VICTORIES AND DEATH OF JUDAS MACCABÆUS; JONATHAN THE HASMONÆAN.
Return of Judas to Jerusalem--Reconsecration of the
Temple--The Feast of Lights--Fortification of the Capital--The
Idumæans and Ammonites defeated by Judas--Ill-treatment of
the Galilean Judæans--Measures against Timotheus--Death
of Antiochus--Embassy of the Hellenists to Antiochus
V.--Battle at Bethzur--Retreat of Judas--Affairs in
Jerusalem--Alcimus--Intervention of the Romans--Nicanor's
Interview with Judas--Battle of Adarsa--Death of
Judas--Results of his Career--Condition of the People
after the Death of Judas--The Chasidim, the Hellenists,
and the Hasmonæans--Jonathan--His Guerilla Warfare against
Bacchides--Death of the High-Priest Alcimus--Truce between
Jonathan and Bacchides--Jonathan as High-Priest--His
far-sighted Policy--His Captivity and his Death.
165-143 B. C. E.
The two decisive battles of Emmaus and Bethhoron had entirely altered
the position of Judæa. The imminent danger was averted. Three years
and a half had passed since the beginning of the religious persecution
and the desecration of the Temple (Tammuz, 168--Marheshvan, 165),
and, just as the Book of Daniel had prophesied, peace had followed
the disastrous excitement of this period. Maccabæus and his followers
took advantage of this favourable moment to march into Jerusalem, and
put an end to the desecration which had hitherto held sway there. The
condition of the holy city was deeply distressing to her faithful sons,
who had shed their hearts' blood to save her. The town looked like
a desert,--the sporting-place of her desecrators. The Sanctuary was
deserted, its gates were burnt, its halls were destroyed; idolatrous
altars stood everywhere; the image of Zeus, the desolating abomination,
towered on the altar, and statues of Antiochus insulted the Judæans.
But the holy warriors had not time to give vent to their sorrow at the
general desecration, for they were forced to act quickly for fear of
being disturbed in their work of purification. Their first duty was to
destroy all statues of Jove, and to remove all unclean objects from the
Temple courts (3rd Kislev, 165). They also removed the altar, thinking
it unfit for their sacrifices, as it had been so frequently polluted.
A council of elders determined to place the stones of the altar in one
of the porches of the entrance-court, and to keep them there until
the prophet Elijah should appear and decree what was to be done with
them. Meanwhile a new altar was built, new doors were put up, and new
vessels were brought to the Temple to replace the old ones. All these
preparations were finished in three weeks, and early in the morning
of the 25th Kislev (November), 165, the Temple was consecrated with
sacrifices and thanksgivings. The two former consecrations certainly
could not have been held with greater fervour and devotion. The purest
feelings animated the congregation, and the mortal anguish, which they
had endured for three years and a half, now gave place to feelings of
joy and hope.
The consecration of the Temple not only denoted the victory of the
weak over the strong, the faithful over the sinner, but also, and
especially, the victory of Judaism over Hellenic paganism, of the God
of Israel over idols. People from every town of Judæa took part in the
festival, and the inhabitants of Jerusalem lit bright lamps in front of
their houses as a symbol of the Law, called "Light" by the poets. The
Hasmonæan brothers and the other members of the Great Council decided
that in future the week beginning on the 25th of Kislev should be held
as a joyous festival, to commemorate the consecration of the Temple.
Year after year the members of the House of Israel were to be reminded
of the victory of the few over the many, and of the re-establishment
of the Sanctuary. This decree has been conscientiously carried out.
For two thousand years these days have been celebrated as the "Days of
Consecration" (Hanukkah) by the lighting of lamps in every household
in Israel. From this custom the days derived their name of "Feast of
Lights." Naturally, the old order of things was restored in the Temple.
Priests and Levites were reinstated in their offices; only those
Aaronides who had taken part in idolatrous worship were excluded from
the Sanctuary. This severity, just as it was, produced bad results,
and increased the difficulty of the position of the Judæans. The
priests among the Hellenists and followers of Menelaus, despairing of
reconciliation with the representatives of the people, became more and
more embittered in their hatred against the patriotic, pious party.
Maccabæus had placed his soldiers on guard whilst the Temple was
being restored, to prevent the Hellenists from hindering the people
in their work, and now that the consecration was over, he fortified
the Temple Mount by means of a high wall with two strong towers, and
placed a garrison in them, to protect it from sudden attacks from the
neighbouring Birah or Acra. Foreseeing that the people would have to
fight more battles before they could secure their freedom, he took the
precaution of protecting the country in different ways, among which was
the fortification of Bethzur, the town from which Lysias had sought
to penetrate into Judæa with his army. It was to be in particular a
stronghold against the Idumæans. The victory of the heroes of Israel
over the well-armed Syrian troops increased the burning hatred of the
neighbouring nations against the Judæans, and goaded them on to cruel
enmity against the members of the people who dwelt amongst them, or who
had fled to them for refuge. They either grudged them their victory
or feared their superiority. The Philistines, in the south-west; the
Phœnicians, in the north-west; the Ammonites, on the other side of the
Jordan; the Syrians and Macedonians everywhere in the neighbourhood,
and the Idumæans in the south, were imbued with hatred of the Judæans.
When driven away from their homes by the Nabatæans, the Idumæans had
settled in the old Judæan territory, and had even taken possession
of Hebron. They showed themselves the bitter enemies of the Judæans
in Antiochus's time, just as they had done under Nebuchadnezzar's
despotism; they were ever on the watch for the fugitives, whom they
ill-treated, and sometimes even killed. It was therefore very important
to reduce them to subjection. Judas first undertook an expedition
against the sons of Esau in Akrabattine, defeated them, and drove them
from their dwelling-places. He then crossed the Jordan with his army,
fought the Ammonites, who were led by a Syrian warrior, Timotheus,
an implacable and indefatigable enemy of the Judæans. When Judas had
defeated him and the Ammonites, and had taken possession of their
capital Rabbath-Ammon (Philadelphia), Timotheus sought shelter in the
neighbouring fortress Jaazer, commanded by his brother Chaireas. Twenty
Judæan youths are reported to have shown wonderful valour, climbing the
walls of this difficult fortress, and making a breach for the troops to
enter. Judas accomplished his object by taking Jaazer and its "daughter
towns"; he obtained peace for the Judæans residing in this part of the
country, and inspired the peoples with respect for the name of Israel.
The Judæan troops had hardly returned to Jerusalem before they received
intelligence of other cases of ill-treatment of their Judæan brethren
at the hands of their heathen neighbours. The Judæans turned in their
distress to Maccabæus, as the Israelites had done of old to Saul.
The inhabitants of Gilead and Bashan informed him by letter that the
heathen tribes had collected, with Timotheus at their head, with the
intention of utterly destroying them; that 1,000 Judæans had been
slaughtered in the province of Tobiene; that women and children had
been dragged into captivity, and that their property had been plundered
by the enemy. Messengers, with rent garments, followed upon this
missive, bringing letters from the Galilean Judæans, that they also
were threatened with death by the inhabitants of Acco, Tyre and Sidon.
They implored Judas to come to their aid before it was too late. He
had no need, like Saul, to send messengers with threatening words, in
order to call together an army to the assistance of the threatened
Jabesh-Gileadites, for his devoted followers constituted the whole
fighting power of the land. Maccabæus gave the command of one part of
his army to his brother Simon, with orders to march to the assistance
of the Judæans of Galilee, whilst he and his brother Jonathan, with
another division, prepared to rescue his oppressed brethren beyond
the Jordan. The rest of the Judæan forces, under the command of two
leaders, were to guard the western boundary of Judæa from the inroads
of the Philistines. Simon accomplished his task with rapidity and
good-fortune. He began by hastening to Acco, whose Judæan inhabitants
were the worst sufferers at the hands of the Greeks or Macedonians.
His well-trained soldiers, meeting with some hostile forces, defeated
them easily, put them to rout, and pursued them to the very walls of
their seaport town. This successful feat of arms relieved him from
the necessity of further engagements, for the Macedonians of the
neighbouring towns did not venture to encounter the Maccabæan troops.
Simon was therefore able to progress unmolested through Galilee, and to
persuade the Judæans of that province to migrate to Judæa.
A more laborious contest awaited Judas in the Transjordanic provinces,
for on his march he again met with the obstinate hostility of
Timotheus. As in former ages, the heights were still crowned with
fortresses. However, Judas succeeded in reducing several of them;
he razed their walls to the ground, disarmed their defenders, and
delivered his imprisoned countrymen. He then assembled the Judæan
population, led them across the Jordan, through the friendly city of
Bethshean (Scythopolis), and shortly before the celebration of the
feast of Pentecost (May, 164) he returned to Jerusalem with a number of
emigrant Judæans from Gilead. From all cities of Judæa the enthusiastic
people streamed to receive the victors and to celebrate the festival
with feelings of joy and gratitude. New songs of praise resounded in
the Temple.
But Judas soon marched out again, in order to avenge an injury which
had been received during his absence. His two generals, Joseph, the son
of Zachariah, and Azariah, whom he had left behind to guard the land
in the west, had, contrary to his orders, attacked Gorgias, who was
occupying Jamnia with a force; but they had suffered a defeat, and had
been driven back to the Judæan mountains. Judas therefore embarked on
a new campaign. His arms were again crowned with success, he destroyed
several cities on the sea-coast, together with their temples and idols.
Whilst the hero of the Maccabees had been making fearless warriors out
of his miserable and trembling countrymen who had hidden in caves,
whilst he had been inspiring his people with self-confidence, and
vanquishing the enemy far and near, the court of Syria had remained
wrapped in the most complete indifference. What could have induced
Lysias, who held the reins of government, to remain passive in the face
of this daring defiance? Had he not the means of hiring mercenaries; or
did he think the Judæans invincible? It is said that a distinguished
man at the Syrian court, named Ptolemy Macron, had advocated the cause
of the Judæans, and had declared that the religious restraint imposed
upon them was unjust.
Suddenly important news came to Palestine concerning Antiochus
Epiphanes. The progress of that monarch through Parthia had not been
signalised by any military success; nor had he been able to refill his
treasury. Driven by want of money, he undertook an expedition to the
city of Susa, in Elymais, to plunder the temple of the goddess Anaitis;
but the inhabitants resisted the invader and forced him to retreat.
He fell sick in the Persian city of Tabæ, and while in a state of
delirium, expired (164). He who had derided the idea of a Divine Being
and Divine justice, who had deliberately assaulted all that men hold
sacred, in the end lost confidence in himself in consequence of the
frustration of all his plans. It is quite possible that on his deathbed
he repented of his desecration of the Temple, or, as another report has
it, that his attack of frenzy resulted from the stings of conscience.
At all events his last orders savour of madness, for he appointed one
of his favourites, Philip, as regent of his kingdom and guardian of
his young son Antiochus V., although previous to his departure for
Persia he had invested Lysias with absolute power. This, his dying act,
of pitting two rival governors against each other, thus dividing his
country into factions, proved fatal to the Syrio-Macedonian kingdom,
and to the Seleucidæan house.
The death of Antiochus produced no change in the position of the
Judæans. Lysias, who was guardian of the young king, Antiochus V.
(Eupator, from 164 to 162), undertook no expedition against the
Judæans. Judas Maccabæus took advantage of this inactivity to improve
the unsatisfactory internal condition of his country. At that time
there existed in Jerusalem two neighbouring fortified places that were
in daily feud with each other, namely the Sanctuary, and the fortress
of the Acra, occupied by the Hellenists, who, with their pretended
high-priest Menelaus, continued their hostilities against the patriotic
and loyal Judæans by making attacks upon the fortifications of the
Temple. Judas Maccabæus took measures to bring this intolerable state
of affairs to an end. He undertook the formal siege of the Acra, and
raised earthworks on which he placed catapults, to discharge stones
against the walls.
In this emergency some of the Hellenists resolved to have recourse to
the young king, Antiochus V. (Eupator), and, eluding the besiegers,
travelled for that purpose to Antioch. Upon their arrival, they
declared that they had been cruelly treated by the Judæan party, on
account of their devotion to the royal cause; that they had been robbed
of their property, and threatened with death. They also represented to
the king and his guardian that if the Acra were allowed to fall into
the hands of the Hasmonæans, the rebellious Judæans would be utterly
invincible. A council was thereupon held at the Syrian court, and it
was agreed to commence hostile proceedings against the Hasmonæans.
Ptolemy Macron, who alone spoke in favour of peaceful measures, could
gain no hearing.
The flame of war again blazed up in the spring of 163 B. C. It was an
unfortunate time for the Judæans, as this happened to be a Sabbatical
year, which was strictly kept by those ready to forfeit their lives for
the Law. There was neither sowing nor reaping, and the people had to
content themselves with the fruits of the trees, with the spontaneous
aftergrowth of the soil, or with what had been planted before the
beginning of the Sabbatical year. The garrisons of the fortresses could
not be supplied with food.
Lysias, accompanied by the royal child Eupator, and at the head of a
large army with elephants, marched towards the south side of Judæa.
Judas could only send a small army into the field, as he required
the greater number of his forces for the defence of the Temple and of
the fortress of Bethzur. Thus he was compelled to restrict himself
to defensive operations. The garrison of Bethzur fought bravely, and
attempted to destroy the siege-train of the invaders. Unfortunately,
the scarcity of their provisions would not permit the beleaguered to
undergo a long siege, and, moreover, they were betrayed by a traitor,
Rodocus, who is accused of having revealed to the enemy the secret
ways by which food was introduced into the fortress. At length famine
and treachery compelled the garrison of Bethzur to surrender; but they
were allowed free egress from the fortress. Relieved on this side, the
Syrian army was now able to march upon Jerusalem. Nothing was left to
Maccabæus but to meet them in the field. He advanced at the head of his
troops to Beth-Zachariah, not far from Bethsur, where he awaited the
enemy. The Judæans again performed prodigies of valour. Eleazar, one of
the Hasmonæan brothers, thinking that the magnificently-attired rider
of an elephant was the king himself, crept boldly under the animal,
stabbed it to death, and fell crushed by its enormous weight. But in
spite of the courage and daring of the Judæans, they were obliged to
retreat before the superior numbers of the Syrians. Judas retreated to
Jerusalem, and entrenched himself with his army in the Temple fortress.
Lysias soon followed, and began a formal siege of the Sanctuary.
Judas did not fail to defend himself, and also erected catapults. As
the siege continued for a long time, the supplies, which were not
plentiful on account of the Sabbatical year, were soon consumed by the
garrison. Tortured by hunger, the troops began to desert the fortress
by subterranean passages. Only Judas Maccabæus, his three brothers, and
a small band of devoted followers remained steadfastly at their post
of danger, defying the pangs of hunger. Jerusalem, or, more properly
speaking, its last place of refuge, the Temple, was about to fall, as
in the time of Nebuchadnezzar, through want of food; but help came
unexpectedly.
Philip, who had been named regent of Syria by the dying king Antiochus
Epiphanes, had raised a large army of Medo-Persians, and was marching
upon Antioch to deprive Lysias of the rule. As soon as Lysias heard of
the advance of his rival, he was forced to withdraw his troops from
Jerusalem to lead them against this new enemy. He therefore persuaded
the young king to make peace with the Judæans, and thus a treaty was
concluded, the chief condition being that the Judæans should enjoy
complete religious freedom, and that the fortress of the Temple should
remain inviolate. Lysias agreed by oath to these conditions, but as
soon as the gates of the fortress were opened, he ordered his soldiers
to raze the walls and the towers to the ground. In no other way,
however, did he seek to molest the Judæans, for he neither destroyed
nor desecrated the Sanctuary, and he soon commenced his march to Syria,
where Philip had taken possession of the capital. Thus the numerous
battles of the Hasmonæans were crowned after all with success, and the
Judæans were once more permitted to enjoy religious liberty, and were
no longer compelled to sacrifice to Jupiter.
But these wars had another fortunate result: the Syrian court withdrew
its protection from the Hellenists, who were obliged to leave their
fortress in the Acra. Menelaus, the usurping high-priest, the author of
untold misery, was sacrificed by Lysias. The latter looked upon him as
a firebrand, and had him executed in Berœa (Aleppo), after he had, for
ten years, degraded his priestly diadem by the most execrable conduct.
Jason, who had not, indeed, been so great a criminal as Menelaus, but
who had done his best to disturb the peace of his country, had expired
somewhat earlier in a foreign land. Persecuted by Antiochus Epiphanes,
and driven by the Nabatæan prince, Aretas, out of his country, he had
fled to Egypt, but finding no safety there, had wandered from town to
town, until at last he had found a grave in Sparta.
The truce between the Syrian court and the Judæan people making a
return to the old order of things possible, it was necessary to elect
a new high-priest as political chief, and who could be found worthier
of that office than Judas Maccabæus? The great Hasmonæan hero was
most probably raised to that dignity by Antiochus Eupator, or by his
guardian, Lysias.
During these days of peace, the warrior was able to lay aside his arms,
the peasant to till his fields, and the scribe to devote himself to
the study and the expounding of the Law; the bleeding wounds of the
commonwealth began at length to close and to heal. But peace was not to
be of long duration.
The excitement, resulting from years of civil warfare, was not so
easily allayed that a veil could be thrown over the past. There were
still avowed and clandestine Hellenists, who hated Judas Maccabæus
and his devoted adherents, especially the Chasidim, on account of the
restraint imposed upon them and the frustration of their efforts. They
took advantage of a turn in the political tide to gratify their bitter
animosity. Prince Demetrius, who had been debarred from the succession
to the throne of Syria by his uncle Antiochus Epiphanes, and who had
been left by that monarch as hostage in Rome, seized upon a favourable
opportunity for quitting that city to depose the son of the usurper and
his guardians.
Lysias had foolishly and publicly maintained trained elephants and
built ships of war, though the Roman Senate had interdicted both.
Hereupon Rome sent one of its severest censors to Syria, the envoy
Cneius Octavius, not only to pronounce a severe reproof against
the regent, but also to order the slaying of his elephants and the
burning of his fleet. The orders were carried out without opposition;
but Octavius met with his death, at the hand of a patriot, in a bath
at Laodicea. Thus the authorities in Rome, displeased with the court
of Antiochus, overlooked the escape of Demetrius. When this prince
appeared as an invader in Syria, he gained over the people and the
army to his cause, and put the king and the regent to death (162). The
discontented Judæan party made use of this change of rulers to lodge
their complaints against the Hasmonæans. They were led by a priest
of the name of Jakim, or in Greek Alcimus, the nephew of one of the
teachers of the Law, Josê, son of Joëzer, but himself an adherent
of the innovators. Alcimus and his adherents, embittered at having
been excluded from the Temple and the altar, repaired to the king of
Syria--it is said, with a golden introduction--to whom they gave a
gloomy picture of the state of Judæa, ascribing the misfortunes of
the country to Judas and his followers. The accusation was levelled
chiefly against Maccabæus. So long as he lived, they said, the land
would not obtain the blessings of peace. This accusation was pleasing
to Demetrius, as it gave him an opportunity of asserting his power over
a small, semi-independent province. Though he did not mean to walk
in the footsteps of his kinsman, Antiochus Epiphanes, in the matter
of religious persecutions, still, the fact of his being able to name
Alcimus high-priest and political head of the Judæan commonwealth,
would be a sign that he was master of the people. In order to prevent
any opposition to his wishes, he sent Bacchides, a rude, inexorable
warrior, with a large troop of Syrians, to Jerusalem. He came with
peaceful assurances on his lips. But Judas and his brethren were not
deceived. Convinced that their freedom and their lives were at stake,
they quitted their beloved city, and retreated to the mountains.
The unsuspicious Chasidim, however, allowed themselves to be deceived;
they trusted Alcimus, because he was of the house of Aaron. A large
assembly of distinguished scribes, possibly the whole body of the
Synhedrin, repaired to Bacchides and Alcimus, assuring them of their
friendliness and devotion, and begged them to take measures for
restoring the quiet of their country. Alcimus, the new high-priest,
solemnly swore that this was his intention; but as soon as he had taken
possession of the city, he ordered sixty of the Chasidim to be slain,
his uncle Josê being probably one of the victims. This outrage, coupled
with his perjury, spread terror and mourning through the whole country.
Again all hearts turned towards the Maccabees, and many of those who
had joined the faction of Alcimus left him, and sought the Hasmonæan
brothers at Modin.
It hardly required a new outrage, perpetrated by Bacchides, to light
the torch of civil war. The Syrian army had intercepted the march of a
number of Judæans who were leaving Alcimus in a body, had surrounded
them near Jerusalem, at Beth Zachariah, and after slaying them, had
thrown their dead bodies into a cistern. All who loved their freedom
and their country now gathered round the Hasmonæans. But Alcimus
succeeded in attracting the ambitious, luxurious and law-breaking
Judæans. The nation was once more divided into two rival factions.
At first the Hellenists were the stronger, as they were under the
protection of foreign troops. Alcimus lost no time in marching through
the land, in order to force the inhabitants to pay submission to
Demetrius, and obedience to himself as high-priest. Meanwhile the army
of the Maccabees was growing in strength and numbers. Judas was once
more able to take the field against the Hellenists, and to punish the
deserters, and he spread such terror that the adherents of Alcimus did
not dare show themselves outside of Jerusalem.
Alcimus founded his hopes of ultimate success on the devotion he showed
to the Syrian court, more than on his popularity among the people.
Therefore he hurried to Antiochia with fresh accusations against the
Hasmonæans. Demetrius thought he could easily cope with the rebellion
of his Judæan subjects. He sent Nicanor, one of the warriors who had
escaped with him from Rome, to Judæa, commanding him to treat the
insurgents with the utmost harshness. This leader, too, considered it
necessary to proceed gently at first, if only to gain time until the
troops placed at his disposal arrived. It is said that having heard of
the valour and heroism of the great Judæan commander, he desired to
effect a reconciliation between Judas and the king, and to this end
offered to send three confidential envoys to confer with Maccabæus. The
proposals of Posidonius, Theodotus, and Mattathias being acceptable
to Judas and his adherents, an interview took place between him and
Nicanor. The latter was so enchanted with the Judæan hero, that he
advised him after the conclusion of peace to take a wife, and bring an
heroic race into the world. Alcimus, however, put an end to this good
understanding by informing the king that Nicanor was playing a false
part, that he favoured his enemy Judas, and contemplated raising him
to the office of high-priest. Hereupon the king sent strict orders
to Nicanor to cease all negotiations, and to send Judas in chains to
Antiochia.
Meanwhile Judas, who had been cautioned not to trust Nicanor, had
retreated to his mountain fastnesses, whither he was followed by
Nicanor and his army. A battle ensued at Caphar-Salama, on the confines
of Samaria, where Nicanor's army suffered defeat, and was driven back
to the fortress of the Acra. Enraged at this repulse, the Syrian
renewed hostilities with untiring energy, his chief object being to
make Judas prisoner.
He repaired to the Mount of the Sanctuary, there to make known his
orders that the hero should be delivered up to him. In vain did the
Council come forth to meet him, assuring him of their devotion to the
king, for whose welfare they offered up daily sacrifices; he treated
them all with rough contempt, and swore that he would burn the Temple
down, if Judas were not delivered into his hands.
In order to induce the Judæans to surrender him, Nicanor ordered that
the most respected man in Jerusalem, Ragesh, or Razis, called by
general consent "Father of the Judæans," should be seized and kept as
a hostage, but Ragesh, it is said, committed suicide upon the approach
of his intended gaoler. Nicanor was now determined to vanquish the
Maccabees. He marched out from Jerusalem at the head of an immense
army, pitching his camp at Bethhoron, whilst Judas, surrounded by 3,000
of his bravest followers, took up his post at Adarsa. Judæan valour was
once more triumphant over the superior numbers of the Syrians. Nicanor
fell on the battle-field, and his army fled in utter confusion. The
inhabitants of the towns and villages poured forth in pursuit of the
fugitive Syrians, and cut off their retreat to Gazara, so that not a
single man reached that town. The battle of Adarsa (160) was of so
decisive a character that its anniversary was afterwards celebrated
under the name of the day of Nicanor. The head and one of the arms of
the Syrian commander were severed from the body, and hung as trophies
on the walls of Jerusalem. Judas and the Hasmonæans were once more
masters of Jerusalem, since Alcimus had withdrawn even before the
battle.
At this juncture, Judas, foreseeing that Demetrius would avenge the
destruction of his army, and feeling the insecurity of his position,
took a step of doubtful wisdom--that of making overtures to the
all-powerful State of Rome. He entrusted two of his countrymen with the
important mission--Eupolemus, the son of Johanan, of priestly family,
and Jason, the son of Eleazar. They were both proficient in the Greek
tongue. But hardly had they reached the end of their journey before
Judas was obliged once more to draw his sword.
Demetrius, upon hearing of Nicanor's defeat, had sent an immense army,
commanded by the merciless Bacchides, to Judæa. This general marched
through Galilee, killed all the Judæans whom he met on his way, and in
the spring-time of the year encamped before Jerusalem. Judas had again
been obliged to leave the capital, because, stripped as she was of her
walls, she afforded no shelter. He issued a proclamation to the men and
youths of Judæa to come forward and fight for their fatherland, their
Law, and their freedom, but only 3,000 responded to the call. Led by
Judas, these troops marched southward, encamping near Eleasa, because
the mountains in the north were no longer safe. Bacchides followed
the Judæan army with 20,000 foot and 2,000 mounted soldiers, taking
up his position at Birath, near Bethlehem. Confronted with this vast
host, the Judæan warriors lost heart. They declined to give battle
for the moment, but insisted upon dispersing to await reinforcements.
In vain did Judas employ all his eloquence to urge steadfastness upon
them. The greater number deserted, leaving only eight hundred men to
support Judas. Selecting the most valiant of this little band, he
successfully attacked the right wing of Bacchides, and drove the enemy
to the confines of Ashdod. But the small troop of Judæan soldiers left
behind, unable to withstand the desperate onslaught of the left wing of
the Syrian army, was routed, and when Judas returned from the pursuit
he was obliged to resume battle with the latter. He and his band of
picked men performed wonders of bravery. On both sides fell the dead
and wounded, and the battle lasted from morning till evening. But
the Judæan army became smaller and smaller, and its survivors were
entirely surrounded by the enemy. At last even Judas Maccabæus fell,
sword in hand. The few remaining soldiers fled from the battle-field,
the Maccabæan brothers being fortunate enough to save the body of their
heroic commander from disgrace.
The defeat at Eleasa or Birath (160) seemed to have rendered
ineffectual all the previous Jewish victories. The lion-hearted troop
of Hasmonæans were dispersed. Alcimus once more took possession of the
Temple and the Holy City, and could gloat over his antagonists.
But the long years of Maccabæan warfare had not been in vain. They had
roused the nation from its torpor, and had rejuvenated it. The blood
of martyrs, it is said, heals wounds. In truth, all old wounds were
healed by this free-will sacrifice of so many lives. So far as the
world at large was concerned, the stigma that had been fastened upon
the Judæan name had vanished. The contemptuous Greeks, who had felt the
force of Judas's arm, no longer derided the Judæan soldiers, and the
Judæans were no longer required to prove their equality with the Greeks
by joining in the Olympian games. The Judæans themselves had learnt to
know their own prowess and their mission; they had proved themselves
to be God's people, destined to guard His law and His teaching, and
capable of defending those precious gifts. Self-devotion, taught by the
prophet Elijah to a few disciples, and inculcated by the second Isaiah
with fiery eloquence, had become, through the action of the Maccabæan
warriors and martyrs, the recognised duty of the whole nation.
Judas Maccabæus had breathed out his heroic soul on the battle-field of
Eleasa. The whole nation mourned for him, and justly, for it had become
orphaned by his loss.
The sublime enthusiasm that had led to the valiant deeds of the
Maccabees, that had moved singers to extol the Lord "in new songs,"
could not be of lasting duration. It was the result of a noble
excitement, and a reaction had to follow. An entire nation, bred to
farming and cattle-breeding, cannot continue in arms from year's end to
year's end. Besides, the principal cause which had prompted a warlike
rising had ceased to exist. It was no longer demanded of them to deny
the God of Israel, or to sacrifice to Jupiter. One of the terms of the
truce that Judas Maccabæus had concluded with the young king Antiochus
Eupator, or with his general-guardian Lysias, was the religious freedom
of the Judæans. Demetrius I. did not interfere with this concession;
in the Temple at Jerusalem, the sacrifices were offered up according
to law, and although the high-priest, Jakim or Alcimus, was not a
favourite of the people, yet, unlike his predecessor Menelaus, he came
of priestly descent.
It is true, the party of the Hellenists still held the fortress Acra
in Jerusalem, whence they menaced the faithful with the destruction
of their city and the violation of their Temple. The conqueror,
Bacchides, after the death of Judas, had made them masters of the land,
and they were resolved to use their authority in order to bring about
the downfall of the pious Judæans. But such proceedings, well as they
may be adapted to rouse noble natures to active measures, do not seem
important enough to warrant a short-sighted, and, above all things,
peace-loving people to take any decided steps against their enemy, and
to hazard their own safety and that of their families, unless a voice
of authority calls upon them to act.
But after the death of Judas Maccabæus there was no one left to claim
such authority.
Although the Hasmonæan brothers were beloved by the people, they had
not the power to summon the whole nation to their standard, and they
were looked upon only as leaders of a faction.
In fact, after the death of Judas one could discern the beginnings
of three distinct parties amongst the people; party spirit, always a
symptom of national vitality, had, as far as Judæa was concerned, its
origin in the Maccabæan wars. First, there were the pious Chasidim, or
Assidæans, as they are more generally called. These obeyed not only the
Law, but the additional enactments promulgated by Ezra and the Supreme
Council. Then came their persistent antagonists, the Hellenists, who,
in violent contrast to the former, scorned the earnest Judæan life,
and sought to introduce Greek customs. These were despised of the
people, who called them "Traitors to the Covenant." In spite of this
they numbered among their adherents Temple officials, priests, and
the old and distinguished family of Odura, and the sons of Phasiron.
Lastly, there were the Hasmonæans, who had raised themselves to great
power in a short time, and whose leaders were the three remaining sons
of Mattathias, Jonathan, Simeon and Johanan. The Hasmonæans resembled
the Assidæans in their love for Judaism and the Sanctuary, but they
differed from them in their wider view, in their practical judgment,
and in their manly energy, which could not be deterred from its purpose
by any adverse circumstances. They were not content with having averted
the violation of the Sanctuary, or with having obtained the recognition
of their religious liberty; but they longed to rid themselves of the
causes which had brought misfortune on their country. A Psalmist
describes them most accurately in these words: "The praise of God is
in their mouth, and a two-edged sword in their hands." They could not
bear to have the Judæans remain under the hateful yoke of the Greeks,
or to know that Judaism depended for its very existence upon the whim
of a Syrian despot, or the intrigues of a treacherous party. They were
not content with mere religious freedom; they wished to establish
political independence. But the Hasmonæans feared that they lacked
the strength to effect this purpose. They therefore determined to
rely upon extraneous aid, and for this purpose they desired to connect
themselves with the Roman government and, it appears, also with the
Parthians, who had freed themselves from Syrian rule. But it was this
worldly policy that incensed the Assidæans. They put their trust in God
alone, and could imagine warfare possible only if conducted according
to Biblical precedent; they believed that God would confound the enemy
in a miraculous way, and, in their opinion, to seek foreign help was
to cast a doubt upon the omnipotence of God. "It is better to trust in
the Lord than to confide in man," they quoted, "it is better to trust
in the Lord than to confide in princes." This discontent, it may be
surmised, was the cause of the separation of the Assidæans from the
Hasmonæans, thereby reducing the number of the Maccabæan warriors. This
circumstance may have brought about the death of Judas.
Of these three parties, the Hasmonæans alone had a chance of being
ultimately the leaders of the nation. The Hellenists had destroyed
their prospects by disregarding entirely the observances or prejudices
of the people; whilst the Assidæans entertained views of an intensely
narrow character, and were too fond of repose to disturb it by seeking
to remedy the state of anarchy in which Judæa was plunged.
Confusion was indeed rampant at that time. Wherever Hellenists and
Hasmonæans met, a disgraceful conflict was the result; no voice of
authority forbade such practices; there was not even a court of
justice. Famine did but aggravate this miserable state of things.
"There was great affliction in Israel, the like whereof had not been
seen since a prophet had been among them."
In their anguish the unfortunate people turned to Jonathan Haphus,
hoping that he would humiliate the Hellenists, and restore peace to
the country. But Jonathan did not possess the warlike energy of his
brother Judas, nor was he supported by the whole nation. He was more
of a politician than a general. Too weak to attack the army that
Bacchides had quartered in Judæa, he was merely able to take measures
of defence. Threatened by the Syrian host, the Hasmonæans entrenched
themselves in the woodland country on the shores of the Jordan; but,
conscious of their weakness, they sent their wives and children to join
the friendly Nabatæans. On the way, however, this peaceful troop was
suddenly attacked by a warlike tribe, that of Bene Amri, from the city
of Madaba, and with their leader, the Hasmonæan Johanan, was put to the
sword--a deed of infamy that was subsequently avenged by Jonathan.
But even in their hiding-places, in the valley of the Jordan, the
Hasmonæans found no rest. Bacchides sought them out, attacked them
on the Sabbath-day, when indeed they were not forbidden to defend
themselves, but when they were too much hampered by legal minutiæ to
join battle with full force, and compelled them to swim the river,
and find safety on the opposite side. The whole country was now at
the mercy of the enemy. Bacchides restored the fortresses, reinforced
the strong places, the Acra, Bethzur and Gazara, storing them with
provisions and weapons. He enforced the loyalty of the people by
seizing the children of the most distinguished families, and placing
them as hostages in the Acra. Thus, in the space of one year (160-159),
Bacchides succeeded in entirely putting down all armed opposition to
the Syrian rule, a feat which the previous Syrian commanders had not
been able to accomplish in six years.
The strong arm of the Maccabæan hero was sorely missed. Had King
Demetrius wished to make any important changes in the religious
condition of the Judæans, he could not have chosen a more opportune
moment; the strength of the people was broken, and their leaders were
banished from the scene of action. But the successor of Antiochus
Epiphanes, sunk in a life of debauchery, was content with having
assured himself of the sovereignty over Judæa, and of the annual
payment of the tribute-money. The Syrian court, even after the death of
Alcimus, troubled itself but little, if at all, about the religion of
the Judæans. Although disliked by the people, the high-priest Alcimus
had not belonged to the extreme Hellenists. He was merely an ambitious
man who always worshipped the rising power. An offence with which he
was reproached appears, on careful examination, hardly to have been
a sin against the religion of the Judæans. It appears that between
the inner and outer courts of the Temple there was a sort of wooden
screen, of lattice-work, called "Soreg." This screen, the work of the
prophets, as it was called, was the boundary, beyond which no heathen,
nor any one who had become unclean by contact with a corpse might
pass. But Alcimus gave orders for the destruction of this partition,
probably with the intention of admitting the heathen within the sacred
precincts. The pious Judæans were so highly incensed at this, that when
Alcimus was seized, directly after this command, with paralysis of
speech and of limbs, from which he never recovered, they attributed his
fatal illness to the wrath of Heaven.
After the death of Alcimus, the Syrian court left the office of
high-priest unfilled, evidently with the intention of removing even
this semblance of Judæan independence. For seven years the Temple
had no high-priest, and the country, no political head. Probably
the priestly functions were carried on by a substitute for the
high-priest, under the name of Sagan. We hear nothing of further Syrian
interference. Bacchides left the country, and Judæa was at peace for
two years (159-157).
Jonathan and Simon, the leaders of the Hasmonæans, made use of this
pause to strengthen themselves, and to arm their followers. They
fortified the oasis of Bethhagla, in the desert of Jericho, within the
grateful shade of a wood and near a spring with an ample supply of
sweet and limpid water. The river Jordan protected their rear.
In the conduct of this war Jonathan enjoyed no other authority than
that of a Bedouin chief who extorts an armistice from the governing
power; but as the sympathy of the people went with him, and as he
carried his sword in a holy cause, he attained greater power. Without
doubt the harm he did the Hellenists was considerable, for we hear of
their carrying fresh complaints to the Syrian court. But as Demetrius
was hopelessly indifferent, and as Bacchides was weary of carrying on
a guerilla warfare at a great disadvantage, they remained inactive,
whilst the Hellenists proposed to fall treacherously upon Jonathan and
Simon, and to deliver them as prisoners to the Syrians. An ambush was
laid for the two commanders, but the conspiracy was revealed, and the
Maccabæans were able to take measures of defence upon this occasion.
Fifty Hellenists were seized and executed. Bacchides, who had counted
upon the rapid success of the conspiracy, felt himself involved in a
new war, and proceeded to besiege the Hasmonæans in their fortress
of Bethhagla. But the latter had attracted a number of followers,
large enough to enable them to divide their forces. Jonathan and his
followers defended the fortress, whilst Simon with his division,
sallying out by an unguarded road, attacked the Syrians in the rear,
and after defeating the Hellenists, burnt the siege-machines of the
enemy. Threatened on both sides, Bacchides was forced, not without
a considerable loss of soldiers, to raise the siege of Bethhagla,
and as an outlet for his rage executed many of the Hellenists in his
army. This was an appropriate moment for Jonathan to demand a truce,
which was granted. The condition agreed upon was that Jonathan, after
giving hostages as pledges of peace, might return to Judæa unmolested,
but should not be permitted to dwell in Jerusalem. Prisoners were
exchanged, and Bacchides marched out of the land, leaving his allies,
the Hellenists, unprotected.
Jonathan took up his position in the fortress of Michmash, where Saul
had once fixed his headquarters. He was tacitly acknowledged as the
head of the Judæan people, and treated its enemies with relentless
severity. For nearly four years "the sword rested in Israel." How this
undecided state of things would finally have ended it is difficult to
say, but it is certain that, without the aid of an unexpected piece
of good fortune, the dream of the Hasmonæans could never have been
realised.
A revolution in the Syrian kingdom effected a happy change in the fate
of Judæa, and increased the power of Jonathan and the nation.
An obscure youth of Smyrna, Alexander Balas, was the cause of this
revolution. He happened to bear an extraordinary likeness to the late
king of Syria, Antiochus Eupator. This resemblance prompted Attalus,
king of Pergamum, to induce Alexander to play the part of pretender to
the Syrian throne. Alexander, richly supplied by Attalus with money and
troops, was recognised by the Roman Senate as heir to the kingdom of
Syria. Demetrius, roused from his indolence, began to look about him
for allies. Above all he was anxious to win Jonathan over to his side.
This led him to write a flattering epistle to the Hasmonæan commander,
in which he called him his ally, and authorised him to raise troops and
procure weapons. The Judæan hostages were at once to be set free.
Jonathan did not neglect so favourable an opportunity. He hurried to
Jerusalem, repaired the walls, and fortified the city. The Hellenists
sought refuge in the fortress of Bethzur. But Alexander, who was
also in want of help, was equally eager for Jonathan's alliance, and
succeeded in gaining it. He nominated Jonathan high-priest, sent him
a robe of purple and a crown of gold, thus declaring him tributary
prince of the Syrian kingdom and friend of its monarch.
Jonathan donned his priestly garment, and officiated for the first time
as high-priest in the Temple upon the Feast of Tabernacles (152); he
was the first of the Hasmonæans to gain so great a distinction.
Thus Judæa, thanks to the valour and self-sacrifice of a handful of
warriors, was raised, after a war of nearly twenty years, from the
brink of destruction to an influential position. The sufferer's part
which she had played for so long was now to be exchanged for one active
and heroic.
Jonathan greatly contributed to the growing power of the nation during
his rule (152-144). He justly divined which side he should espouse in
the struggle for the Syrian crown. He allied himself to Alexander,
although Demetrius, like all who have nothing left to lose, was profuse
in the most liberal offers. Ignoring the high-priest, Demetrius wrote
"to the Judæan people," promising to relieve them from most of their
taxes and imposts, to restore to their jurisdiction three districts
that had been added to Samaria, to recognise Jerusalem as an asylum,
and even to give up the important Acra. He declared that he would
defray the expenses for conducting divine service in the Temple out
of the royal treasury, reserving for that purpose the revenues of the
town of Ptolemais. The Judæan army was to be levied at Syrian cost,
promotions and rewards were to be given according to Syrian custom,
and the forces consisting of 30,000 men were naturally to serve as
his allies. Even the Judæans settled in the Syrian provinces were, in
consideration of this alliance, to be protected from the oppression of
their neighbours, and were to be exempt, on all Sabbaths and festivals,
and for three days before and after the festivals, from duties in any
court of justice.
But nothing could bribe the Judæan people to desert Jonathan; they
were not blinded by these brilliant prospects, and their leader was
too well acquainted with the character of Demetrius to give heed to
his promises. He allied himself with Alexander, aided him in crushing
his rival, and never had cause to regret the step that he had taken.
The usurper loaded Jonathan with marks of favour, and plainly showed
his gratitude to the Maccabæan leader. When he entered the city of
Ptolemais, to receive the daughter of the Egyptian monarch, Ptolemy VI.
Philopator, as his bride, he invited Jonathan to meet him, and the two
kings entertained the Judæan warrior as their equal.
During the reign of Alexander Balas (152-146) Judæa recovered from
the cruel blows which despotism and treachery had dealt her, and was
soon able to call 10,000 men into the field. Jonathan, on his side,
repaid Alexander with unalterable loyalty. For when Demetrius II.,
the son of Demetrius I., contested, as rightful heir to the throne,
the sovereignty of Syria, Jonathan upheld Alexander's cause most
strenuously, although that monarch was deserted by Egypt and Rome.
The Maccabæan chieftain began by opposing the advance of Demetrius's
general Apollonius on the shores of the Mediterranean. He besieged
and took the fortress of the seaport town of Joppa, destroyed the old
Philistine city of Ashdod, which had declared for Apollonius, and burnt
the Temple of the god Dagon. As a reward for his services, Jonathan
received from Alexander the city of Ekron, with the surrounding
country, which from that time was incorporated with Judæa (147).
The Syrian people were now divided in their allegiance, some of them
acknowledging the rightful king Demetrius II., others clinging to
the house of the usurper Alexander, even after the latter had been
treacherously slain. In this general confusion Jonathan was able to
besiege the Acra, the stronghold of the Hellenists.
The besieged turned for help to the Syrian king, and Demetrius
II., eager to overthrow the powerful Maccabæan, listened to their
appeal, marched to their rescue, and commanded Jonathan to meet him
at Ptolemais. But when Jonathan obeyed and came with rich presents,
Demetrius thought that his alliance might be of use to himself, and not
only did he abandon his march upon the Acra, but he confirmed Jonathan
in his priestly office.
Jonathan, well aware that the king was in sore need of money, offered
him 300 talents in exchange for a few districts of land, and for the
promise of exempting the Judæans from all taxation. The compact was
made, written, and placed for security in the Temple; but Demetrius,
in spite of his solemn protestation, soon regretted having freed the
Judæans from their imposts. No Syrian monarch was ever known to be
loyal to his word, or to refrain from recalling favours granted in
some pressing moment of danger. The Judæan army meanwhile was soon
to enjoy the unexpected triumph of inflicting the same degradation
upon the Syrian capital which the Syrians had so often inflicted upon
Jerusalem. Demetrius had excited the discontent of his people to such
a degree that they actually besieged him in his own palace at Antioch,
and his troops, who were clamouring for pay, refused to aid in his
deliverance. Thus he felt himself in the unpleasant position of being
compelled to seek the help of Jonathan's Judæan troops. The 3000 men
sent by the high-priest destroyed a portion of the Syrian capital by
fire, and forced the inhabitants and the rebellious soldiers to release
their king and sue for pardon. But no sooner was Demetrius at liberty
than he treated his deliverer with the basest ingratitude. Jonathan,
therefore, refused to come to his rescue, when a general of Alexander
Balas, Diodotus Tryphon by name, conspired against him, attempting to
place Antiochus VI., the young son of Alexander Balas, on the throne of
Syria. Demetrius was forced to flee from his capital. Embittered at
the faithlessness of the Syrian monarch, and grateful to the memory of
Alexander, Jonathan espoused the cause of the young king and his regent
Tryphon. The latter confirmed him in his priestly office, and permitted
him to wear the gold clasp, the distinguishing mark of an independent
prince. Simon, his brother, was made commander of the Syrian forces
on the shores of the Mediterranean, from the ladder of Tyre to the
Egyptian confines.
Bravely did the Hasmonæan brothers fight for Antiochus, upon the
triumph of whose cause the freedom of the Judæans depended. Victory
and defeat succeeded each other; but at last the Hasmonæans remained
victorious; they besieged and took several towns on the coast, and
finally entered Damascus. They drove the Hellenists out of Bethzur,
and garrisoned it. But their greatest desire was to make Jerusalem
impregnable. They increased the height of the walls, extending them
eastward to the vale of Kidron, thus creating a defence for the Holy
Mount; they erected a rampart in the middle of the city, facing
the Acra, to keep out the Hellenists, and they filled up the moat
"Chaphenatha," which divided the Holy Mount from the city, and which
was but partially bridged over, thus practically bringing the Temple
closer to the town.
Jonathan would not attempt the siege of the Acra, partly because he
might have given umbrage to his Syrian allies, and partly because he
did not dare concentrate all his forces at one point so long as the
generals of the fallen Demetrius maintained a threatening attitude. At
that time Judæa could boast of an army 40,000 strong (144-143).
Subsequent events showed only too plainly that the prudence evinced by
the Hasmonæans in fortifying the country, and maintaining a powerful
army at the outset of this campaign had not been superfluous. As soon
as the rebellious general, Diodotus Tryphon, had possessed himself of
the supreme power in Syria, he determined to overthrow the puppet king
Antiochus, and to place the crown upon his own head. But the greatest
hindrance to the attainment of these ends was Jonathan himself, who,
true to the memory of Alexander, was the devoted champion of the
rights of Antiochus, and who, moreover, was in possession of a great
part of the sea-coast. Tryphon was well aware that Jonathan would not
become party to his treachery, so he determined to rid himself of the
high-priest, and thus weaken the followers of the young king. But a
course of open violence being impossible, he resorted to craft, and
actually succeeded in outwitting the wariest of all the Hasmonæans,
and getting him into his power. Upon the news of Tryphon's entry into
Scythopolis, at the head of a powerful army, Jonathan hurried to
oppose him with 40,000 picked warriors. To his amazement he was most
courteously received by the Syrian commander, and loaded with presents.
Entirely duped by so flattering a reception, he was persuaded by
Tryphon to dismiss the greater number of his troops, and to follow his
host into the fortified seaport city of Acco (Ptolemais), which Tryphon
promised to surrender to him. Of the 3,000 soldiers remaining with
Jonathan, 2,000 were now sent to Galilee, 1,000 alone following their
chief. But hardly had they passed the gates of the fortress before
Jonathan was seized, and made prisoner by the treacherous Tryphon,
whilst the Syrian garrison fell upon his men, and massacred them.
After the accomplishment of this infamous deed, the troops rushed out
in pursuit of the Judæan soldiers, who were stationed in the plain of
Jezreel and in Galilee. But the Judæans had already heard of the fate
that had befallen their brethren, and they turned, and gave battle to
the Syrians, putting them to flight. With the report of Jonathan's
death they entered Jerusalem, and great was the consternation of
their sorrow-stricken brethren. They believed that their beloved
Jonathan had fallen, like his thousand followers at Acco, a victim to
the faithless commander. Syrian domination, with its usual terrible
consequences, seemed impending. The Hellenists were suspected of being
implicated in these disastrous events, and, in fact, there was a secret
understanding between Tryphon and the remnant of the Hellenists; the
Syrian commander appears to have promised them aid from without, while
they were to assist him from within, should the Judæan capital be
besieged. But Simon Tharsi, the last of the Hasmonæans, successfully
averted this twofold danger. In spite of his advanced age, he was a
man of lofty enthusiasm and singular heroism, so that he was able
to rouse the people from despair to hope. When he exclaimed to the
multitude assembled in the outer court of the Temple, "I am no better
than my brothers who died for the Sanctuary and liberty," the Judæans
replied with one voice: "Be our leader, like Judas and Jonathan, your
brothers." Placed at the head of the nation by the people themselves,
Simon was determined to secure Jerusalem from a sudden attack on the
part of the Hellenists, and at the same time to block Tryphon's entry
into Judæa. He sent a Judæan contingent, under the leadership of
Jonathan ben Absalom, to Joppa, in order to prevent the landing of the
Syrian army, whilst he assembled his forces at Adida.
Tryphon, accompanied by his prisoner Jonathan, had already passed out
of Acco with the intention of falling upon Judæa, which, he thought,
would be paralysed by his act of treachery. He was determined,
moreover, to frighten the Judæans into subjection by threatening to
assassinate their high-priest. But upon hearing, to his amazement, that
all Judæa was in arms, and that Simon was the leader of the people, he
began artfully to enter into negotiations with the enemy. He pretended
to have made Jonathan prisoner only for the purpose of securing one
hundred talents of tribute-money which the Judæans had formerly paid
to Syria, and promised that if this indemnity were forthcoming, and
Jonathan's two sons were delivered up as hostages, he would release his
prisoner. Simon was in no way deceived by this artifice of Tryphon,
but trembling to incur the reproach of having caused his brother's
death, he paid the tribute-money, and delivered up the hostages.
Tryphon, however, had no intention of making peace with the Judæans; on
the contrary, he was at that very moment taking a circuitous road to
Jerusalem, not daring to run the risk of meeting the Judæan forces in
the open field. He might have reached the capital in safety, had not
a heavy snowfall, most unusual in that hot climate, made the mountain
roads of Judæa impassable, and forced him into the trans-Jordanic
country.
Enraged at this defeat of his plans, he caused Jonathan to be executed
at Bascama (143). The remains of the great Maccabæan high-priest and
commander were ultimately recovered, and buried by Simon and the whole
people at Modin, in the tomb of the Hasmonæans. Thus ended the fourth
of the Hasmonæan brothers. He achieved more than his predecessors had
done, and more than his successors could do; for he raised the Judæan
republic from the very lowest depths to an eminence whence, if not
entirely abandoned by fortune, it could easily rise higher. It is true
that Judas Maccabæus had performed more numerous deeds of valour, and
had gained a more brilliant military renown than Jonathan, but the
younger brother had given his people power and importance, and by
virtue of his priestly office had conferred lasting distinction upon
his family.
After the death of Judas, the Judæan nation was as near dissolution as
it had been in the days of the sanguinary reign of Antiochus; but after
Jonathan's death, there existed the fundamental conditions upon which a
State can be based.
If we may compare Judas Maccabæus to the Judges of the Biblical age,
then we may liken Jonathan to King Saul, who was able to avert ruin
and attain safety. As Saul, through the kingly crown, united the
dispersed tribes, and moulded them into a powerful people, so Jonathan,
by his mitre, united the divided factions, and made of them a strong
and self-reliant nation. And although both were deeply mourned by the
people, neither King Saul's death nor that of the high-priest Jonathan
put an end to the nation's unity, because in neither of these parallel
cases did the unity of Judæa rest upon one individual, but upon the
whole nation, conscious of its resources. As Saul found a worthy
successor in his son-in-law David, so did Jonathan in his brother Simon.
Of Jonathan's descendants, only one daughter is mentioned. She was
married to Mattathias ben Simon Psellus, and became the ancestress of
the historian Flavius Josephus.
During the period in which the Judæan State was developing through
political trials, the Jewish religion was attaining, on another
theatre, the sovereign position whence it influenced the civilisation
of the whole world. Politically, Judaism was being matured in Judæa,
intellectually, in Egypt.