle or cloth—called
a net by Herrera—wherein is tied a thumbed prayer-book, and
upon the shoulder he places an oar. This oar is brought
into camp by almost every writer, regardless of the fact
that it did not belong to him and could no longer be of
use. Gomara, _Hist. Mex._, 20, gives him bow and arrows.
Las Casas, _Hist. Ind._, iv. 461, remarks that in the
prayer-book was kept an account of time, which marked this
day as a Wednesday, while it really was Sunday.
[119] See _Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 350, this series.
[120] Aguilar intimated another reason why Guerrero remained,
that he had taken part in the fights against Córdoba and
Grijalva at Potonchan, which is very doubtful. Then it is
said that his face was tattooed and his lips turned down,
and when Aguilar besought him to go the children clung to
him, and the wife first begged, and then threatened, to
make Aguilar desist. _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yucathan_, 23;
_Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 18-19; _Torquemada_, i. 370.
[121] This is in substance the adventures of Aguilar, as
related at length in _Herrera_, dec. ii. lib. iv. cap.
vii.-viii., followed by _Torquemada_, i. 370-72, and
_Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yucathan_, 24-9, and prettily, though
hastily, elaborated in _Irving’s Columbus_, iii. 290-301,
and other modern writers. On reaching Catoche and finding
Ordaz gone, he proceeded to Cozumel, in the hope of finding
some of the Spaniards. ‘Era Aguilar estudiante quando passò
a las Indias, y hombre discreto, y por esto se puede creer
qualquiera cosa del,’ concludes Herrera, as if suspecting
that the version may be questioned. Prudence is shown in
the care with which he gradually accustomed himself to the
change of food and habits on again joining the Spaniards.
Peter Martyr, dec. iv. cap. vi., relates that Aguilar’s
mother became insane on hearing that her son had fallen
among cannibals—who brought her the news it is hard to
guess—and whenever she beheld flesh roasting, loud became
the laments for his sad fate. This is repeated in _Gomara_,
_Hist. Mex._, 22; _Martinez_, _Hist. Nat. Nueva Esp._,
ii. xxiv. Herrera, who cannot avoid mixing in all the
romance possible, makes him search for means to cross the
strait. He finds at last a leaky canoe half buried in the
sand, and in this frail skiff he and the Indian companion
presented by his late master managed to gain the island.
Others give him Cortés’ messengers for companions. Bernal
Diaz, _Hist. Verdad._, 18, very reasonably permits him to
hire a canoe with six rowers, for he has beads to pay for
it, and canoes would not be wanting, since the island was
a resort for pilgrims, particularly at this very time.
Mendieta, _Hist. Ecles._, 175-76, fails not to recognize,
in the compulsory return of the fleet to Cozumel, and in
the finding of Aguilar, the hand of God; and Torquemada,
i. 370, eagerly elaborates the miraculous features in the
appearance of this Aaron, who is to be the mouth-piece of
his Moses.
[122] Bernal Diaz says the 4th, which is rather close
reckoning, according to his own account, for two days are
required to reach Cozumel from Cape San Antonio, nine days
are consumed by Ordaz in waiting for the captives, and four
days for repairing Escalante’s leaky vessel. This alone
brings us from February 18th, the date of leaving Cape San
Antonio, to March 5th, without counting a probable day or
two for preparing, starting, and returning.
[123] A greyhound bitch, really of great service to the
hunters. Bernal Diaz, _Hist. Verdad._, 20, starts Escobar
from Punta de las Mujeres. _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, Pt.
iii. 112. Cogolludo, _Hist. Yucathan_, 29, while adopting
on hearsay the more general supposition that a missing
vessel is found here, follows Diaz in the account of the
exploring vessel. Gomara, _Hist. Mex._, 25-6, and Herrera,
dec. ii. lib. iv. cap. xi., evidently attributes the name
Escondido to the finding of the missing vessel.
[124] ‘Mille quingentorum passuum, ait Alaminus nauclerus,
et domorum quinque ac viginti millium ... egregie lapidibus
et calce fabrefectæ.’ _Peter Martyr_, _De Insvlis_, 14. ‘A
poco mas de media legua que subian por el, (river) vieron vn
gran pueblo con las casas de adoues y los tejados de paja,
el qual estaua cercado de madera, con bien gruessa pared
y almenas, y troneras para flechar.’ Halls and temples are
also referred to: ‘Mas no tiene veinte y cinco mil casas.’
_Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 26-37. ‘Punta de los Palmares [where
Grijalva also camped], que estava del pueblo de Tabasco otro
media legua.’ _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 20. Montanus,
_Nieuwe Weereld_, 77, follows Gomara and Martyr, in calling
the pueblo Potonchan; so does Helps, _Span. Conq._, ii.
260-4, who frequently reveals the superficiality of his
researches. Brasseur de Bourbourg calls it Centla. _Hist.
Nat. Civ._, iv. 58. The stockade defences are described in
detail in _Solis_, _Hist. Mex._, i. 93-4.
[125] ‘Mandò poner en cada vn batel tres tiros.’ Ávila
received one hundred soldiers, including ten cross-bowmen,
and took a route leading across creeks and marshes to
the rear of the pueblo. _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._,
20. ‘Señalo Cortés dos capitanes con cada cienticinquenta
Españoles. Que fueron Alonso di Auila, y Pedro de Aluarado.’
A ford was found half a league above the camp. _Gomara_,
_Hist. Mex._, 27; Peter Martyr, dec. iv. cap. vii., sends
one hundred and fifty men by different routes. The testimony
favors the supposition that Ávila forded the river.
[126] Bernal Diaz, _Hist. Verdad._, 20, estimates that
twelve thousand warriors defended the town. He himself
received a wound in the thigh. Gomara, _Hist. Mex._, 29,
leaves only four hundred in charge of the place. Peter
Martyr, dec. iv. cap. vii., allows the horses to share in
the battle, and places the warriors at four thousand. Las
Casas, _Hist. Ind._, iv. 474, exaggerates, of course, the
Spanish excesses, but without giving definite statements.
[127] ‘Intẽtaba hacer lo que despues hizo,’ says Vetancvrt,
_Teatro Mex._, pt. iii. 112, in reference to the later
effected independence of Velazquez. The mode of taking
possession is thus described: Advancing with drawn sword
and shield to a large ceiba-tree in the court-yard, Cortés
struck it three times, and announced that he took possession
for the king, and would defend his right against all comers.
The soldiers thereupon shouted their approval, declaring
that they would sustain their captain in his challenge.
_Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 21. Zamacois compares this
form with others used elsewhere. _Hist. Méj._, x. 988.
[128] The _Carta del Ayunt. de Vera Cruz_, in _Cortés_,
_Cartas_, 15, refers to a certain intercourse held with
natives; on the third day the exploring parties start. This
intercourse is spoken of by Gomara, _Hist. Mex._, 30, as the
visit of twenty leading men to promise food and presents,
but really to spy. The Spaniards were encouraged to enter
the interior to barter food. _Torquemada_, i. 374; _Bernal
Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 21. Alvarado, Ávila, and Sandoval
are sent, each with eighty Spaniards and some Cuban carriers,
to explore by three routes, and to get supplies for payment
only. _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 31; _Herrera_, dec. ii. lib.
iv. cap. xi. Three parties sent out. _Tapia_, _Relacion_,
in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, ii. 559. Four captains sent,
with over two hundred men. _Carta del Ayunt._, loc. cit.
[129] Gomara, _Hist. Mex._, 31, states that one of the
captains took refuge in a building in Centla town, and
was there joined by the other two. All three now retreat
to camp, whither two fleet Cubans run for aid. Herrera,
Torquemada, and Brasseur de Bourbourg follow him. Before
Cortés set out, says Cogolludo, _Hist. Yucathan_, 32, he
had repelled an attack on his own camp.
[130] ‘Señalo treze de a cauallo,’ who are named as Olid,
Alvarado, Puertocarrero, Escalante, Montejo, Ávila, Velazquez
de Leon, Morla, Láres the good horseman to distinguish him
from another Láres, Gonzalo Dominguez, Moron of Bazamo, and
Pedro Gonzalez of Trujillo, Cortés being the thirteenth.
_Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 22; Solis, _Hist. Mex._, i.
106, says fifteen horses, but in the _Carta del Ayunt. de
V. Cruz_, in _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 16, the number decreases
to ten.
[131] Gomara says the force mustered 500 men, 13 horses
and 6 guns; Herrera, 400 men and 12 horses. The alférez
was Antonio de Villaroel.
[132] This was a favorite movement of Cortés, and as such
Tapia and the _Carta del Ayunt. de V. Cruz_ accept it, while
Bernal Diaz and most writers state that the swampy ground
required a circuit.
[133] An estimate based probably upon the strength of the
regular Aztec _Xiquipilli_, with which the conquerors were
soon to become acquainted. See _Native Races_, ii. 425.
Tapia even raises the number to six squadrons. _Relacion_,
in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, ii. 560.
[134] Cortés, on coming up and being told of this,
shouted, ‘Onward, companions! God is with us!’ _Relacion_,
in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, ii. 559-60. Gomara, who
fervently adopts the story, states that the rider was one
of the apostles, in the person of Morla. ‘Todos dixeron,
que vieron por tres vezes al del cauallo rucio picado
... y que era Santiago nuestro patron. Fernando Cortés
mas queria que fuesse san Pedro, su especial auogado ...
aun tambien los Indios lo notaron.... De los prisioneros
que se tomarõ se supo esto.’ _Hist. Mex._, 32-3. Pizarro
y Orellana, _Varones Ilvstres_, 72-3, gives arguments to
show that it could have been none other than Santiago, as
the patron of Spaniards. After a struggle with his pious
fears, Bernal Diaz ventures to observe that Gomara may
be right, but ‘I, unworthy sinner, was not graced to see
either of those glorious apostles.’ Testimony was taken
about the battle, and had this occurred it would have been
spoken of. ‘I say that our victory was by the hand of our
Lord Jesus Christ, for in that battle the Indians were so
numerous that they could have buried us with handfuls of
earth.’ _Hist. Verdad._, 22-3. Las Casas scouts the story
as a fabrication of Cortés, written down by ‘his servant
Gomara,’ in ‘his false history.’ _Hist. Ind._, iv. 477.
[135] The bishop forgets the sermon before the idols cast
down at Cozumel.
[136] Two Spaniards fell, and over 800 Indians lay dead,
so said their countrymen. _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._,
22-3. Over 70 Spaniards were wounded, and more than 300
Indians were slain in the pursuit alone. Over 100 men fell
sick from heat and bad water, but all recovered. _Gomara_,
_Hist. Mex._, 33. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. iv. cap. xi., allows
no killed among the Spaniards, while over 1000 Indians are
laid low. _Torquemada_, i, 375. Three Spaniards are killed
and 60 wounded. _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt. iii. 113.
The Ayuntamiento of Vera Cruz, in its letter to the Emperor,
10 July, 1519, for obvious reasons lowers the figures to
twenty wounded Spaniards, of whom none died, and to 220
dead Indians, out of 40,000 engaged. _Cortés_, _Cartas_,
17. Finally comes Las Casas with the other extreme of 30,000
souls, said to have been cruelly slaughtered in this first
great battle of Cortés. _Hist. Ind._, iv. 477. Quite a list
of misdeeds are here raked up, or invented rather, against
the Spaniards in the _West-Indische Spieghel_, Amsterdam,
1624, a curious little quarto, designed for Dutch traders
in America, and dedicated to their West India Company. The
author is called Athanasium Inga. ‘_Peruaen_, uyt Cusco
gheboren, die dit alles, soo door onder vindinghe als door
transpositie en overset tinghe sijnder Voor-Ouderen, hier
te Lande ons overghedraghen heeft,’ says Wachter, in the
preface. The volume opens with a lengthy description of
the Antilles, but the remaining text is wholly devoted to
the Spanish colonies on the main, mingled without order,
and interspersed with special chapters on navigation and
coast routes for the benefit of traders. Beside the usual
description of physical and political geography, with
particular reference to natural resources and aboriginal
customs, several voyages are described, mainly to point out
sailing directions and the progress of discovery, while the
conquest period is told with some minuteness, but garbled
with the idea of exposing the avarice and cruelty of the
hated Spaniards. This is also the object of nearly all the
neatly engraved copper-plates. The map extends Hudson Bay
very close to the Pacific coast, where a faintly outlined
strait is visible some distance above California Island.
The part relating to Mexico, including some brief references
to Central America, occupies about one third of the volume,
and treats chiefly of the Conquest. The book is remarkable
for its black-letter text, with marginals in the same type,
and for its title-page, with the figures of ‘Montenchuma’
and ‘Atabaliba’ surrounded by battle-scenes and Indian
industrial operations.
[137] ‘Y pusose nombre a aquel pueblo, Santa Maria de la
Vitoria, è assi se llama agora la villa de Tabasco.’ _Bernal
Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 24. ‘Potanchanum dicitur ab accolis
oppidum.... Victoriam nostri appellarunt.’ _Peter Martyr_,
_De Insvlis_, 14; copied in _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 36.
Referring to the battle of Centla, Clavigero writes: ‘e per
memoria vi fondarono poi una piccola città, col nome della
_Madonna della Vittoria_, la quale fu per lungo tempo la
capitale di quella Provincia.... Si spopolò del tutto verso
la metà del secolo passato.’ A later foundation received
the name of Villahermosa. _Storia Mess._, iii. 11. This
is based on a statement by Bernal Diaz, _Hist. Verdad._,
22, and to reconcile this with the note above, it must
be supposed that the Nonohualca capital was removed to
the site of the battle-field when the Spaniards settled.
Other authors either confound the points or avoid them by
a vague reference. Victoria was founded by Cortés in 1519.
_Alcedo_, _Dic._, v. 305. It is strange that the chief town
is not referred to under its native name, for Potonchan is
evidently a mistake by Peter Martyr.