THE LAST KINGS OF JUDAH.
Manasseh--Fanatical Hatred of Hezekiah's Policy--Assyrian
Worship Introduced--The Anavim--Persecution of
the Prophets--Esarhaddon--The Colonisation of
Samaria--Amon--Josiah--Huldah and Zephaniah--Affairs in
Assyria--Regeneration of Judah under Josiah--Repairing of
the Temple--Jeremiah--The Book of Deuteronomy--Josiah's
Passover--Battle at Megiddo.
695-608 B. C. E.
It was not destined that the Judæan nation should enjoy uninterrupted
happiness for even a few generations. Its strength was tried by
rapid changes from prosperity to misfortune. Close upon the power
and unity of the second half of Hezekiah's reign came weakness and
disintegration; quiet and peace were followed by wild disturbances, and
the spring-time of mental culture by a destructive drought. It is true
that no disasters of a political nature disturbed the country under
the rule of Hezekiah's successor, and what perils threatened the land
from abroad, soon passed over. But at home, unfortunate circumstances
arose which brought about a schism, and thus led to lasting weakness.
What can be worse for a commonwealth than jealousy and hatred among
its members, and the antipathy of the rural population to the capital?
Such feelings arose under the government of Hezekiah's son, who, to the
injury of the land, reigned for more than half a century (695-641).
Manasseh's youth was in part the cause of this disaffection.
Under the sway of a boy of twelve, whose government lies in the hands
of his servants, ambition, avarice, and even worse passions are apt
to rule, unless those in power are men of great moral worth, whose
patriotism surpasses their self-love. The princes of the house of Judah
had not, however, attained to this moral height. They were, in fact,
filled with resentment at the neglect which they had suffered during
Hezekiah's reign, and only anxious to regain their former position, by
removing the intruders and satisfying their vengeance. Courtiers and
officers now came into power who seemed to find their chief occupation
in reversing everything which had been introduced under Hezekiah.
The order of things established by this king, whether it be defined
as a restoration or an innovation, rested on the ancient Israelitish
doctrines of the unity of God, of His incorporeality, of a rejection of
all idolatry, and on a centralised worship.
It was the aim of the fanatics who stood at the head of the government
to overturn this system. An idolatrous faction was formed, which
was not only influenced by force of habit, love of imitation, or
misdirected religious feeling, but also by passionate hatred of all
that appertained to the ancient Israelitish customs, and love for all
that was foreign. At the head of this party were the princes, under
whose influence and care the young king was placed. Not long after
Manasseh's accession to the throne, the nobles, who acted in the
king's name, proceeded with the innovations which they had planned.
Their first step was to proclaim lawful the use of high altars, which
Hezekiah had so strongly reprobated. They then introduced the wild
orgies of idolatry into Jerusalem and the Temple. Not only the ancient
Canaanitish, but also the Assyrian and Babylonian modes of worship
became customary at the Temple, as if in scorn of the God of Israel. In
the courts of the Temple, altars were erected to Baal and Astarte, and
smaller altars on the roofs of houses in honour of the five planets.
In the court of the Temple, a large image (Ssemel), probably of the
Assyrian goddess Mylitta, was erected, as if to give offence to the God
of Israel.
More pernicious even than this wild medley of idolatry in itself,
were its influences on morality. The profligate temple-servants and
priestesses (Kedeshoth) of Astarte were provided with cells, where they
led a wild and dissolute life. The pyre (Tôpheth) was once more raised
in the beautiful vale of Ben-Hinnom, where tender children were cast
into the fire as offerings to Moloch to avert calamity. Everything was
done to cause the memory of the God of Israel to fall into oblivion.
The faction of idolaters persuaded themselves and others that God had
become powerless, and that He could neither bring them good nor bad
fortune. The desire of imitation had no mean share in this religious
and moral perversion. Habit and compulsion exercised on the disaffected
soon spread the evil, which proceeded from the court and the prince
till it extended over the whole land. The priests of the family of
Aaron were probably at first unwilling to participate in this secession
from the God of Israel. Idolatrous priests (Khemarim) were therefore
brought into the country, who, as in the days of Jezebel and Athaliah,
were permitted to take part in the service of the Temple. Nor were
false prophets wanting to lend their voices to these abominations. What
cause, however bad, if enjoying the favour of the great, has not found
eloquent tongues to shield, justify, or even recommend it as the only
true and good one? This state of things, if unopposed, would have led
to the utter oblivion of all the past, and to the destruction of the
nation which was to bring blessings to the entire human race.
Happily there existed in Jerusalem a strong party who respected the
law so despised and scoffed at by the court faction. These formed
a striking contrast to the representatives of idolatry, and were
determined to seal their convictions even with their blood. These
"disciples of the Lord," whom Isaiah had taught and educated as his
own children, were the long-suffering Anavim, small in numbers and
low in rank, whose determination, however, rendered them a strong
power. They may be called the Anavites or prophetic party; they called
themselves "the community of the upright" (_Sod Jescharim w' Edah_).
This community was subjected to many hard trials through the change
under Manasseh. The least of their troubles was that the men whom
Hezekiah had placed as judges and officers of state were turned out of
their positions by the court party, and that Aaronides, of the family
of Zadok the high-priest, who refused to take part in the idolatrous
worship, were dismissed from the Temple, and deprived of their incomes
from sacrifices and gifts. Prophets raised their voices in denunciation
of these crimes, and other members of this community manifested their
horror at the daring of the court party; but Manasseh and the princes
of Judah did not stop short of any crime, and, like the abhorred
Jezebel, drowned the voices of the prophets in blood. The prophetic
utterances of this period have not been preserved; the zealous men
of God had no time to write them down. A violent death overtook them
before they could seize the pencil, or they were obliged to hide their
thoughts in veiled language. As though these sad times were doomed
to be forgotten, the historians have noted down but little of public
interest. An event of great import to Judæa occurred during Manasseh's
reign, and the books of history have given but slight or no account of
it.
One of the sons of Sennacherib, whose parricidal act destroyed the
proud conqueror in the temple, had placed himself on the tottering
throne of Nineveh. He also died a violent death at the hand of his
brother Esarhaddon. Esarhaddon (680-668) utilised the confusion and
civil war which had broken out in Babylonia, to reduce that old
mother-country to a mere dependence on Assyria. Thus strengthened
Esarhaddon commenced a war with Egypt, the conquest of which his
father had been obliged to relinquish. Some of his generals appear
to have landed on the Judæan coast, in order to effect Manasseh's
subjection by means of threats. Manasseh went to him to secure a fair
peace, but, as is related, he was made a captive, and led in chains to
Babylon. It was a bad omen for the house of David, which had become
faithless to its origin, and had shown a blind love of the stranger.
Sennacherib's son is supposed to have sent the prisoners of the
countries he had subdued, such as Babylon, Cuthah, Sepharvaim, and
Hamath, to Samaria in order to colonise it. This event, which, at
the time, seemed without significance to Judæa, was destined to be
important in the future. These exiles, who were called Cuthæans, from
their origin, and Samaritans, from their dwelling-places, gradually
adopted Israelitish customs, probably from the small remnant of
Israelites who remained after the destruction of the kingdom of the Ten
Tribes. The Cuthæans made pilgrimages to the holy places of Bethel,
where Israelitish priests performed the service. They, however,
continued to worship idols, and some of them sacrificed human beings.
Manasseh himself was delivered from captivity, and sent back to his
country by Esarhaddon or his successor; but his character had not
improved. Idolatrous worship and the unfortunate conditions brought
about by immorality and cruel persecution lasted until his death.
When he died (641), he was not buried in the city of David, as his
predecessors had been, but in the garden of Uzza, attached to the royal
palace in the suburb of Millo. He had himself selected this spot for
his tomb, and had thereby tacitly acknowledged himself unworthy to rest
in the grave of his forefather David.
He was succeeded by his eldest son Amon (640-639), who, although older
than his father had been at his accession, yet appears to have had
no more aptitude for reigning than his predecessor. The idolatrous
aberrations, which had brought with them consequences so injurious to
morality in his father's reign, continued under his rule, but, unlike
his father, he does not appear to have persecuted the prophet party.
However, he reigned for so short a time that but little is known of
him, his deeds or sentiments. His servants--that is to say, the captain
of the palace and the chief courtiers around him--conspired against
him, and killed him in his own palace (639). The nation appears to have
loved Amon, for the people rose in rebellion against the conspirators,
killed them, and placed Amon's son Josiah, who was eight years of age,
on the throne (638-608). This change of rule was not immediately felt.
The nobles and princes of Judah continued to govern in the name of the
king during his minority, and maintained the innovations of Manasseh,
which they sought to establish firmly.
But the number of 'the sufferers of the land,' who clung to the
precepts of the God of Israel, increased daily, and these formed
themselves into an active body. From this circle various prophets arose
under Josiah. They lent their words of fire to the promulgation of the
pure doctrines of God, and opened their lips in the cause of right,
and endeavoured to bring about a better state of things. A prophetess
named Huldah also arose at this time, and her counsel, like that of
Deborah, was much sought after. Zephaniah was the eldest of the later
prophets. He was descended from a respected family in Jerusalem,
whose forefathers were known as far back as the fourth generation.
He openly declaimed against the weakness, the moral degradation, and
the idolatrous ways of his contemporaries, particularly of the nobles
and princes, who took pride in the imitation of all foreign customs.
Like the older prophets, Amos and Joel, he predicted the advent of "a
terrible day of the Lord, a day of darkness and obscurity." In his
prophecies concerning other nations, he especially predicted the total
destruction of the proud city of Nineveh.
At this time commenced the gradual decadence of Assyria's power. The
nations which had remained faithful to Assyria now separated themselves
from the last but one of the Assyrian kings (Samuges?), or were
compelled by the Medes to renounce their allegiance. The second king of
Media, Phraortes (Fravartch), subdued nation after nation, including
the Persians, and in conjunction with these he undertook a campaign
against Nineveh. The Assyrians, though deserted by their allies, were
yet sufficiently strong and warlike to effect the defeat of the Median
host (635), when Phraortes was killed. But his son Cyaxares, who was
even more daring and adventurous than his father, hastened to avenge
the latter, collected a large army, which he divided according to the
armour of the various bodies, attacked Assyria, defeated its army, and
advanced upon Nineveh (634). But an invasion of Media by countless
hordes of Scythians forced him to raise the siege of the Assyrian
capital. Unable to cope with them in battle, he bought release at the
price of an enormous tribute. The Assyrians were compelled to follow
a like course. Turning westward, the Scythians reached Phœnicia, and,
advancing along the coast of Philistia, soon stood threatening before
the gates of Egypt. Here King Psammetich met them with rich gifts, and
through earnest entreaties prevailed upon them to desist from their
intended invasion. Thereupon a great number of them went to the north,
while others threw themselves on Asia Minor. A number of them remained
in Philistia, overran the country, and burnt the temple of Mylitta, the
Assyrian goddess of debauchery. The Scythians swarmed from Philistia
into the neighbouring country of Judæa, ravaged the land, carried off
the cattle, and burnt the cities and villages. They appear, however,
not to have entered Jerusalem. No doubt the youthful king Josiah, with
the steward of his palace, went to meet them, and induced them by the
surrender of treasures to spare the capital.
This time of terror, when reports of the destruction of towns and
the cruel murder of men were constantly reaching the ears of the
people, made a deep impression on the inhabitants of Judah. Where the
predictions of the prophets had fallen upon deaf ears, their actual
fulfilment proved the folly of idolatrous worship. Had the gods of
Assyria, Babylon, Phœnicia, or Philistia been able to save their people
from the violent attack of the Scythians? A change of sentiment now
came over the inhabitants of Jerusalem, and the soul of King Josiah was
deeply touched. He was gentle, pious, and susceptible by nature; only
from habit had he devoted himself to the follies of idolatry, without
entirely yielding to the malpractices of the times. The significant
occurrences now taking place showed him that he and his nation were
wandering in crooked paths. He did not venture, however, when he had
come to this conclusion, to cast out from the capital of his kingdom
the idol-worship which had been introduced during his grandfather's
reign, half a century before. He did not dare arouse the princes of
Judah, who held the reins of power, and who were strongly attached to
idolatry. This would have required heroic decision, and Josiah could
not bring himself to act with the required strength of purpose. It
was, therefore, necessary for some one to urge him to action, and to
the assertion of his royal power over those who surrounded him. The
prophetic party undertook the work of inducing Josiah to return to the
service of God, and to put aside all foreign worship. However he only
took measures calculated to rescue the holy Temple of the Lord from
its deserted state and the decay into which it was falling. The walls,
halls and outbuildings of the Temple were cracking, and threatened to
fall, and the decorations had been disfigured. Josiah took measures to
prevent at least this outward decay. He recalled the exiled priests
and Levites to the service of the Temple (627), and commanded them to
collect contributions for the renovation of the Temple. At their head
he placed the high-priest Hilkiah, whose house had not been polluted
by the impurities of idol-worship. But whence were the means to be
derived? The love of the rich for their Temple had grown so cold,
or the nation had become so impoverished through the pillage of the
Scythians that it was impossible to reckon on freewill offerings like
those in the times of King Joash. Thus it became necessary actually
to go begging for gifts in order to be able to repair the sanctuary.
Levitic emissaries went through the city and country, from house to
house, asking for contributions. Meanwhile, though King Josiah was
thus actively working for the Temple, he was wanting in firmness in
stamping out the errors of idolatry. A number of the nobles, it is
true, had formally returned to their ancient creed, but only inasmuch
as they swore by Jehovah, while they continued to worship idols. Other
influences were needed to impress Josiah before he could summon heart
to act. From two sides came the force which induced him to take a final
step. On the one hand the impulse came from one of the prophets, who,
from early youth, had spoken in powerful and irresistible language,
and on the other, from a book which had revealed to the king the
unmanliness of indecision. These two combined to bring about a better
state of things in an extended circle, and also to lend fresh interest
and a halo of poetry to the ancient law. The youth was the prophet
Jeremiah, and the book that of Deuteronomy. Jeremijahu (Jeremiah), son
of Hilkiah (born between 645 and 640, died between 580 and 570), came
from the little town of Anathoth, in the tribe of Benjamin. He was not
poor, though by no means enjoying great wealth. His uncle Shallum and
the latter's son Hanameel (his mother's relations) possessed landed
property in Anathoth.
Jeremiah's soul was rich and pure, like a clear mirror or a deep
well-spring. Endowed with a gentle disposition and inclined to
melancholy, the religious and moral condition of his surroundings had
made a sad impression on him, even in his earliest youth. All that was
false, perverse, and unworthy was repulsive to him, and filled him
with sorrow. From the time that he began his work, his countrymen,
the priests of Anathoth, persecuted him with such burning hate that
it is impossible to think that they could have determined the bent of
his mind. Undoubtedly, however, the writings of the elder prophets
exercised an influence over his disposition and ideas. His spirit
became so imbued with their teachings that he used their thoughts,
expressions, and words as his own. This study of the written prophetic
legacies gave his mind its tendency, and filled him with exalted ideas
of God, of the moral order in the events of humanity, of the importance
of Israel's past and its significance in the future, and taught him
to hate what was low. Following the divine call, he entered upon his
prophetic mission, and afterwards initiated others, either in Anathoth
or in Jerusalem. The description of his own initiation (Jer. ch. i.)
can bear no comparison with the simplicity and depth with which Isaiah
introduced himself as a prophet. The times demanded a different kind of
eloquence. Moral degradation had strongly affected the nation, and ruin
was sure to come, unless help were soon at hand. Nor did Jeremiah, like
former prophets, speak to a small cultured circle, but to great popular
assemblages, to the princes as well as to the inhabitants of Jerusalem
and the people of Judah. On them figures of speech would have been
wasted; it was necessary to speak clearly, and to the purpose, in order
that the words might have effect, and so Jeremiah spoke chiefly in
simple prose, only occasionally weaving into his speech the flowers of
rhetoric. The threats of punishment and announcements of salvation of
his predecessors, with the exception of Isaiah, were mostly vague and
indefinite, and on this account the scornful inhabitants of Jerusalem
had cast them to the winds. Jeremiah had to counteract the effects of
such scornful disregard of prophetic announcements. He was endowed with
greater prophetic gifts than any of his predecessors--even than Isaiah.
He prophesied in the first instance from year to year; later on, when
the tragic fate neared its fulfilment, he predicted from month to
month occurrences that were to come to pass, and his prophetic visions
were realised with marvellous accuracy. He did not see the future in
the uncertain light of dreams, but in broad daylight, with open eyes,
while in communion with the outer world. Therefore he did not speak in
enigmas, did not make hidden allusions, but called things by their true
names.
Upon this pure prophetic spirit had been put the heavy task of rousing
the perverse nation, which had been going astray for nearly half a
century, just at the time when the king was rousing himself from the
lethargy into which he had drifted.
No sooner had Jeremiah received his call than his diffidence and
gentleness disappeared. He describes the sensations which the prophetic
spirit awoke in him (Jeremiah xxiii. 29):
"Is not my word like as a fire? saith the Lord: and like a
hammer that shivereth the rock?"
His first speech of burning eloquence was directed against the
nation's falling away from its traditions, against idolatry and its
abominations. In it he not only hurled his crushing words against the
perverted idol-worship, but also against the frequent recurrence of
bloodshed (Jeremiah ii.).
Words like these from so young a speaker could not fail to make an
impression. Some of the noble families turned away from their immoral
course, and returned to the God worshipped by Jeremiah and the other
prophets. The family of Shaphan, which occupied a high position,
joined the prophet's party, and defended it with fervour. King Josiah
meanwhile devoted himself earnestly to the restoration of the ruined
Temple. He commissioned (621) three of his chief officers--Shaphan,
Maasseiah, the governor of the city, and Joah, the chancellor--to
summon the high-priest to surrender the funds collected under his
supervision, that they might be employed in the purchase of building
materials and the pay of the workingmen. When Hilkiah gave up the sum,
he also handed a large roll to Shaphan, saying, "I have found the book
of the law in the Temple." Shaphan read the roll, and was so struck
by its contents that he informed the king of the discovery that had
been made. This book exercised a wonderful influence. The Book of
the Law which the high-priest Hilkiah gave to Shaphan to hand to the
king was the last testament of the prophet Moses, which, before his
death, he recommended to the earnest consideration of his people. It
has an historical introduction and an historical epilogue, leading
the historical record up to and beyond the death of Moses. Laws are
generally cold, stern, and hard, and with threatening gesture they
say, "Thou shalt, or shalt not, or heavy punishment will overtake
thee." The law-book found in the time of Josiah is not couched in such
terms. It exhorts, warns, and actually entreats that this or that may
be done or left undone. It uses the language of a loving father, whose
son, standing before a great goal, is warned not to lose the bright
future before him through his own fault, and thus become an object of
scorn and a disgrace. A pleasant breeze is wafted from this book of
Deuteronomy. As though with a garland of flowers, the laws (Mizvoth),
statutes (Chukkim), and ordinances (Mishpatim) are surrounded with
historical reminiscences and heartfelt admonitions, couched in sublime
and poetic language.
The book also contains a peculiar hymn, said to have been composed by
Moses. In this hymn it is stated that the nation, in consequence of
its prosperity, would turn away to false gods, and a depraved nation
would be called to punish it. Then it would see that its chosen gods
could not avail it, and that God alone, who had so wonderfully guided
it, could kill and make alive, could wound and heal, and that He would
avenge it, and purify the stained land. Terrible are the punishments
inscribed in this roll for disobeying the laws. The veil is snatched
away from the future, and the terrible disasters shown which await the
people and the king, if they continue in their present course. All the
plagues which could bring humanity to despair are vividly described
in this picture. On the one hand are sterility, starvation, drought
and pestilence; humiliation and persecution, oppressive slavery and
disgrace on the other, till physical and spiritual sufferings would end
in heart-breaking, madness and idiocy.
This peculiar book of the law, with its convincing exhortations and
its gloomy prospect, which the priest Hilkiah had found and read to
Shaphan, was carried by the latter in haste to King Josiah, to whom
he read passages out of it. Terrified and shaken by the threats of
punishment, and conscience-stricken for having hitherto permitted
trespasses so plainly depicted in the newly-discovered book, the king
in his grief tore his garments. He sent for the high-priest Hilkiah to
counsel him. On his suggestion, King Josiah sent him and some of his
officers to the prophetess Huldah, wife of Shallum, the overseer of the
wardrobe, one of the royal officers. She announced to the king that the
impending misfortune should not descend on him and his people in his
own days, as he had repented of his former ways.
Comforted as to the fate of his people during his own reign, King
Josiah pursued the task of regeneration with great energy. He took the
newly-discovered book of the law as his guiding principle, and was far
more severe and thorough than Hezekiah in the uprooting of idolatry.
He first summoned all the elders of the people from the capital and
the country, as also the entire population of the capital, the priests
and prophets, and even the humble hewers of wood and drawers of water
of the Temple, and had the contents of the law-book read to them. He
himself stood during the reading on a stand which had been erected for
the king in the Temple. For the first time the entire nation of Judah
was informed of its duties, its expectations and prospects in obeying
or disobeying the laws. The king proposed to form a covenant by which
all present should bind themselves to carry out with heart and soul the
laws and ordinances which had been read to them. Then the words were
loudly proclaimed, "May all those be cursed who shall depart from this
law," and all present said "Amen." The king commanded the high-priest
Hilkiah, the priests of the second order, who had to watch over the
Temple, and the Levitical guardians of the Temple gates, to cleanse it
from the various forms of idol-worship. Thus the disgraceful figure of
Astarte, the altars and cells of the prostitutes, also all articles
belonging to the worship of Baal and Astarte, the sun-horses at the
entrance of the Temple, and lastly the altars for the worship of the
stars were all removed, crushed and burnt in the vale of Kidron, and
the ashes cast over the graves of the dead. The altar in the vale of
Hinnom, where children were sacrificed, was desecrated by order of
the king. All the chief altars throughout the country were destroyed.
This purification extended as far as Bethel, where the Cuthæans, who
had settled in the place, and the remnant of Israel still had their
sanctuaries, and as far as those towns which had formerly belonged
to Samaria. The priests of the idols and altars were deposed, those
of Levitical descent were obliged to remain in Jerusalem, where they
could be kept under supervision, and where, though not allowed to offer
sacrifices, they received their share of the tithes of the descendants
of Aaron. The foreign priests were all removed, and probably sent
out of the country. Josiah made a cruel exception of the Israelitish
priests in Bethel, who had continued the worship of the bull, which
had been introduced by Jeroboam, and had caused the degradation of the
nation. These priests were killed on the altars, and the latter were
desecrated by human remains. The king determined to make a striking
example of Bethel, the spot where the negation and neglect of God's
ancient law had originated. The less guilty descendants had in this
case, as in many others, to atone for their more guilty forefathers.
The king himself commenced the desecration of the idolatrous altar at
Bethel. He cleared away the various idol-worships which had taken root
and flourished at different times on Jewish ground, and he thus acted
according to the precepts contained in the Book of Deuteronomy.
In the spring of the same year (621) Josiah summoned the entire nation
to celebrate the feast of Passover in Jerusalem, according to the
ordinances of the Law, and the nation willingly obeyed his mandate,
having sworn to act according to the Law. This festival--celebrated
for the first time by the mass of the nation--was rendered especially
solemn by inspiring psalms, sung and accompanied by the Levites. One
psalm, which was apparently sung on that occasion, has been preserved.
The choir of Levitical singers exhorted the Aaronites to praise the
God of Jacob, reminded them of the persecutions they had undergone, of
the deliverance from Egypt, and of the revelation at Sinai, and also
admonished them to keep away from strange gods. They alluded to the
exile of a part of the nation, and prophesied happy days for those who
observed the Sinaitic law. (Psalm lxxxi.) Josiah's energetic action
against idolatry appeared so important an event to the faithful portion
of the people that the prophets dated a new epoch from that time. The
abominations of idolatry, with its terrible effects, which had so
demoralised the nation for seven decades, had suddenly disappeared,
owing to the zeal of the king. Social conditions were also improved.
Josiah insisted on the enfranchisement of Hebrew slaves who had been
six years in slavery, in accordance with the law which he had chosen
as his guide. He also appointed unbiassed judges, who should secure
justice to the poor and the helpless against the powerful. Historical
accounts assert of Josiah that no king before him ever returned so
sincerely to God, and carried out the law of Moses so strictly. In
fact, Josiah appears also to have exerted himself energetically in
political matters; he had the courage to assert his independence even
against Egypt.
At the outset of his prophetic career Jeremiah had announced a period
of universal ruin and devastation, to be followed by a new constitution
of things. This change began in the last years of Josiah's reign. The
empire of Assyria, which had subjected so many nations to its yoke,
was to be delivered over to total destruction, and in its place new
empires were to arise. Media and Babylon, the nearest dependencies of
Nineveh, avenged the crimes of which that city had been guilty in its
proud treatment of its adherents. The adventurous Nabopolassar, of
Babylon (625-605), had broken the last tie which bound his country to
Assyria, and had made himself independent. Egypt also endeavoured to
take advantage of the increasing weakness of Assyria. Here a daring
king named Necho (Nekos, Nekaii), son of Psammetich, had ascended the
throne, and strove to restore Egypt's former power. Necho assembled
a great army, with the intention of conquering the district of the
Lebanon as far as the Euphrates, and of humiliating Assyria. He
took the fortified Philistine city of Gaza by storm, and advancing
along the slope on the coast of the Mediterranean Sea, he purposed
reaching the Jordan by the plain of Jezreel. Josiah, however, opposed
his advance through this territory, which had formerly been in the
possession of the Israelites. Hardly had Necho and his army reached
the middle of the plain of Jezreel, than the army of Judah barred his
way at Megiddo. The Egyptian king, it is said, assured Josiah that
his campaign was not directed against the land of Judah, but against
more distant territories. Notwithstanding this, Josiah compelled him
to do battle. The result was disastrous to the king of Judah, for his
army was beaten, and he himself was dangerously wounded (608). His
attendants hastily brought their beloved king to Jerusalem, and on his
arrival there he breathed his last. When he was interred in the new
mausoleum, men and women wept bitterly, and exclaimed, "Oh, king! oh,
glory!" From year to year, on the anniversary of the day on which this
last excellent king of the house of David had sunk pierced by arrows,
a lamentation was sung, composed by Jeremiah for the occasion. No king
was more sincerely mourned than Josiah. The unfortunate battle of
Megiddo in the plain of Jezreel was the turning point in the history of
Judah.