SAILING OF THE EXPEDITION.
1518-1519.
THE QUALITY OF LEADER DESIRED—INSTRUCTIONS ISSUED
TO HERNAN CORTÉS, COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF—THE CHARACTER OF
CORTÉS UNDERGOES A CHANGE—COST OF THE EXPEDITION—BY WHOM
BORNE—PLACES ESTABLISHED FOR ENLISTMENT—THE BANNER—CORTÉS
PUTS ON THE GREAT MAN—MORE OF HIS CHARACTER—THE SCENE AT
SANTIAGO HARBOR—THE GOVERNOR’S JESTER—DARK SUSPICIONS OF
VELAZQUEZ—DEPARTURE FROM SANTIAGO—CORTÉS AT TRINIDAD—FRESH
RECRUITS—VERDUGO RECEIVES ORDERS TO DEPOSE CORTÉS—THE
FLEET PROCEEDS TO SAN CRISTÓBAL, OR THE HABANA—REVIEW
AT GUAGUANICO—SPEECH OF CORTÉS—ORGANIZATION INTO
COMPANIES—DEPARTURE FROM CUBA.
With relations so lovingly established, and with a personal knowledge
of the military genius of Cortés, and the strength and versatility
of his character, it would seem that here would be the first instant
choice of the governor for the command of the important expedition now
in preparation. But the quality of the man required did not altogether
hinge on merit. As we have seen, Velazquez required for his purpose
an anomalous creation. He must be able but humble; able to command
men, and able likewise to obey his chief; honest to Velazquez, but
false, if necessary, to all the world else. It was not an Alexander or
an Alcibiades that was wanted; not so much a man as a thing: “Piper,
non homo,” as Petronius Arbiter said; pungent as pepper, and not a
human being.
Be this as it may, the sordid friendship of Láres and Duero prevailed
with the governor, and on the 23d of October, 1518, his instructions
to Hernan Cortés, commander-in-chief of the expedition, were drawn
up before the notary, Alonso de Escalante, in accordance with the
permission granted by the authorities at Santo Domingo, which limited
the enterprise to exploration; the privilege to colonize depending
on royal favor for which Velazquez must sue in Spain.[79]
One would think that after these twenty-five years of experience
there could be found no ecclesiastic or ruler so childish as to
expect morality or humanity from the wolves of Spain let loose among
the naked and defenceless of America. And yet we find the friars of
Española, in pursuance of the devout and high-minded views expressed
by Velazquez, subscribing to instructions which enjoin Cortés to
observe a conduct befitting a Christian soldier, as if there were
any reasonable hope of his doing so. He must prohibit blasphemy,
licentiousness, and gambling among his men, and on no account molest
the natives, but gently inform them of the glory of God, and of the
Catholic king. Possession must be taken in Velazquez’ name and the
secrets of the country ascertained. Search must be made for Grijalva
and Olid, and for the Christian captives supposed to be in Yucatan. We
might again mark the double-dealing of the governor, who discharges
Grijalva for not having settled contrary to his instructions, while
charging the new commander not to seize the country, yet expecting
him to do so.[80] The instructions consist of thirty clauses, and
the document reflects no credit on the scrivener.[81]
* * * * *
Man and his character are subject to environment. Neither is finished
until decay has well set in. Long before the receipt of his commission
the adolescent Cortés was a creation of the past; even the adult
Cortés was a different being before and after his appointment. His
action now was the expression of new intuitions. Always under the
influence of turbulent emotions, his ambition had suddenly become
more aggressive. In pure impulses, in refined feelings, in noble
instincts, he was essentially defective. He harbored no ideal of duty,
such as we have seen in the mind of Grijalva. His code of ethics was
neither broad nor catholic. And notwithstanding his great respect for
religion, so great indeed as to excite suspicion that he cared very
little for it; notwithstanding his outward piety, and his devotion
to the church, the lighter immoralities fitted him with an ease and
grace that hampered his movements not in the least. Yet for all this
the alcalde of Santiago suddenly became a great man, not in name
only, but actually; wellnigh revolutionizing the society of which
he himself was the product. To him, and to others, his commission
was a match applied to explosive material, letting loose the latent
force. The leaders of the first gulf-shore expeditions, Córdoba,
Grijalva, and Cortés, present themselves before us in relatively
increasing proportions. Córdoba, the first, was least, though a most
gentlemanly and kind-hearted pirate. Grijalva, though second to
Cortés in talents and fame, was far before him in honesty. During
the preparations which quickly followed the appointment of Cortés,
the inherent qualities of the man developed to a degree alarming
alike to friends and enemies, and astonishing to himself. He found
his nature a strong one, with magnetic attractions, and an affinity
with danger. He found himself possessed of that higher courage of the
mind which begets self-confidence, breeds the hero, and ends in the
achievement of the uttermost. And genius was there; he began to feel
it and to know it: the genius of ambition and egotism, whose central
figure was himself, an all-prevailing sentiment, before which right,
religion, humanity, and even life itself, must be subservient. His
rapidly evolving will was becoming ponderous, overwhelming. Fame was
becoming to him what ambition was to Columbus; only he possessed his
idea instead of being possessed by it. Sufficiently educated for the
purposes of statecraft, opportunity alone was needed to enable him
to turn every weapon to the furtherance of his own designs. Without
attempting to pry into the occult, he now began to see things with a
large and liberal eye. Life was assuming tremendous realities, which
bridled impulse; yet it was an ordeal he believed he could face. While
in sophistry he found himself equal to Euripides, he began to put
on bombast such as Æschylus could not have scorned, and to display
an energy as sublime as that of Archilochus; yet all this time his
good sense was supplemented by graceful courtesy. All who worship
the bright wit and intellectual versatility that flatter ambition
and yield unscrupulous success may henceforth bow the knee to Hernan
Cortés.
* * * * *
No sooner was his commission sealed than Cortés set himself about the
task of collecting his many requirements. His own few thousand pesos
of ready money were quickly spent; then he mortgaged his estates, and
borrowed to the uttermost from his friends. Velazquez was free with
everything except his substance; free with his advice and ostentation,
free with the ships of others, and willing to sell to the expedition
the products of his farm at exorbitant prices. Nevertheless the
investment to the governor, as well as to Cortés, was large, the
former furnishing some ships of his own and some money, the whole
cost of vessels and outfit being about twenty thousand ducats.[82]
Establishing places of enlistment throughout the island, Cortés roused
to action his many friends, both in person and by letter. At principal
settlements the expedition was proclaimed about the streets, in the
king’s name, by the beating of drums and the voice of the crier. One
third of the proceeds of the adventure was promised the soldiers and
subalterns, two thirds going to the outfitters.[83] A banner of black
taffeta was embroidered with the royal arms in gold, and blue and
white flames surrounding a red cross, and round the border it bore
the inscription, “Amici sequamur crucem, si nos habuerimus fidem in
hoc signo vincemus.” Friends, let us follow the cross, and if we have
faith under this sign we shall conquer.[84]
Assuming a dress and bearing more fitting a military commander,
Cortés threw open his doors, and by judiciously combining the frank
joviality of a soldier with the liberal hospitality of a man of
wealth, he rapidly drew to his adventure all the available men of the
island. There were not lacking those to sneer at this assumption of
preëminence, which flaunted it so bravely with plume and medal, with
martial music and retinue, saying, here was a lord without lands.[85]
But they little knew the strength and firmness of him who, having once
put on the great man, would lay the livery down but with his life.
This soldierly display, always taking to the Castilian fancy, could
scarcely be called affectation, for the genius which commands success
was present, and the firmness of resolve was covered with such pleasing
affability as to render its presence scarcely suspected. With his fine
soldierly qualities were financial and executive ability, and fair
common sense, a rare combination in a Spanish cavalier. While loving
adventure he did not altogether hate ideas. His world now spread
itself before him, as divided into two unequal classes, those that use
others, and those that are used by others, and he resolved himself
forever into the former category. Like Diogenes, though enslaved at
Crete, Cortés felt that if he could do one thing better than another
it was to command men. Coupled with this egotism was the sensible
intuition that the mastery of others begins with self-mastery. Indeed
his command over himself, as well as over others, was most remarkable.
“By my conscience!” was a favorite oath, which implies not brutal
passion. At times a swelling vein in the forehead, and another in the
throat, indicated rising anger, manifested also by a peculiarity of
throwing off his cloak; but the voice would remain decorous, and the
words seldom passed beyond a “Mal pese á vos!” May it bear heavily upon
you. To the insolent soldier, whom we shall often find overstepping
the bounds of prudence, he would merely say, “Be silent!” or “Go,
in God’s name, and be more careful if you would escape punishment.”
Equally composed in argument, he wielded his persuasive powers to
their best advantage. Rio de Avenida, the Rushing River, was at one
time a nickname, and later he affected long hair and lawsuits. At the
gaming-table, to which he was greatly addicted, he won or lost with
equal sang-froid, ever ready with a witticism to smooth the varying
course of fortune. Though he did not hesitate as gay Lothario to invade
the family of another, most unreasonably he was very jealous lest his
own family should be invaded. While liberal to friend or mistress,
and ready to sacrifice almost anything to gain an object, he was not
always regarded as over-generous by his men, too many of whom were
of that class, however, that nothing would satisfy. Although a fair
eater, he drank but little, and confined himself to simple diet. This
moderation also extended to dress, which, before his elevation, was
not only neat but tasteful in its rich simplicity, ornamented with
few but choice jewels, and with little diversity. A love of pomp,
however, developed with his rising fortunes, more particularly in
the way of showy residences and a large retinue, which accorded well
with the courtly manners native to the Spaniard claiming noble blood.
Cervantes says that in the army even the niggardly become prodigal.
Cortés found the way of throwing into his cause not only himself, but
others, in some respects as able as himself. His liberal measures
and enthusiasm became infectious, and brought to enrolment wealthy
volunteers, who furnished not only their own outfit, but helped
to provide others.[86] Within a short time there joined over three
hundred men, among them some high in the service and confidence of
the governor—instance, Francisco de Morla his chamberlain, Martin
Ramos de Láres a Basque, Pedro Escudero, Juan Ruano, Escobar, and
Diego de Ordaz mayordomo of Velazquez, and instructed by him to watch
proceedings and secretly report.
The harbor of Santiago at this time presented a busy scene. There
were the hurrying to and fro of laborers and recruits, the clang of
carpenters’ hammers upon ships undergoing repairs, the collecting of
goods, and the loading of vessels. Every day the landing was enlivened
by the presence of the governor, often arm-in-arm with his most
dutiful and compliant captain-general, surrounded by gayly dressed
attendants and followed by half the town. On one of these visits of
inspection, while engaged in friendly conversation respecting the
progress of affairs, the Governor’s jester, Francisquillo, who was
present, as usual, performing his antics before his master, cried
out, “Ah, friend Diego!” Then to Cortés, “And how fares our brave
captain, he of Medellin and Estremadura? Be careful, good master, or
we shall soon have to beat the bush for this same Cortés.” Velazquez
laughed heartily, and turning to his companion exclaimed, “Compadre,
do you hear this fool?” “What, señor?” replied Cortés, pretending
preoccupation. “He says you will run away with our fleet,” replied
Velazquez. “Pay no attention to the knave, your worship; I am very
sure these infamous pleasantries never emanated from his mad brain,”
rejoined Cortés, deeply chagrined. And ere the laugh died away on
the lips of the governor his timid breast was chilled by fearful
forebodings. What if it were true, thought Velazquez, and this fellow,
whom I have lifted from his low estate, should declare for himself
on reaching New Spain? Then he called to mind his late quarrel with
Cortés, and the courage, energy, and determination displayed by
the latter throughout. The governor trembled when he thought of it.
About him were enough of the disappointed only too ready to fan these
suspicions into a flame.[87]
I regret having to spoil a good story; but the truth is, the drama
reported by Bartolomé Las Casas, and reiterated by Herrera and
Prescott, was never performed. It tells how Cortés put to sea,
Prescott asserts the very night after the jester’s warning; and that
in the morning, when the governor, early roused from his bed, rushed
down to the landing with all the town at his heels, Cortés returned
part way in an armed boat and bandied words with him. Beside being
improbable, almost impossible, this version is not sustained by
the best authorities.[88] The fact is, some time elapsed, after the
suspicions of the governor had first been aroused, before the sailing
of the fleet, during which interval Grijalva with his ships returned.
Gomara states that Velazquez sought to break with Cortés and send
only Grijalva’s vessels, with another commander; but to this Láres and
Duero, whose advice was asked by the governor, made strong objection,
saying that Cortés and his friends had spent too much money now to
abandon the enterprise, which was very true; for like the appetite of
Angaston which came with eating, the more Cortés tasted the sweets of
popularity and power, the more stomach he had for the business. And
the more the suspicions of the governor grew, the greater were the
captain-general’s assurances of devotion, and the firmer became the
determination of Cortés and his followers to prosecute this adventure,
in which they had staked their all.[89]
Warned by Láres and Duero of every plot, Cortés hurried preparations,
sending friends to forage, and shipping stores with the utmost
despatch, meanwhile giving secret orders for all to be ready to
embark at a moment’s notice. Finally, the hour having come, on the
evening of the 17th of November, with a few trusty adherents, Cortés
presented himself before the governor, and politely took his leave.
It fell suddenly on Velazquez, in whose eyes all movements relating
to the expedition had of late become the manœuvres of men conspired
to overreach him. But having neither the excuse nor the ability to
stop the expedition he let the officers depart.
By playing with the devil one soon learns to play the devil. From
the governor’s house Cortés hastened to the public meat depository,
seized and added to his stores the town’s next week’s supply, and
left the keeper, Fernando Alfonso, a gold chain, all he had remaining
wherewith to make payment.[90] It was a dull, dry, gray November
morning, the 18th, very early, after mass had been said, when the
squadron, consisting of six vessels, sailed out of Santiago harbor
amidst the vivas of the populace and the inward cursings of the
governor.[91] But of little avail was Velazquez’ remorse; for Cortés
carried no Æolian wind-bags to drive him back from his destination.
Despatching one of the vessels to Jamaica[92] for provisions, Cortés
touched at Macaca for further supplies, and thence steered for
Trinidad, where he was received with demonstrations of enthusiasm by
the alcalde mayor, Francisco Verdugo brother-in-law of Velazquez, and
by other hidalgos, who placed their houses at his disposal. Raising
his standard before his quarters, he proclaimed the expedition and
invited volunteers, as he had done at Santiago. Soon his force was
augmented by over one hundred of Grijalva’s men. Here also joined
several captains and hidalgos, afterward famous in New Spain adventure.
There were the five brothers Alvarado, Alonso de Ávila, Gonzalo Mejía
afterward treasurer at Mexico, Cristóbal de Olid, Alonzo Hernandez
Puertocarrero cousin of the count of Medellin, Gonzalo de Sandoval
who became so great a friend of Cortés, Juan Velazquez de Leon a
relative of the governor, and others.[93] From the plantations of
Santi Espíritu and elsewhere came many. This Cortés beheld with proud
satisfaction, and welcomed these important acquisitions with martial
music and peals of artillery.
In seeking supplies Cortés paid little heed to rights of property, so
long as he obtained what he needed; he was subsequently not a little
proud of his success. “By my faith,” he boasts in Spain in 1542, “but
I did play the corsair genteelly.” Among the arbitrary purchases was
that of a vessel from Jamaica laden with provisions for the mines,
for which the owner might accept promissory notes or nothing.[94]
Another vessel from the same place, on the same mission, Cortés sent
Ordaz to seize and convey to Cape San Antonio, or perhaps to San
Cristóbal where we afterward find him, there to await the fleet.
This captain, it will be remembered, was the spy of Velazquez, and
to him, therefore, rather than to another, was given this mission,
to prevent his watching proceedings at Trinidad. The commander of
the seized vessel was Juan Nuñez Sedeño, who was induced to join the
expedition.[95] Meanwhile in the breast of Velazquez was stirred afresh
the poison of jealousy by an astrologer, one Juan Millan, employed by
the enemies of Cortés to work on the fears of the governor. The result
was the arrival at Trinidad, in hot haste, of two messengers from the
governor, with orders for Verdugo to detain the fleet, the command
of which had been transferred to Vasco Porcallo. Moreover, all the
retainers of Velazquez were called upon to aid in deposing Cortés. It
was no difficult matter, however, for Cortés to persuade Verdugo of
two things: first, that there were no grounds for Velazquez’ fears,
and secondly, if there were, force would now avail him nothing. So
strong was Cortés in his position that he could easily lay the town
in ashes should its authorities attempt to interfere in his purposes.
Taking one of the messengers, Pedro Lasso, into his service, by the
other Cortés wrote Velazquez, in language most respectful, begging
him to believe that he would always be true to his God, his king,
and his dear friend and governor. In like notes the robin and the
screech-owl muffle their voices when danger is near, so as to conceal
the distance, and make themselves seem far away. Thus passed twelve
days, according to Bernal Diaz, at Trinidad, when one of the vessels
was despatched to the north side of the island for supplies, and the
fleet departed for San Cristóbal, then Habana,[96] while Pedro de
Alvarado, with fifty soldiers and all the horses, proceeded thither
overland, adding to their number at the plantations on the way.
One night during the voyage to San Cristóbal, the flag-ship was
separated from the other vessels and stranded on a reef near Isla
de Pinos. With skill and promptness Cortés transferred the contents
in small boats to the shore, set free the lightened vessel, and,
reloading, joined his captains at San Cristóbal. This accident delayed
him seven days, during which time there was no small stir among his
men at San Cristóbal as to who should command the fleet in case its
captain-general failed to appear. Conspicuous among these questioners
was Ordaz, who claimed precedence as Velazquez’ representative.
But the arrival of the commander put an end to the controversy and
spread unbounded joy throughout the armada. Landing, he accepted
the hospitality of Pedro Barba, lieutenant of Velazquez. Among those
who joined him here were Francisco Montejo, the future conqueror of
Yucatan, and Diego de Soto, who in Mexico became the mayordomo of
Cortés. Again the commander rid himself of Ordaz by sending him with
a vessel to the plantations near Cape San Antonio, there to await
the fleet. The artillery was landed and cleaned; the cross-bows were
tested and the firelocks polished. Cotton armor was secured. More
provisions being required, Quesada, the Episcopal tithe-collector,
contributed his stock.
Warranted, as he thought, by his success and prospects, and well
aware of the effect on the Spanish mind of some degree of ostentation
and military display, Cortés put on the paraphernalia of still
greater leadership, and appointed a chamberlain, a chief butler, and
a mayordomo, in the persons of Rodrigo Rangel, Guzman, and Juan de
Cáceres, which pomp he ever after maintained.[97] Gaspar de Garnica
now arrived with letters from Velazquez to Barba, Ordaz, Leon, and
others, ordering and entreating them to stop the fleet, arrest Cortés,
and send him a prisoner to Santiago. It was of no avail, however.
Soldiers, officers, even Barba himself, were enthusiastic for Cortés,
who once more wrote the governor, in terms as courteous as they were
costless, and shortly afterward, on the 10th of February, 1519, the
fleet again set sail.[98] Guaguanico, on the north side of Cape San
Antonio, was the place appointed for muster and apportionment.[99]
Meanwhile Pedro Alvarado was sent forward with sixty soldiers in
the _San Sebastian_ to bring Ordaz to the rendezvous, but driven by
a gale beyond his goal and near to Yucatan, he thought it useless
to return, and so proceeded to Cozumel Island, where he arrived two
days before the others. The expedition consisted of twelve vessels,
the flag-ship or capitana of one hundred tons, three others of
from sixty to eighty tons, and the rest small brigantines and open
craft, including a transport commanded by Ginés Nortes. The soldiers
numbered five hundred and eight, and the sailors one hundred and nine,
including officers and pilots. The priests present were Juan Diaz and
Bartolomé de Olmedo, of the Order of Mercy. Under Juan Benitez and
Pedro de Guzman were thirty-two crossbowmen; thirteen men only carried
firelocks, the rest being armed with swords and spears. The artillery
consisted of ten bronzed guns and four falconets, and was in charge of
Francisco de Orozco, aided by Mesa Usagre, Arbenga, and others. About
two hundred Cuban Indians, together with some native women and negro
slaves, were brought for service, despite the prohibitory clause in
the instructions. Sixteen horses receive the minute description and
glowing encomium of the soldier Diaz, and play an important part in
the coming campaign. The supplies included some five thousand tocinos,
or pieces of salt pork, six thousand loads of maize and yucca, fowl,
vegetables, groceries, and other provisions. For barter were beads,
bells, mirrors, needles, ribbons, knives, hatchets, cotton goods,
and other articles.[100]
The force was divided into eleven companies, each under a captain
having control on sea and land. The names of the captains were Alonso
Hernandez Puertocarrero, Alonso de Ávila, Diego de Ordaz, Francisco
de Montejo, Francisco de Morla, Escobar, Juan de Escalante, Juan
Velazquez de Leon, Cristóbal de Olid, Pedro de Alvarado, and Cortés,
with Anton de Alaminos as chief pilot.[101]
From this list it will be seen that those but lately regarded as
of the Velazquez party received their full share in the command.
This cannot be attributed so much to the captain-general’s sense of
fairness, which forbade him to take advantage of interests voluntarily
intrusted to his care, as to a studied policy whereby he hoped to win
for his purposes certain men of influence, whom it would, for that
matter, have been dangerous to remove.
Before the review, Cortés addressed his soldiers in a speech as shrewd
and stirring as that of Marcius at Corioli. Pointing to the thousands
of unbaptized, he awakened their religious zeal; dwelling on the
grandeur of the undertaking, he stimulated their ambition; referring
to the vast wealth these lands contained, he excited their cupidity.
Greater and richer lands than all the Spanish kingdoms, he called
them, and inhabited by strange races, only awaiting submission to
their invincible arms. Their whole fortune was invested in the fleet
that carried them; but who would regret so trifling an expenditure
when compared with the glorious results to follow? They were setting
out upon a career of conquest in the name of their God, who had always
befriended the Spanish nation; and in the name of their emperor, for
whom they would achieve greater deeds than any ever performed. Riches
lay spread before them; but like good and brave men they must look
with him to the higher and nobler reward of glory. “Nevertheless,”
he archly added, “be true to me, as am I to you, and ere long I will
load you with wealth such as you have never dreamed of. I will not
say it is to be won without hardships; but who of you are afraid?
We are few, but we are brave. Let us therefore on with the work so
well begun, joyously and confidently to the end!”[102] There is no
passion so artful as avarice in hiding itself under some virtue.
Sometimes it is progress, sometimes patriotism, but its warmest cloak
has ever been religion. There is a double profit to the devotee whose
religion gratifies his avarice, and whose avarice is made a part of
his religion.
On the morning of February 18th mass was said, the campaign standard
blessed, and Saint Peter invoked, whereupon the prows were pointed
toward the islands of the west. All the vessels were to follow the
flagship, whose light should be their guide by night; in case of
separation they were to steer for Cape Catoche and thence proceed to
Cozumel.[103]
FOOTNOTES
[79] ‘Fray Luys de Figueroa, fray Alonso de santo Domingo, y
fray Bernaldino Mãçenedo, q̄ eran los gouernadores, dieron
la licencia para Fernando Cortés como capitan y armador cõ
Diego Velazquez.’ _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 12. The Fathers
no doubt required to know the name of the commander. ‘His
litteris Cortesius confirmatus,’ is the statement in _De
Rebus Gestis Ferdinandi Cortesii_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col.
Doc._, i. 344, in reference to their permit. This authority
intimates that Salcedo, at a later date probably, obtained
license from the Fathers for warfare in Yucatan and for
the settlement of the mainland, but this is not confirmed
anywhere. _Id._, 350.
[80] Evidently Velazquez desired his captains to disobey
instructions and colonize. He could not officially authorize
them to do so, not having as yet received permission from
Spain. Neither Velazquez nor Cortés had any intention
in this instance of confining this enterprise to trade,
or protecting the natives, or imposing morality upon the
men. It was well understood by all that licentiousness and
plunder were to be the reward for perils to be undergone.
‘Atque etiam quod Grijalvae prætentâ causa auxilii ferendi
quod Alvaradus postulabat, ire licebat,’ is the pointed
observation in _De Rebus Gestis Ferdinandi Cortesii_, in
_Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, i. 343-4. Bernal Diaz, _Hist.
Verdad._, 13, refers to promises of Indian repartimientos
in the new regions as an inducement for volunteers. Cortés’
statement at Vera Cruz, that he had no order to settle,
means nothing in view of the motives then actuating him.
Secret agreements between governors and lieutenants for
defrauding the crown and promoting their own aims were
only too common; and this is overlooked by those who trust
merely to the instructions for arguments on this point.
[81] The full text of the instructions is to be found in
_Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas, Col. Doc._, xii. 225-46; _Col.
Doc. Inéd._, i. 385, 406; _Alaman_, _Disert._, i. App. ii.
1-27, with notes, reproduced in _Zamacois_, _Hist. Méj._,
ii. 791-815. The Muñoz copy, given in _Prescott’s Mex._,
iii. 434-9, preserved the original spelling in the preamble,
but the clauses are abbreviated, though Prescott does not
appear to be aware of it.
[82] The ownership of the expedition has been a moot
question, some authors regarding it as pertaining chiefly
to Velazquez, while others accord it wholly to Cortés and
his friends. According to Gomara, after receiving the vessel
brought by Alvarado, and another provided by Velazquez,
Cortés, aided by his friends, bought two large and two small
vessels before leaving Santiago; and at least two more were
bought after this with bills forced upon the owners. The
rest of the fleet appears to have been made up from the
transport spoken of and from Grijalva’s vessels. The latter
is to be regarded as Velazquez’ contribution, for in the
testimony before the royal council in Spain, Montejo, the
trusted friend of the commander, declares that on delivering
them over to the governor he received the order to join
Cortés, with the vessels, of course. His statements, and
those of the captain Puertocarrero, confirmed by the letter
of the ayuntamiento of Villa Rica to the emperor, agree
that, from their own observations and the accounts given by
others, Cortés must have contributed not only seven vessels,
but expended over 5000 castellanos on the outfit, beside
procuring goods and provisions, while Velazquez furnished
only one third, chiefly in clothes, provisions, wines, and
other effects, which he sold through an agent to the company,
the witnesses included, at exorbitant prices. Montejo had
heard that Velazquez contributed three vessels, but whether
these were exclusive of Grijalva’s fleet is not clear. He
is also supposed to have lent Cortés 2000 castellanos, and
to have given twelve or thirteen hundred loads of bread,
and 300 tocinos, beside 1800 castellanos in goods, to be
sold to the party at high prices. Every other supply was
furnished by Cortés, who maintained the whole force without
touching the ship’s stores, while remaining in Cuba, no
doubt. _Col. Doc. Inéd._, i. 487-90. Puertocarrero adds that
Cortés’ liberality to men in advancing means and outfits
was generally admitted. He himself had received a horse
from the commander. He gives a list of the outrageously
high prices charged by Velazquez for his supplies. _Id._,
491-5. Another member of the expedition states that Cortés
furnished seven vessels, and Velazquez three, two more
belonging to the latter joining the fleet afterward. Cortés
paid for all the outfit. Extract appended to _Carta del
Ayunt. de V. Cruz_, in _Col. Doc. Inéd._, i. 419-20: ‘Casi
las dos partes ... á su (Cortés) costa, asi en navios como en
bastimentos de mar.’ ‘Todo el concierto de la dicha armada
se hizo á voluntad de dicho Diego Velazquez, aunque ni puso
ni gastó él mas de la tercia parte de ella.... La mayor
parte de la dicha tercia parte ... fué emplear sus dineros
en vinos y en ropas y en otras cosas de poco valor para nos
lo vender acá (V. Cruz) en mucha mas cantidad de lo que á él
le costó.’ _Carta de la Justicia de Veracruz, 10 de julio,
1519_, in _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 8; _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_,
_Col. Doc._, xiv. 37. Claiming to have no ready money of
his own, Velazquez took for the expedition 1000 castellanos
from the estate of Narvaez in his charge. _Gomara_, _Hist.
Mex._, 12-13. ‘Salió de la Isla de Cuba ... con quince
navíos suyos.’ _Cortés_, _Memorial_, 1542, in _Cortés_,
_Escritos Sueltos_, 310. Peter Martyr assumes that Cuban
colonists furnished the fleet with the governor’s consent,
and elected Cortés commander. Dec. iv. cap. vi. Solis,
_Hist. Mex._, i. 61, considers that Velazquez held only a
minor share in the expedition. Montejo stated in a general
way that he spent all his fortune on joining the expedition.
_Cent. Am._, 1554-55, 127-30, in _Squiers MS._ In _De Rebus
Gestis Ferdinandi Cortesii_ it is asserted that Cortés
expended 6000 pesos of his own, and 6000 ducats borrowed
money, beside what Velazquez lent him; his expenditures
being in all 15,000 pesos. Velazquez gave not one real, but
merely sold goods at exorbitant figures, or made advances
at a high interest, even the vessels provided by him being
transferred to the commander under an expensive charter.
‘Sunt pretereà, multi Hispani viri boni qui et nunc vivunt,
et qui cum ea classis de qua agimus, apparabatur, aderant.
Hi in hujus causæ defensione, cujus apud Consilium Regium
Indicum Cortesius est accusatus, testes jurati asserunt
Velazquium nihil omnino ex propriâ facultate in Cortesii
classem impendisse.’ This would indicate that Montejo and
Puertocarrero’s testimony was confirmed by many others. The
agent, Juan Diaz, who attended to the sale of the goods
and the collection of the advances, fell in the retreat
from Mexico, and his money was lost. _Icazbalceta_, _Col.
Doc._, i. 345-9. This testimony by members of the expedition
merits the foremost attention in the question, particularly
since the fewer statements on the other side are based
wholly on supposition. It is somewhat qualified, however,
by the consideration that both Montejo and Puertocarrero
were stanch friends of Cortés, and that the letter of the
ayuntamiento was prepared in his presence. It must also
be borne in mind that a goodly proportion of the share
attributed to him consisted of vessels and effects obtained
upon his credit as captain-general of the fleet, and also
in a semi-piratical manner. The statements in _Cortés_,
_Memorial_, and in _De Rebus Gestis Ferdinandi Cortesii_,
indicate, beside, a hardly warranted attempt to regard
Velazquez’ contribution chiefly as a loan to the commander
or to the party, his vessels being spoken of as chartered.
Another proportion belonged to wealthy volunteers. On the
whole, however, it may be concluded that Cortés could lay
claim to a larger share in the expedition than Velazquez;
but the latter possessed the title of being not only the
discoverer, through his captains, of the regions to be
conquered, but the projector of the expedition. Oviedo,
while believing that the fleet belonged with more right to
the governor, feels no pity for the treatment he received,
in view of his own conduct to Diego Colon. Complacently he
cites the proverb: ‘_Matarás y matarte han: y matarán quien
te matare._’ As you do unto others, so shall be done unto
you. Oviedo asserts that he has seen testimony showing that
Cortés and his men did not sail at their own expense, but
from his own statement it appears that the instructions of
Velazquez, wherein he speaks of the expedition as sent in
his name, is the chief feature in this so-called testimony;
i. 538-9. Las Casas naturally sides with Velazquez, and
estimates that he expended over 20,000 castellanos; he had
no need for, nor would he have stooped to a partnership,
at least with a man like Cortés. _Hist. Ind._, iv. 448.
Herrera, dec. ii. lib. iii. cap. xi., copies this, and
Torquemada, i. 359, reverses this figure in favor of Cortés.
[83] _Testimonio de Puertocarrero_, in _Col. Doc. Inéd._, i.
491. ‘Mãdo dar pregones, y tocar sus atambores, y trompetas
en nombre de su Magestad, y en su Real nombre por Diego
Velazquez para que qualesquier personas que quisiessen ir
en su compañía à las tierras nuevamente descubiertas â los
conquistar y doblar, les darian sus partes del oro plata,
y joyas que se huviesse, y encomiendas de Indios despues
de pacificada.’ _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 13. Mark
here the promise of encomiendas to the volunteers. The
word ‘doblar’ doubtless meant to explore or to sail round
the new islands. Bernal Diaz does not fail to observe that
the royal license had not yet arrived to warrant these
proclamations.
[84] See _Landa_, _Rel. de Yuc._, 23; _Tapia_, _Rel._, in
_Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, ii. 554; Fancourt, _Hist. Yuc._,
27, leaves out the middle sentence; Gomara, _Hist. Mex._,
15; Torquemada, i. 364, and others give only the Spanish
translation. Prescott says the flag was of velvet, and
attributes the sign to the _labarum_ of Constantine, which,
to say the least, is somewhat far-fetched. Bernal Diaz,
_Hist. Verdad._, 13, places the motto upon ‘estandartes,
y vanderas labradas de oro cõ las armas Reales, y una Cruz
de cada parte, juntamente con las armas de nuestro Rey.’
[85] ‘Se puso vn penacho de plumas con su medalla de oro.’
_Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 13. ‘Tomo casa. Hizo Mesa.
Y començo a yr con armas, y mucha compañía. De que muchos
murmurauan, diziendo que tenia estado sin señorio.’ _Gomara_,
_Hist. Mex._, 13.
[86] Cortés himself was very liberal in advancing money
or necessaries. _Puertocarrero_, loc. cit. This cavalier
received a horse which Cortés bought at Trinidad with
gold fringes taken from his mantle. _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist.
Verdad._, 14. ‘Dio a muchos soldados ... dineros con
obligaciõ de man comun.’ _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 12.
[87] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Ind._, iv. 450-1; _Herrera_,
dec. ii. lib. iii. cap. xi. Bernal Diaz, _Hist. Verdad._,
13, relates the incident as having occurred on the way to
Sunday mass. The fool, whom he calls Cervantes, was walking
in front of his master and Cortés, uttering nonsense in
prose and rhyme; finally he said in a louder voice, ‘By my
faith, master Diego, a nice captain have you chosen: one
who will run away with the fleet, I warrant, for he has
courage and enterprise.’ Duero, who walked close by, sought
to check his tongue by striking at him and by shouting,
‘Silence, fool! Don’t be knavish as well, for we know that
this pretended jest is not of thyself.’ But the jester
persisted in calling out, ‘Hail to my master Diego and his
valiant captain! I swear to thee, my master, that rather
than see thee grievously regret this foolish step I would
hie me with Cortés to those rich lands.’ It was supposed
that Velazquez’ relatives had induced the man to make these
remarks.
[88] Prescott states that Las Casas was on the island at
the time. In this he is mistaken. On the other hand, Bernal
Diaz was an eye-witness, and tells a very different story.
But the tale of the soldier is not so striking as that of
the priest, who writes from the statements of Velazquez’
friends, colored by time and distance. The final words
which passed between the governor and Cortés, according
to Las Casas, in effect were these: ‘Compadre, is this the
way you are going? A nice manner, truly, of taking leave!’
To which Cortés makes answer, ‘Pardon me, sir; there are
things which must be carried out before they are considered.
I wait your worship’s orders.’ _Hist. Ind._, iv. 451-2;
_Herrera_, dec. ii. lib. iii. cap. xii.
[89] _Testimonio de Montejo_, in _Col. Doc. Inéd._, i.
437. ‘No le pudo estoruar la yda porq̄ todos le siguian:
los q̄ alli estauã, como los q̄ venian con Grijalua. Ca
si lo tentara con rigor vuiera rebuelta en la ciudad, y
aun muertes. Y como no era párte dissimulo.’ Cortés even
announced that he was going on his own account, and that the
soldiers had nothing to do with Velazquez. _Gomara_, _Hist.
Mex._, 13. But this is highly improbable. According to _De
Rebus Gestis Ferdinandi Cortesii_, Cortés spread insinuations
against Velazquez’ greed and selfishness, commented upon his
own liberality and upon the rich prospects before them, and
thus gained the voice of his followers, so that the former
dared not attempt any overt acts. ‘Loricâ ab eo tempore
sub veste munitus, stipatusque armatis militibus, quos spe
sibi fidos amicos fecerat.’ _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, i.
346-9; _Cortés_, _Memorial_, 1542, in _Cortés_, _Escritos
Sueltos_, 310. Las Casas repeats his condemnation of Gomara,
as a man who wrote only what he was told by his master. He
scouts the idea of the powerful Velazquez either needing
Cortés’ pecuniary aid or not being able to dispose of his
fleet as he wished. A humble squire, indeed, to raise his
voice against the great Velazquez, who could have taken
his bread and life at any moment! _Hist. Ind._, iv. 448-9.
[90] In his memorial to the emperor in 1542, Cortés relates
this enforced transaction quite at length. Learning that
his stock of the week had been seized, Hernan Dalonso seeks
Cortés and complains, with tears in his eyes, whereupon
he receives the gold chain, ‘de unos abrojos.’ _Cortés_,
_Escritos Sueltos_, 310-11; _Col. Doc. Inéd._, iv. 221.
[91] Bernal Diaz asserts that Duero and Láres were present
at the parting, and that Velazquez and Cortés several times
embraced each other and vowed eternal friendship. ‘Habuit
Cortesius cùm e Sancti Jacobi urbe et portu solvit, naves
sex; aliâ, nam septem habuit, in portu, ut sarciretur
reficereturque, relictâ.’ _De Rebus Gestis Ferdinandi
Cortesii_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, i. 348. This
authority believes that one of the reasons for Cortés’
hurried departure was a fear that Grijalva’s vessels might
turn up; but they had already arrived, as we have seen.
The seventh vessel, a caravel, joined Cortés at Trinidad,
with nine horses and eighty volunteers, under Francisco de
Salcedo. _Id._, 354. ‘Partiose de Santiago Barucoa ... en
seys nauios.’ _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 13.
[92] Pedro Juarez Gallinato de Porra was sent with a
caravel under orders to take the cargo of supplies to Cabo
Corrientes or Punta de Santanton, and there await the fleet.
_Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 13. In _De Rebus Gestis Ferdinandi
Cortesii_, loc. cit., the captain is called Pedro Gonzalez
de Trujillo. He brings 1500 tocinas (salt pork), and 2000
loads cassava. ‘Mil cargas de pan cazavi, y dos mil tocinos
y muchos fasoles y aves y otras cosas.’ _Cortés_, _Memorial_,
1542, in _Id._, _Escritos Sueltos_, 311.
[93] Bernal Diaz, _Hist. Verdad._, 14, mentions several
more names, with occasional remarks on wealth and standing.
Puertocarrero is also written Puerto Carrero, and in the
modern form of Portocarrero. _Torquemada_ and _Oviedo_,
passim.
[94] This appears to be the same vessel referred to by Gomara
as Alonso Guillen’s, bought at Trinidad, though nothing is
of course said about the mode of payment. _Hist. Mex._, 13.
Prescott mistakes in making Sedeño the master of this vessel.
[95] Ordaz proceeded on his mission in the caravel _El
Guerho_, and returned to Trinidad in the vessel of Sedeño,
who received two thousand and more castellanos in gold
fringes, the only treasure on hand. _Cortés_, _Memorial_,
1542, in _Id._, _Escritos Sueltos_, 312. ‘Quatro mil
arrouas de pan, mil y quinientos toçinos y muchas gallinas.’
_Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 14. Bernal Diaz intimates that Sedeño
came into port of his own accord, and was induced to sell
ships and cargo. _Hist. Verdad._, 14. He was reputed the
richest man in the party. _Id._; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Ind._,
ii. 455-6; _Herrera_, dec. ii. lib. iii. cap. xii. ‘De una
hacienda de V. M. compró al mayordomo de ella quinientas
é tantas cargas (pan)’. _Cortés_, _Memorial_, 1542, loc.
cit. The _Probanza de Lejalde_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col.
Doc._, i. 411, contains interesting testimony as to what
goods were obtained, and how.
[96] The Habana was then situated on the south side of the
island, not on the north side, where the appellation now
obtains. Prescott and others fall into numerous blunders
by supposing the Habana of to-day to be identical with the
Habana of three hundred years ago, sending a whole fleet
far out of its way for no other purpose than to collect
provisions, which one vessel would accomplish as well.
[97] ‘Començó Cortés â poner casa, y â tratarse como señor:
y el primer Maestresala q̄ tuvo, fue vn Guzmã que luego se
muriò, ò mataron Indios.’ A different man from the later
mayordomo, Cristóbal de Guzman, who captured Quauhtemotzin
during the siege of Mexico. ‘Caceres ... fue despues de
ganado Mexico, hombre rico.’ _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._,
15-16.
[98] Bernal Diaz says that Barba was one of the most
devoted to Cortés. See, also, _Herrera_, dec. ii. lib. iii.,
cap. xiii. Solis details at length a public gathering, in
which the members of the expedition became highly excited
over Velazquez’ efforts to stop Cortés, and threatened
to destroy the town. He adds that a rumor of Velazquez’
coming in person to enforce his order created another
excitement. _Hist. Mex._, i. 63-6; Robertson, _Hist. Am._,
ii. 8, follows him; also Prescott. According to Las Casas,
Velazquez sends a letter to Cortés, asking him to wait for
an important communication, which he will bring in person
or send by messenger. At the same time come letters for
Ordaz and others, requesting them to seize the commander.
Ordaz accordingly invites him to a banquet on board his
vessel, with the intent of carrying him off to Santiago;
but Cortés perceives the snare and retires under pretence of
indisposition. The good bishop observes that he never knew
Velazquez evince so little sagacity as on this occasion;
nor did Ordaz behave any better. _Hist. Ind._, iv. 456-7.
Gomara has the same account, but adds that the messenger
from Velazquez came in a caravel, together with Alvarado,
Olid, Ávila, Montejo, and others of Grijalva’s party, who
had just arrived from an interview with the governor. _Hist.
Mex._, 14. He is evidently mixed. Torquemada, who quotes
both versions from Herrera and Gomara, places the occurrence
at Trinidad, and considers that Cortés was capable of and
right in foiling Velazquez. Bernal Diaz scouts Gomara’s
story, which is repeated in _De Rebus Gestis Ferdinandi
Cortesii_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, i. 355-6. Peralta
claims that his father, Suarez, pursued and slew the Indian
courier sent with orders for Luis de Medina, then with
the fleet, to assume the command. He thereupon brought the
papers to Cortés and warned him to sail away. _Nat. Hist._,
62-4. Peralta evidently upholds all his father told him.
[99] So affirms Tapia, one of the party. _Relacion_, in
_Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, ii. 555; and this is the view
of most writers. Bernal Diaz states that the review was
held at Cozumel, which may also have been the case; but
he was not present at San Antonio. A review must have been
held before the fleet set out on its voyage, in order that
captains might be appointed and receive apportionments of
men and supplies. Zamacois, _Hist. Méj._, ii. 292-3, assumes
that, owing to Alvarado’s absence, the muster was reserved
for Cozumel.
[100] ‘Tomo [Cortés] fiada de Diego Sanz tendero, vna tieda
de bohoneria en sieteciẽtos pesos de oro.’ _Gomara_, _Hist.
Mex._, 12, 14-15. This was at Santiago. This author, who,
together with Diaz, forms the main authority for the above
list, mentions only eleven vessels, but does not include
Alvarado’s. He places the Spanish force at 550 men, but, by
adding to this the sixty and odd men absent with Alvarado
from the review, the number would agree with Bernal Diaz’
figures. Thirteen vessels, two having joined at Habana as
transports; 530 infantry; twenty-four horses; 5000 loads of
maize and cassava; 2000 tocinos. _De Rebus Gestis Ferdinandi
Cortesii_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, i. 356. Twelve
vessels and 500 men. _Carta del Ayunt. de V. Cruz_, in _Col.
Doc. Inéd._, i. 419-20. Fifteen vessels and 500 men, without
any Indians or negroes, says Cortés, in his _Memorial_,
1542, not venturing to admit that he had disobeyed the
royal order and his instructions in taking Cuban Indians.
_Cortés_, _Escritos Sueltos_, 310; _Col. Doc. Inéd._, iv.
220. Seven navios, three bergantines. _Oviedo_, i. 539. Nine
vessels, 550 Spaniards, two to three hundred Indians. _Las
Casas_, _Hist. Ind._, iv. 446, 457. Eleven vessels of thirty
to one hundred tons, 663 Spaniards, including thirty men
with firearms. _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._,
iv. 54; _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yucathan_, 19; _Vetancvrt_,
_Teatro Ecles._, pt. ii. 100-11; _Fancourt’s Hist. Yuc._,
26-7; _Zamacois_, _Hist. Méj._, ii. 296. Thirteen vessels,
560 persons, thirteen horses. _Tapia_, _Relacion_, in
_Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, ii. 558; Prescott, _Mex._,
i. 262, follows both Bernal Diaz and Gomara, but without
seeking to account for their differences, and thus allows
himself to exceed every other authentic estimate for the
number of the men.
[101] _Torquemada_, i. 364; Gomara, _Hist. Mex._, 14, gives
the same names, except that Francisco de Salcedo stands in
the place of Alvarado. Solis, _Hist. Mex._, i. 66, mentions
eleven, including Salcedo and Nortes; Las Casas, _Hist.
Ind._, iv. 453, names eight, as appointed by Velazquez.
Zamacois, _Hist. Méj._, ii. 287, leaves out Ávila, which
is certainly a mistake, based on Bernal Diaz, who includes
Ginés Nortes, the captain merely of a transport. Salcedo
joined later, at Villa Rica.
[102] Such is in substance the speech prepared by Gomara,
_Hist. Mex._, 15-16, well suited for the enterprise,
yet not exactly in accord with the pretended mission of
peaceful trade and exploration. Torquemada, i. 364-5, gives
it nearly in the same form, while Solis, _Hist. Mex._, i.
71-3, elaborates to suit himself.
[103] The date of departure is generally admitted to be
February 18th, but in _Cortés_, _Memorial_, 1542, is written
‘tardó en esto [fitting out] desde dieciocho dias del mes
de Octubre ... hasta dieciocho dias del mes de Enero, del
año de diez y nueve que acabó de salir de la dicha Isla de
Cuba, del cabo de Corrientes.’ _Cortés_, _Escritos Sueltos_,
313. This is wrong, however, for the fleet could not have
left Santiago before the date of the instructions; yet it
confirms the fact that three months were spent, after leaving
Santiago, before the fleet finally left the island. Some of
the authors indicate a portion of this time, showing that
eight days were spent at Macãco and twelve at Trinidad,
leaving seventy-two days for the brief passages along the
south coast of Cuba and for the stay at San Cristóbal.
_De Rebus Gestis Ferdinandi Cortesii_, or, as the Spanish
translator entitles it, _Vida de Hernan Cortés_, giving
the fullest but also the most partial account of Cortés
up to this time, is an anonymous manuscript in Latin, of
eleven folio leaves, deposited in the Simancas archives,
whence Muñoz obtained a copy, published by Icazbalceta in
his _Coleccion de Documentos_, i. 309-57. It is in a clear
hand, with corrections and marginals, evidently by the
author. Several points indicate that it formed part of _De
Orbe Novo_, a history of America, written apparently in a
series of biographies, to judge from the reference made to
a preceding part relating to Columbus, and to later parts
on the conquest of Mexico. Muñoz expresses the opinion
that the author may be Calvet de Estrella, chronicler of
the Indies, mentioned by Nic. Antonio as the writer of the
manuscripts _De Rebus Gestis Vaccæ Castri_, in the Colegio
del Sacro Monte de Granada. This title induced him to name
the present document _De Rebus Gestis Ferdinandi Cortesii_.
The supposition is warranted by the style and by the evident
date; for references indicate that it was written during
the lifetime of several companions of Cortés. The fragment
begins with the hero’s birth and ends at his departure with
the fleet from Cuba. Although the facts related conform, as
a rule, to Gomara’s version, a number of authorities have
been consulted, some of them no longer extant, chiefly with
a view to extol the character and career of the hero, and
to elaborate incidents into tiresome prolixity.