THE TYRANNICAL CONVERSION TO HELLENISM AND THE ELEVATION OF THE
MACCABEES.
Antiochus Epiphanes--His Character--His Wars with Rome--He
appoints Jason to the High Priesthood--Introduction of the
Greek Games--Jason sends Envoys to Tyre to take part in the
Olympian Games--Affairs in Jerusalem--Antiochus invades
Egypt--Report of his Death in Jerusalem--Antiochus attacks the
City and defiles the Temple--His Designs against Judaism--His
Second Invasion of Egypt--The Persecution of the Judæans--The
Martyrs--Mattathias and his five Sons--Apelles appears in
Modin--The Chasidim--Death of Mattathias and Appointment
of Judas Maccabæus as Leader--His Virtues--Battles against
Apollonius and Heron--Antiochus determines to exterminate
the Judæan People--Composition and Object of the Book of
Daniel--Victory of Judas over Lysias.
175-166 B. C. E.
There now appeared on the scene a royal personage who seemed destined
to increase the hopeless disorders in Judæa, and to bring greater
misery upon the House of Israel than it had ever known before. This
man was Antiochus Epiphanes, whom history has justly branded. He
belonged to a class of men who have a double nature. He was a mixture
of malice and noble impulses; he was cunning and calculating, yet
capricious, petty in great enterprises, and great in trivialities. His
contemporaries even could not fathom his character, nor understand
whether a naturally crippled intellect or simulation was the cause of
the absurdities by which he made himself ridiculous in the eyes of the
people. He seemed to covet the name of "Epimanes," or the _Madman_. His
early training encouraged him to lead an irregular life. He resided for
thirteen years at Rome, whither his father had sent him as hostage for
the maintenance of peace and the payment of the costs of the war. Rome
had just become the capital of the world. The Romans had conquered the
Carthaginians, the Macedonians and the Syrians, and the Eternal City
was passing from the austere morality of the Catos to the wantonness
of the Claudii. Debauchery and unnatural lust--the immoral practices
of the Greeks--speedily took root there. But what Antiochus learnt
principally at Rome was contempt of men and their cherished customs;
there also he acquired not only insolence, but a hardness of heart
which knew no compassion, and the malice which sports with its victim
before it strangles it.
Antiochus succeeded in obtaining permission to leave Rome, and to
send his nephew Demetrius, son of the king Seleucus Philopator, as
hostage in his place. He returned to Syria, probably with the intention
of dethroning his brother, but his design had been anticipated by
Heliodorus, one of the court magnates, who had murdered Seleucus (175),
and taken possession of the kingdom. It may be questioned whether
Antiochus was not implicated in this deed; he was at that time at
Athens, on his way home. His father's enemy, Eumenes, king of Pergamus,
with his brother Attalus, put the murderer Heliodorus to flight, and
proclaimed Antiochus king of Syria and Asia. Thus Antiochus attained
to power by craft and usurpation; for Demetrius, now a hostage at
Rome, was the rightful sovereign. The Romans favoured the usurper, for
they hoped, by increasing the dissensions among the royal families,
to bring about the fall of those kingdoms which still resisted their
power. Antiochus, however, was determined to foil this stratagem of the
Romans. A Judæan seer thus graphically describes his accession to the
throne:--
"And in his place shall stand up a contemptible person to whom
they had not given the honour of the kingdom; but he shall come
suddenly, and shall obtain the kingdom by flatteries.... And
after the league made with him he shall work deceitfully; for
he shall come up and shall become strong, with a small number
of people. Suddenly shall he come even upon the fattest places
of the province; and he shall do what his fathers have not
done, nor his fathers' fathers; he shall scatter among them
prey, and spoil, and substance." (DANIEL xi. 21-24.)
It was in the execution of his designs to deceive the Romans that
he introduced in Antioch the Roman gladiatorial combats, in which
prisoners of war or slaves were made to fight each other with arms
until one succumbed or was killed. Antiochus had entirely banished
from his soul the fear of any deity; "he neither reverenced the gods
of his ancestors, nor any god whatever, for above all he magnified
himself." The Judæans were now in the hands of this monster, who had a
heart of stone, and scorned alike man and law, morality and religion.
If peace had reigned in Judæa, the country might have escaped his
notice, but the discord which the Hellenists had excited there directed
his attention towards the Judæan people and their land. The Hellenist
party themselves requested his interference in the internal affairs
of Judæa, directing his notice to Hyrcanus, whom they hated, and who,
residing in his castle near Hesbon, collected the taxes from the
Arabian or Nabatæan inhabitants of the land in the name of the king of
Egypt. Hyrcanus, dreading an ignominious death, committed suicide, and
Antiochus seized all his property.
The Hellenists then carried out their long-cherished plan of divesting
their other enemy, the high-priest Onias, of his dignity. The brother
of the latter, called Jesus or Jason, promised Antiochus a large sum if
he would transfer the high-priesthood to him; and the needy king did
not scruple to grant the request. Onias, who journeyed to Antioch, to
bring charges against his enemies, was denounced as a partisan of the
Ptolemies, and the accuser thus became the accused. The Hellenists, or
rather the high-priest, next petitioned Antiochus that those Judæans
who were trained for the Greek combats should be registered as
Antiochians or Macedonians, and as such be entitled to the privileges
of full citizenship, and admitted to all public meetings and games of
the Greeks. Games were serious occupations to the Greeks, not mere
amusements, but rather the aim and end of life. The Grecian settlers in
Palestine and Phœnicia maintained the national tie with their brethren
at home by introducing the Olympian games, held every four years, in
the land of the barbarians, and such of the latter as were allowed to
take part in these games felt themselves greatly honoured by their
admission to the Greek nobility.
By introducing gymnasia into Jerusalem, Jason and the Hellenists hoped
to obtain the right of Greek citizenship for the Judæans, and thus to
diminish the hatred and contempt from which they suffered. As soon
as Antiochus had conceded the privilege for which the Hellenists had
petitioned, Jason took great interest in superintending the exercises
which were to be practised before the Judæans could take part in the
Olympian games. The high-priest selected (174) a site for the games in
the Birah or Acra (Acropolis), north-west of the Temple. It comprised
a gymnasium for youths and an ephebeion for boys. Greek masters were
most probably hired to teach the Judæan men and youths their games,
which consisted in racing, jumping, wrestling, in throwing discs, and
boxing. It soon became evident, however, that these games, which owed
their origin to quite a different mode of life, were incompatible with
Judaism. According to Greek custom, the men who took part in these
contests were naked. The Judæan youths who consented to compete were
therefore compelled to overcome their feeling of shame and appear naked
in sight of the Temple. Besides, in uncovering their bodies they could
immediately be recognised as Judæans. But were they to take part in
the Olympian games, and expose themselves to the mockery of the Greek
scoffers? Even this difficulty they evaded by undergoing a painful
operation, so as to disguise the fact that they were Judæans. Youths
soon crowded to the gymnasium, and the young priests neglected their
duties at the Temple to take part in the exercises of the palæstra
and the stadium. The pious saw with terror this adoption of foreign
customs, but they held their peace. Meanwhile even Jason's confederates
were dissatisfied with his leaning to Greek manners, when it led to
the denial of the fundamental truths of Judaism. When (June, 172)
the Olympian games were celebrated at Tyre, at which sacrifices were
offered up to the Greek god Hercules, the alleged founder of these
combats, Jason sent as ambassadors men who were practiced in these
games, and entitled to take part in them. According to custom, they
were entrusted with a money contribution to be devoted to sacrifices
to Hercules. But the ambassadors, although Greek at heart, felt
conscience-stricken at the manner in which this sum was to be employed;
it seemed to stamp them as idolaters, and to prove their belief in the
divinity of a marble statue. They therefore accepted the commission on
condition that the disposal of the money they took with them was to
be left to their own discretion. The belief in Israel's God was too
deeply rooted even in the hearts of those men who were partial to the
Greek customs, and attached to the Hellenistic party to admit of this
desecration. Jason's ambassadors gave the money as a contribution to
the fleet which Antiochus was fitting out at Tyre.
Meanwhile the dissensions in Jerusalem increased so greatly that
pernicious consequences could not fail to follow. The Hellenists were
devising intrigues to overthrow Jason, and to have the office of
high-priest placed under their own control. They were impelled to this
either by feelings of ambition, or by the fear that the brother of
Onias was too partial to Judaism, and not sufficiently energetic, to
overthrow the patriarchal customs. One of their number, Onias Menelaus,
an unscrupulous man, and a brother of that Simon who had denounced
Onias, and revealed the existence of the treasures in the Temple, was
to be made high-priest. Jason sent the annual contributions to the king
through Menelaus, who promised to increase them by 300 talents, if he
were made high-priest. He boasted of his great credit, which would
enable him to further the king's cause more energetically than Jason.
Antiochus did not scruple to transfer the dignity of the high-priest to
the highest bidder (172-171). He immediately sent Sostrates, one of his
officers, with a troop of Cyprian soldiers, to Jerusalem, to subdue any
opposition that might be made, and to watch over the punctual delivery
of the promised sums. Sostrates placed the soldiers in the fortified
Acra to keep down the inhabitants of Jerusalem, and proclaimed the
dismissal of Jason according to the king's order. The latter was either
banished or he escaped from Jerusalem, whence he crossed over the
Jordan into the land of the Ammonites. This district was governed by
a Nabatæan prince, named Aretas, by whom he was cordially received.
This change only increased the disorders in Jerusalem; the greater
part of the people were indignant that Menelaus, who was a Benjamite,
and not of the family of the high-priests, and who besides was known
to be opposed to the patriarchal customs, had been invested with that
holy dignity. Even the admirers of Greek customs and the lovers of
innovations condemned the selection of Menelaus.
Both the followers of Jason and those who did not wish to break
entirely with Judaism disapproved of his dismissal. But the malcontents
were compelled to be silent, because they feared the presence of the
Syrian officer and the Cyprian troops which he commanded; but great
excitement prevailed in the minds of the people, and threatened to
break forth at the earliest opportunity. Menelaus brought matters to a
climax. He had promised the king more than he could give in payment for
the dignity he had received. Antiochus was indignant, and summoned him
to come and justify himself. Compelled to go to Antioch, he left the
capital in charge of his brother Lysimachus, who was as unconscientious
as himself, and took holy gifts out of the Temple, intending to sell
them in order to make up the required sum. Not finding the king at
home, he bribed his lieutenant Andronicus with part of the costly
vessels. The worthy high-priest, Onias III., who still resided at
Antioch, heard of this crime; he also learnt that Menelaus had sold
utensils from the Temple in Tyre and other Phœnician towns. Indignant
at such behaviour, he accused Menelaus of robbing the Temple, a crime
which was considered heinous even amongst the Greeks. This accusation
hastened the death of the deposed high-priest. For Menelaus conspired
with Andronicus to remove Onias before the king was informed of the
theft committed in the Temple, and of the use made of the plunder.
Andronicus, being himself implicated, was anxious to make Onias
harmless. He enticed him from the temple of Apollo at Daphne, near
Antioch, where he had taken refuge, and slew him (171). This was one
more crime added to those of which Menelaus had already been guilty.
The murder of the high-priest produced a great sensation, even among
the Greeks in Syria, and Antiochus, on his return, was compelled to
punish the murderer Andronicus.
Meanwhile Menelaus, although his accuser had been silenced, was forced
to try to conciliate the king. In order to do this, he ordered his
brother Lysimachus to steal some more of the treasures of the Temple.
These thefts, however, did not remain unnoticed; as soon as they were
discovered and the perpetrator found out, there arose a feeling of
great bitterness against him, which culminated in violence. When the
shameful conduct of the two brothers became known to the people outside
of Jerusalem, they hurried into the city, and joining the inhabitants
of the capital, they threatened the violator of the Temple with death.
Lysimachus armed his followers, and placed at their head a man named
Avran, an old comrade and fellow-sinner. The unarmed people were not
frightened by the soldiers, but attacked them with stones and sticks,
blinded them with heaps of ashes, killed a great many, and put others
to flight. Lysimachus himself was slain in the vicinity of the treasury
of the Temple. Menelaus naturally brought an accusation against the
rebels of Jerusalem before the king, and the latter organised a
judicial court in Tyre to try the cause. Three members of the council,
whom the people had selected for the purpose, proved in so convincing
a manner the guilt of Lysimachus and his brother in the matter of the
desecration of the Temple that the verdict would have turned against
him. But the inventive genius of Menelaus managed to secure the
interest of a creature of like mould, who succeeded in turning the
balance in favour of the culprit. Antiochus, from his seat of justice,
exonerated the criminal Menelaus, whilst he condemned to death the
three deputies from Jerusalem, who had so clearly proved his guilt. The
Tyrian witnesses of this breach of justice evinced their displeasure by
taking a sympathetic part in the funeral of the three noble men, but
Menelaus and injustice triumphed. He retained his coveted power, and
he formed plans to revenge himself upon the people that hated him so
fiercely. He calumniated his enemies, that is to say, the whole nation,
before the king. On the one hand, he maintained that his enemies were
partisans of the Egyptian court, and that they persecuted him only
because he opposed their party intrigues; on the other, Menelaus
maligned Judaism; he said that the Law of Moses was replete with
hatred of humanity, for it forbade the Jews to take part in the repasts
of other nations, or to show any kindness to strangers. As Antiochus
was then concentrating all his thoughts on the conquest of Egypt, he
believed Menelaus's calumnies, and regarded the Judæans with distrust.
If he undertook the hazardous expedition against Egypt, it would be
dangerous to leave an enemy in his rear who might become formidable.
At last he carried out his long-cherished plan of attacking Egypt. A
pretext for war is easily found, and Antiochus soon discovered one. His
sister Cleopatra, married to Ptolemy V., had died, and left two infant
sons, Philometor and Physcon, the former of whom was the nominal king,
but his two guardians, Eulæus and Lenæus, ruled the country. Antiochus
pretended that he was only anticipating the war which would shortly be
directed against himself, and assembled his troops to make a descent
upon Egypt. He delayed his attack, however, for some time, out of fear
of the Romans. But when the latter became involved in a new war with
Perseus, king of Macedonia, he ventured at last to cross the Egyptian
frontier (170). He defeated the Egyptian army near Pelusium, and
penetrated deeper into the country.
The two guardians fled with the young king Philometor. Thereupon
Antiochus took possession of the whole of northern Egypt, and advanced
to Alexandria to besiege it. The inhabitants meanwhile proclaimed
the younger brother Ptolemy Physcon king, and defended the town so
valiantly that the Syrian king despaired of conquering it. He therefore
entered into negotiations with the elder brother, sent for him,
signed a treaty with him, and pretended to continue the war for his
benefit. The two kings "at one table spake lies to each other." In
Judæa the consequences of the war were watched with eager suspense.
If the Egyptians were victorious, the probability was that the sad
misfortunes brought about by the hated high-priest would come to
an end. The Egyptian court favoured the national Judæan party, and
received all the patriots who fled from the tyranny of Antiochus and
Menelaus. The report was suddenly spread that Antiochus had fallen, and
the intelligence produced great excitement. The deposed high-priest
Jason left the Ammonites, with whom he had found refuge, and hurried to
Jerusalem, accompanied by a thousand men, by whose aid he hoped to take
possession of the town. Menelaus barricaded the gates of Jerusalem,
and fought the enemy from the walls. Thus arose a civil war through
the ambition of two men, who both sought the high-priesthood as a
road to power. But as only a small number of the inhabitants sided
with Menelaus, Jason succeeded in entering Jerusalem with his troops.
Menelaus took refuge within the walls of the Acra.
Meanwhile Antiochus left Egypt with rich spoils (169), perhaps with the
intention of raising new troops. Having heard of the occurrences in
Jerusalem, his anger was roused against the Judæans, and the Covenant
of Judaism; his wicked, inhuman nature broke forth against the people.
He suddenly attacked Jerusalem, and massacred the inhabitants without
regard to age or sex, slaughtering friend and foe alike. He forced his
way into the Temple, and entered even the Holy of Holies, and as a
mark of contempt for the God who was worshipped there, he removed the
golden altar, the candlestick, the table, the golden vessels, and all
the treasures which still remained. Menelaus acted as guide in this
spoliation of the Temple. Antiochus blasphemed the God of Israel, whose
omnipotence was sung by His followers, but whom he scorned, because He
did not interfere with these sacrilegious actions. To palliate both
the massacre of innocent people and the desecration of the Temple, he
invented a falsehood which long afterwards continued to bring Judaism
into bad repute amongst all civilised nations. Antiochus declared
that he had seen in the Holy of Holies the statue of a man with a long
beard, mounted on an ass, and holding a book in its hand. He believed
it to be the statue of the law-giver Moses, who had given the Judæans
inhuman, horrible laws to separate them from all other peoples. Amongst
the Greeks and Romans the rumour was spread that Antiochus had found
the head of an ass made of gold in the Temple, which the Judæans
venerated, and that consequently they worshipped asses. Antiochus
was probably the author of another horrible lie invented to blacken
the Judæans: it was said that he had discovered, lying in bed in the
Temple, a Greek, who entreated to be released, as the Judæans were in
the habit of killing a Greek every year, and feeding on his intestines,
meanwhile swearing hatred against all Greeks, whom they were
determined to destroy. Whether this vile calumny proceeded directly
from Antiochus, or whether these fables were only attributed to him,
there is no doubt that he blackened the reputation of the Judæans by
spreading the report that Judaism inculcated hatred towards all other
nations. This was the first fruit of the long-cherished wish to be
associated with the Greeks.
A veil of grief was drawn over Jerusalem, and the house of Jacob was
dishonoured.
"The leaders and the elders moaned, youths and maidens hid
themselves, the beauty of the women was disfigured, the
bridegroom lifted up his voice in sorrow instead of joyous
song, and the bride wept in her bridal chamber." (1 MACC. i.
26-28.)
But this was by no means the end; more sorrowful days were in store for
Judæa. Antiochus undertook a second campaign against Egypt, and the
Judæans were destined a second time to suffer from his anger at the
unsuccessful termination of the war. The two royal brothers Philometor
and Physcon were reconciled with each other by the help of their sister
and the Romans; Philometor was proclaimed king in Alexandria. Antiochus
was furious at this; for his desire was to employ the helpless and
cowardly Philometor as his tool, and to rule Egypt through him. As the
Romans were still involved in a Macedonian war, he thought he might
venture to attack Egypt a second time (168). He entered the country
without opposition, and pushed on as far as Alexandria; the king of
Egypt had meanwhile despatched envoys to Rome to ask for help from
the senate. Three Roman deputies, with instructions to tarry on the
road until they heard the issue of the Macedonian war, were thereupon
sent to Antiochus to bid him desist. After the successful battle of
Pydna, the destruction of the Macedonian army, and the flight of King
Perseus (June 22, 168), the three Roman deputies hurried to the camp of
Antiochus, and brought him the command of the senate to leave Egypt.
When the Syrian king asked for time to consider, Popillius Lænas,
drawing a circle with his stick, sternly declared that, before stepping
out of this circle, Antiochus was to state whether he wished for peace
or war with Rome. Antiochus knew how inexorable were Roman commands,
and therefore determined to depart immediately (end of June, 168).
Antiochus, "the Illustrious," returned to his capital. The knowledge of
his humiliation tormented him the more, as he had to feign friendship
and satisfaction before the Romans. He vented his secret anger in
unparalleled cruelties upon the Judæans. They had, he said, shown
pleasure at his degradation; they had proclaimed aloud that the God
they worshipped humbled the haughty, and had therefore prepared this
mortification for him. Apollonius, one of his princely subjects, and
former governor of Mysia, entered the Judæan capital, accompanied by
fierce troops, apparently with peaceful intentions. Suddenly, however,
on a Sabbath, when resistance was impossible, the Greek or Macedonian
mercenaries threw themselves on the inhabitants, killed men and youths,
took women and children prisoners, and sent them to the slave markets.
Apollonius also destroyed many houses in the capital, and pulled down
the walls of Jerusalem, for he wished it to disappear from the list
of important cities. What induced the madman and his wild troops to
spare the Sanctuary? They did not destroy it, because Antiochus wanted
the Temple for another purpose; but they gave vent to their anger by
attacking its surroundings, burning the wooden gates, and destroying
the halls "with hammer and axe." Within the Temple there was nothing
left to steal. The inhabitants who had not met with death escaped, and
only the most rabid Hellenists, the Syrian soldiers, and strangers
remained in the deserted places. "Jerusalem became strange to her own
children." The Temple was also abandoned, for the faithful priests and
Levites had left, and the Hellenists did not trouble themselves about
the sacred building; the Acra was their resort. Here was stationed
the strong Syrian garrison, and here also dwelt the Hellenists. This
place was protected against any attack by high, strong walls and towers
overlooking the Temple, and it was filled with arms and provisions.
The desolation soon became unbearable to Menelaus, the instigator
of all these horrors. Of what use was it to be high-priest if no
worshippers came to the Temple, or to be ruler over the nation if the
people turned their backs upon him? Hearing nothing but the echo of his
own voice, he became gloomy. To free himself from this painful position
he resorted to new infamy. Judaism, with its laws and customs, was to
be abolished, and its followers were to be compelled to adopt the Greek
faith. Antiochus, full of hatred and anger against both the Judæans
and their religion, acceded to Menelaus's plan, and had it carried out
with his usual inflexibility. The Judæans were to become Hellenised,
and thereby reduced to obedience, or, if they opposed his will, to
be put to death. He not only wished to become master of the Judæan
people, but to prove to them the impotence of the God they served so
faithfully. He, who disdained the gods of his ancestors, considered it
mockery that the Judæans should still hope that their God would destroy
him, the proud blasphemer, and he determined to challenge and defeat
the God of Israel. Thereupon Antiochus issued a decree, which was sent
forth to all the towns of Judæa, commanding the people to renounce
the laws of their God, and to offer sacrifice only to the Greek gods.
Altars and idols were to be erected everywhere for that purpose, and,
in order to strike an effectual blow at Judaism, Antiochus ordained
that unclean animals, particularly swine, should be used at the
sacrifices. He forbade, under severe penalty, three religious rites
which outwardly distinguished the Judæans from the heathen, namely,
circumcision, the keeping of the Sabbath and the festivals, and the
abstinence from unclean food. Officials were appointed to see that
his orders were carefully carried out, and these officials were
hard-hearted men, who punished with death any person infringing the
royal commands. The Temple was first desecrated, and Antiochus himself
sent a noble Antiochian thither to dedicate the Sanctuary to Jupiter.
A swine was sacrificed on the altar in the court, and its blood was
sprinkled in the Holy of Holies, on the stone which Antiochus had
imagined to be the statue of Moses; the flesh was cooked, and its juice
spilt over the leaves of the Holy Scriptures. The so-called high-priest
Menelaus and the other Judæan Hellenists were to partake of the swine's
flesh. The roll of the Law, which was found in the Temple, was not only
bespattered, but burnt, because this teacher of purity and love for all
humanity,--so Antiochus maintained,--inculcated hatred of mankind. This
was its first baptism of fire. The statue of Jupiter, "the abomination
of destruction," was then placed on the altar, and to him sacrifices
were henceforth to be offered (17 Tammuz, July, 168).
Thus the Temple in Jerusalem, the only place of holiness on earth, was
thoroughly desecrated, and the God of Israel was apparently unseated
by the Hellenic Zeus. How will the people bear this unparalleled
violation? Will they submit to the stern edict of the heartless king
and his officials, and allow themselves to be deprived of their
nationality and their God? It was a severe and momentous ordeal. Death
threatened all those who openly confessed Judaism, and they dared not
even call themselves Judæans. But the persecuted people came out of
their trial victoriously, and the blood of martyrs sealed their union
with God and His Law.
The Judæans who were dispersed in Syrian and Phœnician towns, in
closest proximity to the Greeks, and were included in this forced
conversion, affected submission to the order, sacrificed to the Greek
gods, and concealed or denied their religion. But even amongst these
some remained faithful, and gave their lives in testimony of the truth
of the Law. In Antioch an aged man named Eleazar suffered a martyr's
death rather than partake of the idolatrous sacrifices. It was related
in Jewish circles outside of Judæa, that a mother and seven sons,
defying threats and persuasion, cheerfully went into death for the
Law. These heroic martyrs, both young and old, set a noble example
to the Judæans, and the number of those who suffered for their faith
increased from day to day. The overseers whom Antiochus had appointed
to carry out his decrees directed their attention to the smaller
towns, whither the inhabitants of Jerusalem had fled. Here they built
altars, and summoned the people in the name of the king to offer swine
to Jupiter, and then to eat the flesh, and to break the Sabbath by
working on the day of rest. They particularly insisted that sacrifices
should be offered every month on the date which corresponded to that
of Antiochus's birthday. On the bacchanalian festival of Dionysus, the
celebration of which consisted in opening barrels of wine, they were
compelled to deck themselves with ivy, like the Greeks, to institute
processions, and to utter wild cries of joy in honour of the Greek
Bacchus. When one of the officials came into a country town, and called
the people together to give proofs of their secession from Judaism,
he found but few to meet him. Many had fled and sought shelter in the
caves and ravines of the Judæan mountains, or in the waste land near
the Dead Sea. Antiochus was greatly irritated by this resistance,
and he issued command upon command, recommending the utmost cruelty
in the punishment of the disobedient people. The officials therefore
continued their persecutions with redoubled zeal. They tore and burnt
the rolls of the Law whenever they found them, and killed those who
were found to seek strength and consolation in their perusal. They
destroyed all houses of worship and education, and if they found women
in confinement who, in the absence of their husbands, circumcised their
sons themselves, these barbarians hanged them with their babes on the
walls of the city.
But all such cruelties, instead of intimidating the people, only
increased their determined resistance. Death had lost its terrors.
Many preferred even death to violating the dietary laws. This noble
firmness was particularly encouraged by the strictly religious sect of
Chasidim. Some of these emerged from their hiding-places, and entering
towns and villages, called the inhabitants together, spoke with warmth
and conviction, and incited them to be steadfast and constant. Their
preaching was all the more effective as they gave proof of indomitable
courage in the face of death.
Before long, however, the Syrian commanders in Jerusalem discovered
the leaders of this courageous resistance; some reprobate Hellenists
had probably betrayed the hiding-place of the Chasidim. Thereupon
the Phrygian Philip, commander of the garrison, went in search of the
concealed fugitives. On a Sabbath he and his soldiers surrounded the
caves in which thousands of men, women and children had sought refuge,
he summoned them to come out in obedience to Antiochus's commands,
and promised them safety if they submitted voluntarily to his orders.
They answered unanimously, "We will not obey your command to break the
Sabbath." Then Philip ordered his troops to commence the attack. The
Chasidim looked on with undaunted courage, but did not try to defend
themselves, nor to raise a stone to close the entrance to the caves,
for fear of desecrating the Sabbath. Thus calling heaven and earth to
witness their innocence, all the people perished in the caves by the
hands of the murderous followers of Philip. Some were killed by the
firebrands thrown into the caves, whilst others were suffocated by the
smoke, which had penetrated into the interior.
Great was the grief of the faithful Judæans when they learned the
horrible death of the men who had been to them a light and an example.
The most courageous lost heart. What was to be the outcome of this
unbearable position? The faithful were bowed down by the thought
that Heaven vouchsafed them no visible sign of hope in this, their
unparalleled trial; no prophet rose up to foretell when this fearful
ordeal was to end.
When the bloody persecution of the Judæan people had reached such
a height that either the destruction of the whole nation, or their
submission from exhaustion and despair seemed imminent, an open
rebellion took the place of passive resistance.
It was brought about by a family whose members combined the purest
piety with courage, wisdom and prudence; this was the family of the
Hasmonæans or Maccabees. An aged father and five heroic sons brought
about a revolution, and kindled a spirit of enthusiasm which secured
the existence of Judaism for all time. The aged father, Mattathias,
was the son of Johanan, son of Simon Hasmonai, an Aaronide; he had left
Jerusalem in consequence of the desecration of the Temple, and had
established himself in the small town of Modin, three miles north of
Jerusalem. His five sons, who all helped to raise the people from its
deep degradation, and found their death in defending their country,
bore Aramaic names: Johanan Gadi, Simon Tharsi, Judas Maccabi, Eleazar
Hawran, and Jonathan Haphus. This family of Hasmonæans, who had many
followers, on account of the consideration in which they were held,
felt the miserable condition of their country with poignant sorrow.
"What is life to us, now that the Sanctuary is desecrated and Judæa has
become a slave?" Thus spoke Mattathias to his sons, and he determined
not to remain quiet and sorrowing in his hiding-place, but either to
help the good cause or to die courageously for it.
When Apelles, one of the Syrian overseers, reached Modin, to summon the
inhabitants to abandon the Law and to become idolaters, Mattathias and
his sons intentionally appeared, and when commanded to set an example
of submission, the former answered: "If all the people in the kingdom
obey the order of the monarch, to depart from the faith of their
fathers, I and my sons will abide by the Covenant of our forefathers."
When one of the Judæans approached the altar to sacrifice to Jupiter,
Mattathias could no longer restrain his wrath, but rushed upon the
apostate, killing him at the altar. His sons, armed with long knives,
fell upon Apelles and his troops, killed them, and destroyed the altar.
This act proved the turning-point; it set an example of courageous
resistance as against inactive despair. Immediately after this attack
upon the officers of Antiochus, Mattathias cried out: "Whosoever is
zealous for the Law, and whosoever wishes to support the Covenant,
follow me." Thereupon the inhabitants of Modin and the vicinity
followed him to a secure hiding-place which he selected for them in the
mountains of Ephraim; and there the remainder of the Chasidim, who had
escaped death in the caves, and all those who had fled from oppression
joined him.
The number of resolute defenders of their country daily increased.
Mattathias did not conceal from them that they would have to fight hard
battles, but exhorted them to be ready to face death. Warned by the
exaggerated piety of the Chasidim, who had scrupled to move a stone
on the Sabbath in their own defence, the assembly which surrounded
the aged Hasmonæan decided to repulse with arms any attack made upon
them even on the day of rest. The Chasidim accepted this decision, and
the men of peace, hitherto entirely absorbed in the Holy Scriptures,
now prepared to wage war. A commander who inspires confidence creates
warriors. There was a recurrence of the hopeless condition which had
prevailed at the time of the Judges and at the beginning of Saul's
reign. Some of the inhabitants were hiding themselves in caves, others
went over to the enemy, and only a small number were willing to
sacrifice their lives for their country; they had no arms, and knew
nothing of warfare. Victory seemed more hopeless now than in those
olden days. Mattathias was careful not to wage open war against the
Syrians with his small band. Well acquainted with every inch of the
country, he entered the towns unexpectedly with his sons and followers,
destroyed the idolatrous temples and altars, punished the inhabitants
who sided with the enemy, chastised the Hellenists whenever he came
upon them, and admitted into the Covenant the children that had been
left uncircumcised. From time to time he routed small troops of Syrian
soldiers whom he happened to encounter, but whenever the commander
of the garrison of Jerusalem sent a larger detachment to pursue the
rebellious Judæans, the latter disappeared as suddenly as they had
come. In short, Mattathias waged a kind of petty warfare against the
enemy, such as can be carried on only in mountainous districts, but may
wear out the most powerful enemy.
When the death of the aged Mattathias drew nigh (167), his followers
had no need to be anxious about his successor; the only difficulty was
the choice of one from amongst his five heroic sons. The dying father
designated Simon as a wise counsellor, and Judas as the commander, and
exhorted them all to sacrifice their lives for the Covenant of their
forefathers, and to fight God's battle. As soon as Judas Maccabæus was
in command, matters took a favourable turn. He was a warrior such as
the house of Israel had not known since the time of David and Joab,
than whom he was nobler and purer. Invisible strength seemed to emanate
from his hero-soul, which imbued all who surrounded him with the same
dauntless courage. He was endowed with the instincts of a general, and
this enabled him to fight at the right moment, to take advantage of
his enemy's weakness, and to deceive him by means of feigned attacks.
In the hour of battle, "he was like a lion in his rage," and when at
rest, like a dove in gentleness and simplicity. He was as resigned to
the will of God as the holiest men of old in Israel, and relied not
on his sword, but on God's help, praying to Him before each decisive
action. Judas Maccabæus was a true hero of Israel, who only resorted to
bloodshed when compelled by necessity in order to recover lost freedom,
and to raise a humbled people. He gave his name to the whole epoch.
At first he followed the example of his father, and sallied out only
secretly or at night to punish the apostates, to win over the wavering,
and to harass small bands of Syrian troops. But as the number of his
followers steadily increased, augmented by pretended converts to
heathendom, who were glad to throw off their masks, and by those who
were cured of their love for the Greeks by the cruelty and despotism of
the latter, Judas ventured to confront a Syrian army under Apollonius.
The latter had united the garrison at Samaria with other troops which
he had collected in order to fight the rebels, for he had deemed it
imprudent to withdraw the soldiers from Jerusalem, or rather, from the
Acra. This was the first open battle which Judas fought, and success
rewarded his valour. Apollonius was killed, and his soldiers were
either slain on the battle-field, or sought safety in flight. Though
the number of the defeated Syrians was small, still this victory
encouraged the Judæans. They had met the cruel foe face to face, and
their daring had triumphed; they considered it a proof that God had
not abandoned His people, but still watched over and protected them.
Judas took the sword which had dropped from the hand of Apollonius, and
fought with it until his death.
A Syrian commander named Heron, guided by some treacherous Hellenists,
pursued Judas and his followers into the mountains, and hoped to crush
them with his overwhelming numbers. When the Judæan soldiers first
saw the great numbers of men assembled near Bethhoron, they cried
out, "How can we wage war against such an enemy?" But Judas knew how
to calm their fears, and reminded them of the precious treasures they
were called upon to defend,--their lives, their children, and the Law.
A vigorous attack was made on the Syrians, who were totally defeated.
Eight hundred men of Heron's army remained dead on the battle-field,
and the others fled westward into the land of the Philistines. This
first decisive victory of Judas, at Bethhoron, over a much larger army
than his own (166), inspired the Judæans with confidence, and filled
their enemies with terror; they were amazed both at the bravery and the
strategical skill of the Maccabee, and at the endurance of the people.
What was Antiochus, the author of all these calamities, doing
meanwhile? At first he troubled himself little about the Judæans,
foolishly believing that his decrees would suffice to subdue and
convert them. But when he learned of the losses of his army, and when
the fame of Judas reached his ear, he at last admitted that he had
underrated his enemy's power of resistance. In the first moment of
anger he determined to send forth a large army, and make an end of
his refractory opponents. But he was unable to carry out his plans
immediately; he had few troops left, and would have been compelled
to obtain mercenaries. For this purpose he needed money, and his
treasury was but scantily supplied; for his extravagant expenditures
were greatly in excess of his revenues, and owing to the war with
Judas, the taxes were not collected in Judæa. Other embarrassments
were added to these, for alarming news reached him from the east
and the north. Arsaces, his satrap of Parthia, had revolted against
the Syrio-Babylonian Empire, and had freed himself and his people.
Artaxias, king of Armenia, totally ignored his fealty to Antiochus,
and acted like an independent sovereign. The inhabitants of Aradus,
and other Phœnician towns, also refused to obey him, and thus his
revenues decreased steadily. In order to replenish his treasury he
would have been compelled to wage war against these revolted nations,
but to carry on this war he needed money. Thus he fell from one trouble
into another; but, somehow, the half-insane Antiochus managed to
hire some mercenary troops for a year. Intending to lead half of the
troops himself against the rebellious provinces beyond the Euphrates,
he placed the other half under the command of Lysias, a man of royal
parentage, whom he appointed his lieutenant for the country between
the Euphrates and the Egyptian border. To Lysias also he entrusted
the education of his son. Antiochus's intentions regarding Judæa
were now quite altered. Hellenisation was no longer thought of. His
plan of changing the Jews into Greek citizens had been frustrated.
They had shown themselves incorrigible, and quite unworthy of the
benefit he wished to confer upon them. He therefore determined that
they should be exterminated. He commissioned Lysias to march against
Judæa with the troops left in his charge, and, after conquering the
Judæans, to destroy and uproot every remnant of Israel and every trace
of Jerusalem; and the land was to be colonised by foreign tribes, and
divided among them. The Judæan Hellenists were likewise comprised in
this plan of destruction. Antiochus gave them up to their fate. He did
not care for the small number who slavishly adhered to his commands.
As soon as this plan became known, all the Judæans were seized with
terror and despair, especially those who lived among other nations,
outside of Judæa. Would the small but heroic army, under the guidance
of the Maccabees, be able to resist the onslaught of a numerous horde,
provided with elephants? "In every town, and in every country, where
the king's commands became known, great terror filled the hearts of
the Judæans, and they fasted and wept. The Elders dressed themselves
in their penitential garb, and lay in ashes." But this unprecedentedly
cruel plan of destroying a whole people, men, women and children,
roused new champions for the defence of their country. Even the more
worldly-minded men among the Judæans, and those who, though anxious for
innovation, had not entirely fallen away from Judaism, now joined the
Maccabees, for they had no other alternative.
However, the actual state of affairs was dismal enough. A large Syrian
army was expected at every moment to crush the Judæan soldiers. It
was absolutely necessary, therefore, that the whole nation should be
animated with enthusiasm to fight and to endure. A peculiar book
was compiled to further this object, and circulated amongst the
more educated of the Judæans; this was the Book of Daniel. It was
undoubtedly written by one of the Chasidim, and intended for his party.
The object of this apocalyptic and artistically compiled work, written
partly in Hebrew and partly in Chaldæan, was to give examples of
firmness in adhering to religious convictions, to encourage the reader
to endurance, and to make him feel that this bloody persecution of the
people would not be of long duration. Even the most pious and faithful
were beginning to doubt God's mercy, for no prophet appeared to reveal
the object of their cruel sufferings, or to announce when they would
cease. The Book of Daniel offered consolation in this respect, showing
that prophecy was not wholly extinct in Israel, for here was a vision,
which announced the aim, and predicted the end of their misery. "There
is yet prophecy among us"--this is repeatedly urged as a consolation.
The Book first quotes examples of constancy in religious observances
even under great difficulties and danger, and shows that this constancy
was rewarded by a miraculous escape from death; the end of the book
also contains prophecies for the future. The book further tells how the
kings who violated the Sanctuary, or exercised religious despotism were
humiliated, and forced to repent of their crimes. The Book of Daniel
half conceals and half reveals, in a sort of allegory, the destruction
of the wicked Syrian Empire, which was the heir to former kingdoms.
It foretells that the fourth kingdom on earth, following that of the
Babylonians, the Medo-Persians and the Macedonians, would utter foolish
words against the Almighty, seek to destroy the pious and to turn
them away from the festivals and the laws. The pious would fall into
its clutches for "a time, two times, and half a time." Then dominion
would pass into the hands of the people of the Holy One for ever, and
all knees would bow down to Him. In another vision he saw the fourth
Syrian Empire extending far away to the south, to the east and to the
north, rising to the heavens, and casting down stars unto the earth,
and crushing them. It would exalt itself over the King of the heavenly
Hosts, it would abolish the daily sacrifice, and set up an idol in the
Sanctuary. To the question:
"How long shall be the vision concerning the continual
burnt-offering and the transgression that maketh desolate, to
give up both the Sanctuary and the host to be trodden under
foot?" (DANIEL viii. 13.)
a voice answered--
"Unto two thousand and three hundred evenings and mornings;
when the Sanctuary shall be justified." (verse 14.)
The Book of Daniel, with its mystical revelations, was undoubtedly read
with great interest by the Assidæans. The apocalyptic form, which gave
each line a peculiar meaning, and reflected the present conditions,
lent it a great attraction. Moreover, it solved the problem of the
present calamities, and showed the object of the horrible persecutions;
these were intended, on the one hand, to destroy sin, and on the other,
to ennoble believers. It was evident that the duration of the period
of affliction had been determined from the beginning, and that this
very duration, too, had a secret meaning. The worldly kingdoms would
disappear, and at the end of this time, God's kingdom, the kingdom of
the holy ones, would commence, and those who had died or had been slain
during the persecutions would awake to eternal life. Thus, though no
prophet arose, still there existed a prophecy for the present time.
Meanwhile the danger became daily more threatening for the Judæans.
Whilst Antiochus had been marching eastward (166) with a part of his
army, his lieutenant Lysias had chosen a general called Ptolemy, son of
Dorymenes (the one who had favoured Menelaus, and who was commander
in Cœlesyria and Phœnicia), and had appointed two able and experienced
generals under him, Nicanor son of Patroclus, and Gorgias. The latter,
having received orders to begin the campaign against the Judæans,
led his division, which, it is said, consisted of 40,000, including
cavalry, along the coast into the very heart of Judæa. Samaritans and
Philistines, both arch-enemies of the Judæans, placed themselves at his
disposal. He was so certain of victory that he invited slave-traders to
come into his camp, and to bring with them money and chains. The Syrian
commander thought that it would be more prudent to sell the captives as
slaves than to kill them; but whilst he was thus prematurely disposing
of them, the Judæan warriors, numbering 6,000, assembled round Judas
Maccabæus. Before leading them into action, the commander, in order
to animate them with the spirit of heroic self-sacrifice, organised
a solemn assembly in the mountain city of Mizpah. It is a remarkable
coincidence that, nine hundred years before, the prophet Samuel had, on
a similar occasion, assembled the people in the same place, in order to
select a leader against the enemy who was then planning the destruction
of Israel. Judas chose Mizpah, because it had been a central
meeting-place for those Judæans who had survived the destruction of
the Temple under Gedaliah, when there had been a small temple there.
The assembly was deeply moved; all its members observed a strict fast
during the day, wore mourning garments, and prayed with all the fervour
of their sorrowing hearts for help and compassion. A scroll of the Law,
which the Judæan army carried with them, was unfolded, and excited
great lamentations, for it reminded them that Antiochus wished to force
them to abandon the Law and to become heathens.
But Judas endeavoured, not only to awaken emotion, but to arouse
courage, and to prepare the people for the difficult and bloody action
that awaited them. He divided his army into four parts, and placed
his three elder brothers each in command of a division. In accordance
with the Law, he issued a proclamation to the effect that all those who
were newly married, who had built a house or planted a new vineyard,
or who lacked sufficient courage, were permitted to withdraw from the
ranks. Then he marched towards Emmaus, an eight or nine hours' journey
from Mizpah, to meet the enemy. Gorgias had encamped, with about 5,000
foot-soldiers and 1,000 cavalry, in the plain near Emmaus, because he
thought it easier to penetrate from there into the mountains of Judæa
to attack the Maccabæan army. The Syrian leader wished to surprise the
Judæans in the night, but was outwitted by Maccabæus. As soon as night
set in, Judas left the camp with his followers, marched by well-known
roads to the west, and came upon the enemy's rear. When Gorgias found
the camp of the Judæans deserted, he imagined that fear had driven them
into the mountains, and he pursued them thither. This was the object of
Judas's stratagem. He followed the Syrians, reached their camp, set it
on fire, and pursued the troops. Gorgias noticed only at dawn that the
enemy he was seeking in the mountains was following him from the plain;
he had no time to order more than a part of his army to halt, and to
confront the Judæans.
Meanwhile Maccabæus had arranged his division in perfect order, and
encouraged them to fight for their country, their Law, and their
Sanctuary. His younger brother hurriedly read to them a few encouraging
verses out of the Law, and gave the warriors the watchword "God's
help!" The Judæan army was greater in number than the single division
of Syrian troops, and fought with great enthusiasm. Thus the enemy was
beaten, and put to flight. Judas forbade his soldiers to seize any
booty, as they still had to fight the other division of the enemy's
army, which was returning from the mountains. These troops shortly
made their appearance, and the Judæans stood ready to resume the
battle; but it did not take place, for as soon as the Syrians saw the
smoke rising from their camp, they turned and fled southwards into
the land of the Philistines. "There was a great rescue on that day."
The victory of Emmaus (166), gained by clever strategy and resolute
valour, was of vast importance. It crippled the enemy, and inspired the
Judæans with confidence in their own power. Neither the cavalry nor the
foot-soldiers, with their helmets and shields, alarmed them any longer,
and the arms which they needed fell into their hands after the enemy
had taken to flight. The booty consisted of gold, silver, and purple,
and of the sacks of money belonging to the numerous slave-traders who
had come to the Syrian camp. All these things were not to be despised,
as they became the means of victory to them in future struggles.
The victors returned to their meeting-place at Modin with songs of
rejoicing, the refrain of which was, "Praise the Lord, for He is good;
for His mercy endureth forever."
But not yet could they lay down their arms; they knew that Lysias, who
had received orders to destroy the Judæans, would not let this first
defeat pass quietly, but that he would strain every effort to repair
the disaster. They therefore remained armed, and had the happiness
of seeing their numbers increase to 10,000. If ever a war deserved
the name of "holy," the one conducted by the Maccabæans certainly
proved worthy of that appellation. In the following year (165), when
Lysias attacked Judæa with a powerful, picked army of cavalry and
foot-soldiers, he found the Judæans more courageous and determined
than ever. He had not ventured to enter their land on the same road
as before, but had taken a circuitous route, intending to invade
Judæa from the territory occupied by the Idumæans. He encamped near
Bethzur, a five hours' march to the south of Jerusalem. Maccabæus
marched with his 10,000 men to meet him; a regular battle ensued, in
which the impetuous attacks of the Judæans again secured a victory
over the strategy of the Syrian hirelings. Lysias departed, furious at
his defeat; but he flattered himself that by increasing the number of
his army he would ultimately master his opponents. Only in the Acra
of Jerusalem, the incorrigible Hellenists, with Menelaus and a small
Syrian garrison, still held sway.