THE END OF THE KINGDOM OF THE TEN TRIBES, AND THE HOUSE OF DAVID.
The Reign of Ahaz--His Character--Alliance between Pekah
and Rezin--Tiglath-Pileser and Assyria--Ahaz seeks
Assyrian Aid--Isaiah's Opposition--Defeat of Pekah and
Rezin--Introduction of Assyrian Worship--Human Sacrifices--The
Second Micah--Samaria after Pekah's Death--Assyria
and Egypt--Hoshea--Samaria taken by Shalmaneser--The
Exile--Hezekiah--His Early Measures--His Weakness of
Character--Isaiah's Efforts to Restrain Hezekiah from War
with Assyria--Arrangements for the Defence--Change of
Policy--Isaiah Predicts the Deliverance--Micah--Rabshakeh's
Embassy--Hezekiah's Defiance--His Illness and Recovery--The
Destruction of Sennacherib's Army--Merodach-baladan--Hezekiah's
Rule--The Psalmists--Death of Hezekiah.
739-696 B. C. E.
The bond of union which connected Judah and Israel, under Uzziah and
Jotham, was snapped asunder on the death of the latter, and dissensions
filled all minds. The cause of this can only be conjectured. The
new king of Judah, Ahaz (739-725), who ascended the throne in his
twenty-fifth year, was a weakling, with confused ideas, and by no means
equal to his dangerous position. Important political complications
occurred during his reign, in the meshes of which he became hopelessly
entangled. Shortly after his accession to the throne he had to decide a
question of great import, namely, whether or not to join the alliance
formed by Pekah of Israel, Rezin, king of Damascus, and other less
important confederates. This alliance was formed to meet a twofold
danger. On the one side was Egypt, which had become powerful under King
Sabako, and on the other side Assyria, which was also governed by a
king ambitious of conquest, whose strong hand had reduced to subjection
the refractory tributary states.
After the death of King Pul, the last descendant of the royal house
of the Derketades, an energetic king ascended the throne of Assyria,
who not only reunited the crumbling kingdom, but gave it still
greater power and extent; this was Tiglath-Pileser. After capturing
and destroying the fortresses of Mesopotamia, he turned towards the
countries westward from the Euphrates and in the neighbourhood of
Lebanon. He wished to complete the annexation of the kingdoms which
Pul had subjugated. In order to oppose the Assyrian conqueror, Rezin,
king of Aram-Damascus, formed an offensive and defensive alliance with
Pekah, and was desirous of securing the co-operation of Ahaz. When the
latter refused to join them, the two kings, united, it appears, with
the Philistines and other neighbouring nations, prepared an attack upon
Judah.
The report of this plan occasioned great alarm in the house of David,
and Ahaz then had recourse to a fatal step. He sent secret messengers
to the Assyrian king, Tiglath-Pileser, and asked him for help against
his enemies. At the same time he offered himself as a vassal, and his
land as an Assyrian province. This step might bring him momentary help,
but could only endanger the whole future.
Isaiah, with his prophetic insight, looked far into the future, and
warned the king against acting rashly. Accompanied by his son Shear
Jashub, he went to Ahaz, to the spot near the lake where he was
supervising the work of fortification. He first tried to reassure the
king in clear, yet eloquent language (Isaiah vii. 3-9). He then pointed
out the evils which would result from an alliance with the Assyrian
king (Ib. 17-25). From the near future, however, Isaiah's prophetic
vision turned to more distant days. He sees the land, overrun by the
Assyrian army, turned into a field of thorns and thistles, and dwells
particularly on the devastation of the mountains covered with noble
vineyards, which had become the cause of revelry and dissipation. Only
the pasture lands were to remain, and every man would have to content
himself with a young bull and two sheep; but the land would once more
flow with milk and honey, sufficient for the needs of the remnant of
the nation (Shear-Jashub).
Isaiah then reverted to the present time. He related how instructions
had come to him to write in large letters in popular writ, "Quick
booty, hasty plunder" (Maher Shalal, Chash Baz). He was to take the
priest Uriah and the prophet Zechariah, the son of Berachiah, as
witnesses to confirm his prophecy. Furthermore, when his wife, the
prophetess, had borne to him a son, he had, in prophetic inspiration,
bestowed on him the significant name of Maher-Shalal-Chash-Baz, as a
sign of the foreboding, "Before the new-born son of the prophet shall
have knowledge to call Father and Mother, the land of Damascus and the
possessions of Samaria will be carried off by the king of Assyria."
Isaiah then declaimed against the traitorous party which was secretly
allied with the enemy (Ib. viii. 5-8).
Ahaz, however, remained deaf to all these predictions. He had more
confidence in Tiglath-Pileser than in the God of Israel, and thus fate
took its course. No sooner did the news reach the Assyrian king that
various nations and princes had formed an alliance against him, than
he invaded their lands. Rezin consequently had to raise the siege of
Jerusalem, and hurry to the defence of his country. Pekah also had to
think of his own safety, and Jerusalem was for the moment safe from
both of the hostile kings.
The latter could no longer avert the consequences of the steps they
had taken. Tiglath-Pileser first besieged Damascus, captured it, took
Rezin prisoner, and slew him. From Damascus the victor proceeded
against the kingdom of the Ten Tribes, conquered the fastnesses of the
mountain lands and of the maritime as well as the Jordanic districts.
Pekah does not appear even to have attempted any opposition, but to
have submitted without resistance. Tiglath-Pileser therefore spared
his life, but he carried off the inhabitants of the northern cities
and those of the other side of the Jordan as prisoners (738). He
distributed them in various districts of the great Assyrian empire.
Thus the kingdom of Israel was deprived of half its land and half its
inhabitants. Its boundary on the north barely reached Mount Tabor,
and this remnant became an appendage to the Assyrian kingdom, bound
to pay a yearly tribute and gifts of allegiance. Great, no doubt, was
the discontent felt against Pekah, who had incurred these misfortunes
through his cowardice; he was the foolish shepherd who had deserted
his flock. This discontent ended in a conspiracy against him. Hoshea,
the son of Elah, headed the plot, and killed Pekah (736), after he had
ruled for two decades, and brought down misfortunes on his country.
An important change also occurred at this period in the kingdom of
Judah. Ahaz, in his timidity, had made himself the vassal of the king
of Assyria, and had, therefore, to pay homage to Tiglath-Pileser.
Instead of feeling humiliated, he was seized with admiration for the
Assyrian customs, and determined to imitate them in his own country.
He introduced the worship of the sun and stars in Jerusalem. The image
of the sun-god was erected probably at the entrance of the Temple,
and horses and chariots were dedicated to him. Ahaz outvied the king
of Israel in idolatry. Other Assyrian influences made themselves felt
in Judah. The Assyrian language, which closely resembles that of the
Aramæans, was spoken by the courtiers to facilitate communication
with their sovereign lord. Ahaz went beyond all bounds in his love
of imitation. Once, when a misfortune befell him, he determined to
sacrifice his own son in honour of Moloch, this cruel rite being part
of the Assyrian creed. In the beautiful vale of Hinnom, or Ben Hinnom,
at the southern extension of the valley of Kidron, where the spring
of Siloah and other brooklets produce a magnificent vegetation, a
fire-altar was erected. There, Ahaz, regardless of the heart-rending
lamentations of his son, sacrificed the innocent child.
The example of Ahaz was, as a matter of course, not without influence
on others. The nobles of Judah, who had a decided preference for all
that was foreign, because it allowed full sway to their passions,
gladly welcomed this adoption of Assyrian customs. Favoured by the
weakness of King Ahaz, they could indulge in sensual pleasures, and
continue their acts of injustice towards the nation. The priests were
also infected by the bad example. From motives either of selfishness
or of fear, they passed over with silence, and even favoured the evil
deeds of the king and the nobles. They preached for hire according
to the wishes of the mighty nobles. One of these depraved priests
appears to have asserted that the sacrifice of the first-born was
not displeasing to the God of Israel, but that such offerings were
acceptable to Him. The law of Moses which commanded the first-born
to be sanctified to the Lord, was explained as an order to surrender
them to the fire. Happily, there yet remained representatives of the
ancient law in its purity, who raised their voices in powerful and
eloquent protest against these crimes and depravities. A younger
prophet of that time laid his finger on the gaping wound, and not only
called the degeneracy by the right name, but also pointed out the
source whence it had arisen. The second Micah of Moresheth, probably
one of the disciples of Isaiah, shared with him the arduous task of
appealing to the hearts of the sinners, and of making clear to them the
indispensable results of their evil-doings. He probably took up his
dwelling-place in Jerusalem, but knowing the feelings prevalent in the
country places and villages, he paid more attention to them than did
the other prophets.
In a speech uttered in the time of King Ahaz, Micah laid bare the
prevalent religious and moral evils, and especially declaimed against
human sacrifices (Micah vi.). Notwithstanding all this, the evil
spread further, and also attacked the healthy portions of the nation.
False prophets, speaking in the name of the Lord, arose, who advocated
crimes and vices in order to flatter the men in power. These false
prophets spoke with eloquence--they pretended to have had visions;
they employed the prophetic mode of speech, and by these means brought
about a terrible confusion of ideas. The nation was bewildered, and
knew not which to believe--its critics and censors, or its adulators
and encomiasts. These evil days under King Ahaz were even more baneful
than the six years of Athalia's government; they witnessed a king
trampling the ancient law under foot, and introducing idolatry with its
concomitant immorality and contempt of justice, nobles allowing their
passions untrammelled license, and false prophets daring to speak in
defence of those misdeeds, while the prophets of truth and justice were
proscribed.
But in the meantime political events took their course and gave rise
to fresh complications. In the kingdom of Samaria, which since its
separation from the eastern and northern districts, could no longer be
called the kingdom of the Ten Tribes, wrongdoing and short-sightedness
continued to prevail. The wounds inflicted by the Assyrians had not
crushed the pride and selfishness of those in power. Defying the
misery of the present, they said: "Dwellings of brick have fallen
in; we will erect buildings of stone. Sycamores have been hewn down;
well, let us plant cedars instead." In their drunken carousals the
Ephraimitish nobles failed to perceive that the defeats which their
country had suffered, unless followed by a manly revival of energies,
were only the prelude to their complete destruction. In addition to
this short-sightedness, or perhaps in consequence of it, anarchy set
in. After Pekah's death at the hands of Hoshea, the ringleader of the
conspirators, nine years elapsed, during which no king could maintain
himself in power. Hoshea appears at first to have refused the crown of
thorns, and there was no one else who could lay claim to sovereignty.
From the time of Pul's interference with the Lebanon affairs and the
destruction of the Aramæan kingdom by Tiglath-Pileser, war between
Egypt and Assyria had become inevitable. The two empires, on the Nile
and on the Tigris, watched each other suspiciously, and prepared
themselves for the final contest, through diplomatic movements and
counter-movements, in which each endeavoured to strengthen itself and
weaken the enemy by the acquisition of allies.
Meanwhile the doom of Samaria was ripe for fulfilment. Was it from
a knowledge of their weakness, or only a thoughtless whim, that
her nobles finally recognised Hoshea the son of Elah, the murderer
of King Pekah, as their king? This last king of Samaria (727-719)
was better, or rather less bad than his predecessors. He was also
warlike; yet he was unable to avert the impending destruction. He
appears to have secretly entered into connections with Egypt, which
continually duped him with false promises. At this time a warrior-king
of Assyria, Shalmaneser, proceeded against Elulai, king of Tyre and
Phœnicia, and subdued him. The Tyrian kingdom was not able to offer
any resistance. On this occasion Shalmaneser directed his plans also
against Samaria. Hoshea did not await his coming, but went to meet
him, offering surrender and gifts of allegiance. But no sooner had the
Assyrian king withdrawn than conspiracies were organised against him.
Hoshea commenced the secession by withdrawing the yearly tribute, and
Phœnicia followed suit.
Shalmaneser thereupon collected his troops, and crossing the Euphrates
and Lebanon, proceeded first against the Phœnicians. At his approach,
the nations lost all hope of liberty. The Phœnician towns of Zidon,
Acre, and even the ancient capital of Tyre, surrendered, probably
without attempting resistance. From Acre, Shalmaneser advanced to the
Samaritan kingdom by way of the plain of Jezreel. The inhabitants of
the Israelitish towns either submitted to the mighty king or fled to
the capital. Hoshea, undaunted by all these defections, continued his
opposition, though, as it appears, the expected or promised help from
Egypt was withheld. The capital, Samaria, which lay on a hill-top,
could, if properly intrenched, hold out for some time. Meanwhile,
Hoshea and the inhabitants of Samaria hoped for some unlooked-for
event which might compel Shalmaneser to retreat. The walls, towers,
and battlements of Samaria were therefore fortified, and rendered
capable of defence; provisions and water supplies were also collected,
and all the preparations needed for the defence of a besieged city
were made. But the Assyrians were masters in the art of attacking
and capturing fortified cities. The attack and the defence must have
been carried on with great energy and endurance, for the siege of
Samaria lasted nearly three years (from the summer of 721 till the
summer of 719). But all the exertions, the courage and the patience of
the besieged proved fruitless. The capital of the kingdom of the Ten
Tribes, after an existence of two hundred years, was taken by storm.
The last king of that state, Hoshea, though he was probably caught
fighting, was mercifully treated by his conqueror. He was stripped of
his dignities, and kept in prison for the rest of his life. No pen
has noted how many thousands perished in this last contest of the
kingdom of Israel, or how many were carried off into banishment.
So estranged was that kingdom from those who recorded the memorials
of the Israelitish nation, that they devoted but few words to its
decline. No lament resounded, as though the sad fate of the nation
was a matter of indifference to the poets. The prediction of the
prophets had been fulfilled. Ephraim was no more; the idols of Dan,
Samaria, and other cities, wandered away to Nineveh, and prisoners in
thousands were carried off and dispersed. They were sent to colonise
the thinly-populated territories--the position of which is not
precisely known--in Halah and Habor, on the river Gozan, and in the
towns of mountainous Media. The kingdom of the Ten Tribes, or Israel,
had existed for two centuries and a half; twenty kings had ruled over
it; but in one day it disappeared, leaving no trace behind. Alienated
from the source of its existence through the obstinacy of Ephraim,
which disregarded the Law and its influences on national morality,
liberty and political strength, it had fallen into idolatry and its
attendant vices. The country vomited out the Ten Tribes, as it had
vomited out the Canaanitish tribes. What has become of them? They have
been looked for and believed to have been discovered in the distant
East as well as the far West. Cheats and dreamers have claimed to be
descended from them. But there can be no doubt that the Ten Tribes
have been irretrievably lost among the nations. A few of them, such as
agriculturists, vine-dressers, and shepherds may have remained in the
country, and some, especially such as lived near the borders of Judah,
may have taken refuge in that country.
Thus the diseased limb, which had infected and paralyzed the entire
body of the nation, was cut off and rendered harmless. The tribe of
Ephraim, which on its first entry into the country had caused national
disintegration through its selfishness, and which later on, owing to
its haughtiness and self-seeking, brought on the weakening and final
destruction of a kingdom once occupying the position of an empire, was
now lamenting in exile. "Thou hast chastised me, and I was chastised
as an untamed calf. I was ashamed, yea, I am confounded, because I
bear the disgrace of my youth." (Jeremiah xxxi. 17, 18.) The body of
the nation seemed to be healthier and more at ease after the removal
of its unruly member. The tribes of Judah and Benjamin, with their
dependencies of Simeon and Levi, which, since the downfall of the Ten
Tribes, formed the people of Israel, or the "remnant of Israel," now
rose to new power and developed fresh splendour. The destruction of
Samaria, stunning as it was in its immediate effect on the remnant of
the nation, served also a salutary purpose, inasmuch as, for the moment
at least, it induced the people to put aside the follies and sins which
had contributed also to their degeneration and weakness. The people and
the nobles were now no longer deaf to the exhortations of the prophets;
Isaiah's prediction to erring Samaria--that "the crown of pride on
the head of the fat valley of the drunkards of Ephraim would be as an
early ripe fig which is hastily devoured," (Isaiah xxviii. 1-4)--being
fulfilled, they could no longer refuse him a hearing. How little was
wanting, and Jerusalem had shared the fate of Samaria! Its existence
depended on a whim of the Assyrian conqueror. In Jerusalem the fear of
national overthrow begot humility, and a desire to listen to the words
of those who would lead them in the right path.
Fortunately a king now occupied the throne, the like of whom had not
been known since the time of David. Hezekiah (724-696), the son of
Ahaz, was the very opposite of his father. His gentle, poetical soul
was filled with an ideal, which he beheld in his people's own law, in
its ancient statutes and traditions. With the same eagerness with which
his father had paid homage to foreign usages, Hezekiah was intent on
the restoration of pristine Judæan morals, and the purification of
religious conceptions and institutions. He accepted the Torah as the
guide of his own life and of that of his nation. His were not only the
virtues of justice, generosity and high-mindedness, but also those
distinctions of character, which as a rule are foreign to crowned
heads, gentleness, modesty, and humility, adorned him. He possessed
that deep piety and pure fear of God which are as rarely met with as
artistic perfection or military genius.
Did the prophets early recognise this nobility of soul and heart in
the young prince? Or did their power of vision enable them to foresee
the accession of a king on David's throne who would adorn it? Or was
it through their early teaching and guidance that he grew up to become
the ideal king that he was? Nevertheless it is a fact that two prophets
predicted great and promising things of Hezekiah while he was still in
his boyhood.
During Ahaz's misrule, the prophets and that circle of "the Gentle" who
composed the kernel and heart of the nation of Israel, turned their
attention to the young prince, from whom they expected the restoration
of the golden age enjoyed during the glorious days of David. Hezekiah
had witnessed the sins of his father with pain, and bore testimony to
the aversion he felt for them immediately after his father's death,
inasmuch as he did not bury him in the hereditary sepulchre of the
house of David, but in a specially prepared tomb. Hezekiah expressed
his convictions in a psalm composed on his accession to the throne,
which may be considered a manifesto. (Ps. ci.)
Hezekiah's reign, rich as it was in the manifestation of great virtues,
in events of great import and in poetical creations, might have become
a golden age had it not been that his wishes and plans were opposed by
a barrier which he found it impossible to break down. Royalty had long
ceased to have sole power in Judah. The overseer or superintendent of
the palace (Sochen) had full power over the army and the officers of
the court. He kept the king like a prisoner in his own apartments. In
Hezekiah's time, the superintendent Shebna behaved as though he were
the possessor of the throne and of sovereign power. In the beginning
of his reign, however, the courtiers and those who were in office as
judges or otherwise, not knowing his character or force of will, gave
the young king free scope. During this time Hezekiah could carry his
good resolves into effect, and in part introduce innovations, such as
removing the idols, restoring the unity of worship, and dismissing the
most unworthy of the courtiers from the palace and filling their places
with more deserving men.
But it was no slight task to remove the accumulated evils of idolatry
and long-continued immorality. The Temple was deserted, and the country
was filled with idols and altars. Hezekiah reopened the sanctuary, and
restored it to its former dignity. In order to root out the evils of
idolatry, he ordained that altars should be no longer erected on the
mountains and heights, not even for the worship of the God of Israel,
but that all who felt a desire to show Him honour should repair to
Jerusalem. This precaution appeared to many as a hardship and an
infringement on ancient customs. But Hezekiah felt that he dared
not spare local predilections if he wished to ensure a purification
of the popular religion. When the spring festival approached, he
commanded that the paschal lamb, which had hitherto been sacrificed
on private altars, should be offered in the sanctuary at Jerusalem
only. He, however, postponed the celebration of the feast from the
usual month to the one following, probably because the season was not
sufficiently advanced. Meanwhile the courtiers did not mean to leave
the king to his own devices in his government. The inspector of the
palace--Shebna--appears to have gradually wrested all power from him.
Hezekiah was a poet, an idealist, weak and yielding, and possessed of
but little firmness of will. Men with such a disposition can easily
be led, and even kings will submit to a strong mind. Shalmaneser's
invasion of Tyre and Samaria, which occurred in the first year of
Hezekiah's reign, naturally aroused great alarm and fear at Jerusalem
and at the court. It was necessary to take a firm decision--either to
join the allies, or to offer the Assyrian monarch pledges of loyalty.
Hezekiah, from his peculiar character and mode of thought, was wavering
as to the course he should take. Was it honourable to desert his
fellow-tribesmen, who were bleeding to death under the three years'
invasion of Samaria, and who, if conquered, could only have a most
dismal fate? On the other hand, was it prudent to expose himself to the
anger of the great monarch? Hezekiah was perhaps glad that Shebna and
his ministers relieved him of the trouble of deciding.
In consequence of this want of harmony amongst the highest
authorities of the country, Hezekiah's government appears full of
contrasts--high-mindedness and meanness, moral improvement and
degradation, pure faith in God and dependence on foreign aid; the
king an ideal of justice, and his capital full of murderers. Not even
in effecting the banishment of idolatry was Hezekiah successful. The
nobles retained their silver and golden idols, and worshipped the
handiwork of man; in their gardens remained the statues of Astarte
under the thickly-laden terebinth trees, planted for idolatrous
purposes. This internal double policy, due to the powerlessness of
the king and the obstinacy of the palace inspector and the nobles,
exercised a bad influence on the foreign relations of the government.
The Judæan statesmen, after the fall of Samaria, followed a course of
politics which would have been more wise and more honourable if it
had been resolved upon earlier. They adopted the plan of breaking with
Assyria and uniting themselves with Egypt. They took the same measures
that Samaria had pursued a decade ago. They courted the aid of Egypt
in order to obtain, if not an army, yet a sufficient number of horses
to resist Assyria. The plan of rebelling against the sovereign power
of Assyria was naturally developed in secret, for the premature report
of their intentions might have led to great misfortunes. But, however
secret their undertakings, the Judæan statesmen could not keep them
concealed from public notice. They could not escape Isaiah's prophetic
vision, and he exerted all his eloquence, in order, if possible, to
prevent their rash proceedings. His most glorious, most thrilling
speeches were made at this time of public anxiety. All the weapons
of prophetic oratory--description of the threatening evils, scorn of
the blindness of the leaders, and exhortations and cheering prospects
for the future--all these he employed in order to win his obstinate
countrymen from their undertakings. The most beautiful figures and most
striking metaphors, the most touching thoughts dropped from his lips
in powerful eloquence. Isaiah's advice was that Judah should remain
neutral in the hot contest which was about to break out between Assyria
and Egypt.
Meanwhile matters took their course regardless of Isaiah's exhortations
and advice. King Hezekiah (for all steps were taken in his name)
gave up his allegiance to the Assyrians; at least, he no longer sent
tributary offerings to Nineveh, and the only result which could be
expected followed. King Sennacherib collected a large army, with the
intention of making an onslaught upon Judah as well as upon Egypt.
Having subdued the intermediate lands of Aram, Phœnicia, Samaria and
Philistia, the road to Egypt was paved and the obstacles in the way
of direct attack removed. Judah prepared for defence. Her generals,
feeling themselves too weak for open warfare, determined to occupy the
mountain fastnesses, and hoped to check the progress of the Assyrian
troops until the arrival of their Egyptian allies. Jerusalem was
fortified with especial care. The weak parts of the wall were repaired,
the wall itself raised, and those houses which had been built too near
the wall in consequence of the extension of the city, were pulled down.
Around the old fortifications of the town of David (Zion) and the lower
town (Millo) a new outer wall, strengthened by towers, was erected.
The upper lake, which was fed by the spring of Gihon, was closed up,
and its water was conducted into the town by means of a subterranean
canal. The aqueduct was also pulled down, in order to cut off the water
supply of the enemy, and thus to make a protracted siege infeasible.
The armoury, "the House of the Forest of Lebanon," was provided with
instruments of warfare.
Shebna, the lieutenant and inspector of the palace, appears to have
been the moving spirit in all these arrangements. Both he and the
princes of Judah, with their adherents, were of good courage, and
without fear expected the advance of the Assyrians. In fact, excessive
wantonness ruled in Jerusalem; the evenings were spent in feasting;
people ate and drank and made merry. As though impatient of the arrival
of the enemy, they ascended the roofs of the houses in order to espy
them. Isaiah could not allow such folly and daring to pass unreproved.
In an exhortation, every word of which was of crushing force, he
portrayed to the nation, or rather to the nobles, their thoughtless
confidence (Isaiah xxii. 1-14).--Turning towards Shebna, he exclaimed,
"What hast thou here? and whom hast thou here that thou hast hewn out
for thyself a sepulchre?... Behold, the Lord will thrust thee about
with a mighty throw, O man! ... thou, disgrace of the house of thy
lord!" (Ib. 16-25).
This speech of Isaiah's, directed as it was against the most powerful
man in Jerusalem, could not but have created a great sensation.
It surely roused King Hezekiah from his contemplative and passive
attitude, for soon after this we find Eliakim, son of Hilkiah,
occupying the post which Shebna had so long maintained. This new
superintendent of the palace acted according to the advice of Isaiah,
and Hezekiah, through his means, appears to have been drawn into an
active interest in public affairs. Shebna's fall initiated a change
for the better. What had been done could not, however, be undone.
The Assyrian monarch Sennacherib, filled with anger at Hezekiah's
rebellion, was already on his way to Judah in order to devastate it. A
part of his army, having crossed the Jordan, proceeded to the interior
of the country. All fortified towns that lay on the way were taken by
storm and destroyed, and the inhabitants fled weeping to the capital.
The roads were laid desolate, no traveller could cross the country, for
the enemy respected no man. The bravest lost courage whilst the enemy
came ever nearer to the capital; their daring was changed to despair.
Every thought of resistance was abandoned. But when all despaired, the
prophet Isaiah remained steadfast, and inspired the faint-hearted with
courage. In one of the open places of Jerusalem he delivered another
of those orations, sublime in thought and perfect in form, such as
have never flowed from other lips than his (Isaiah x. 5-xi. 10). He
predicted to Assyria the frustration of her plans, and unrolled before
Israel a glorious future which was to follow their deliverance from the
threatening enemy. The scattered would return from the lands of their
dispersion; the exiles of the Ten Tribes would be reunited with Judah;
jealousy and enmity would appear no more; the miracles of the time of
the Exodus from Egypt would be repeated, and the nation once more raise
its voice in inspired hymns. What marvellous strength of mind, what
all-conquering faith in God, in the ultimate victory of justice and
the realisation of the ideal of everlasting peace, amidst the terror,
devastation, and despair, and the deathlike gloom of the present!
Sennacherib had marched his troops (then proceeding to the attack on
Egypt) through the Philistine lowland southward without turning towards
Jerusalem, while he himself put up his headquarters at Lachish, which
was one of the most important of the provincial cities of Judah. He
had no reason to besiege the town of Jerusalem, fortified as it was
by nature and human art. When the country was completely conquered,
the capital would be forced to surrender of itself. If this plan had
succeeded, Jerusalem would have suffered a fate similar to that of
Samaria, and the few remaining tribes would have been carried off into
captivity and scattered abroad, to be irretrievably lost amongst the
various nationalities. In spite of this hopeless prospect, Isaiah held
firm to the prediction that Judah would not fall. It would suffer under
the dominion of Sennacherib, but these very sufferings would tend to
the reformation of a part of the nation, if not of the whole of it.
Isaiah was not the only prophet who, at this day of oppression and
imminent destruction, held aloft the banner of hope, and predicted a
glorious future for Israel, in which all the nations of the earth would
take part. Micah spoke in a similar strain, though his speeches were
not so artistic or striking. But amidst the din of battle he spoke yet
more decidedly than Isaiah of the everlasting peace of the world, and
thus endeavoured to raise the fallen hopes of Jerusalem (Micah iv.-v.).
The actual present, however, formed a striking contrast to Isaiah's
and Micah's high-soaring predictions of a most brilliant and noble
future. King Hezekiah, seeing the distress of Jerusalem resulting
from the subjection and devastation of the country, sent messengers
to Sennacherib in Lachish, to ask pardon for his rebellion and give
assurances of his submission. The Assyrian king demanded in the first
place the immense sum of 300 khikars (talents) of silver, and 30
khikars of gold. Hezekiah succeeded in collecting this sum, but he
did it with a heavy heart, for he found himself obliged to remove
the golden ornaments which adorned the temple. When Sennacherib had
received this sum, he demanded more--unconditional surrender. In
order to add weight to his demand, he sent a division of his army to
Jerusalem. This detachment was stationed to the north-east of the
city on the way to the upper lake, and made preparations for a siege.
Before beginning it, however, the Assyrians summoned King Hezekiah to
an interview. Rab-shakeh, one of the Assyrian officials, representing
Sennacherib, spoke with as much disdain as if the conquest of Jerusalem
were as easy as robbing a bird's nest. The Judæan warriors stationed
on the outer wall waited with great anxiety for the result of the
interview. In order to daunt their courage, Rab-shakeh uttered his
bold and daring speech in the Hebrew or Judæan tongue, in order that
the listeners might understand him. When Hezekiah's officers requested
Rab-shakeh to address them rather in the Aramæan language, he replied
that he desired to speak in their own language, so that the warriors
on the outer wall might understand him, and be disabused of Hezekiah's
delusion. In order to win them to his side, Rab-shakeh called aloud
to them that they should not be persuaded by Hezekiah into the belief
that God would save them. Were the gods of those countries subdued by
the Assyrians able to save their people? Nor had the God of Israel
been able even to rescue Samaria from the king of Assyria. Rab-shakeh
openly demanded of the Judæan warriors that they should desert their
king and acknowledge Sennacherib, and he would then lead them into a
land as fruitful as that of Judah. The people and the warriors silently
listened to those words. But when they became known in Jerusalem, they
spread fear and consternation amongst all classes of the inhabitants.
Hezekiah, therefore, appointed a fast and a penitent procession to the
Temple, to which he himself repaired in mourning garments. Isaiah made
use of this opportunity in order to appeal to the blinded princes of
Judah, whose danger could not wean them from sin, and to impress on
them that mere outward piety, such as sacrifices and fasts, was of no
avail (Isaiah i.). The address he gave could not but have a crushing
effect. Safety and rescue, said the prophet, could only be brought
about by a thorough moral regeneration; but how could this be effected
in a moment? Rab-shakeh insisted on a decision, and the troops as
well as the nation were disheartened. What if, in order to save their
lives they opened the gates and admitted the enemy? All eyes were,
therefore, turned on the prophet Isaiah. The king sent the highest
dignitaries and the elders of the priests to him, that he might pray
in behalf of the unworthy nation, and speak a word of comfort to the
remnant of the people that was crowded together in Jerusalem. Isaiah's
message was brief but reassuring. He exhorted the king to throw off
his terror of the scornful victor, and predicted that Sennacherib,
scared by some report, would raise the siege and return to his own
country. This announcement appears to have pacified not only the king,
but also the terror-stricken nation. Hezekiah then sent to Rab-shakeh
a reply for which the latter was unprepared. He refused to surrender.
How exasperated the great sovereign must have been when Rab-shakeh
reported to him the decision of Hezekiah! A petty prince, who had
nothing left to him but his capital, had dared defy him! He immediately
sent a messenger with a letter to Hezekiah, in which he gave utterance
to his contempt for the little state and for the God in whom Hezekiah
trusted. He enumerated therein the fortresses which had been subdued by
the Assyrians: "Have their gods been able to save them, and dost thou
hope that confidence in thy God will save thee?"
The reply to this blasphemous epistle was dictated by Isaiah. In
it he predicted that Sennacherib would return to his country in
abject defeat, for God was not willing to give up the city. Before
Rab-shakeh could bring the answer to Sennacherib, a change had already
taken place. Tirhakah, the Ethiopian king of Egypt, who desired to
prevent the advance of the Assyrians, went to meet them with a large
army. Hearing of the advance of the Egyptian and Ethiopian troops,
Sennacherib left his encampment in Lachish, collected his scattered
forces, and proceeded southward as far as the Egyptian frontier town,
Pelusium, which he besieged.
Hezekiah's despair at Sennacherib's blasphemous letter was calmed by
Isaiah's prediction that the land would indeed suffer want in this
and in the coming year, but after this it would once more regain
its fertility; 'yea, the remnant of Judah would again strike its
root downward, and bear fruit upward, and this revival would proceed
from Jerusalem; but Sennacherib would not be permitted to direct
even an arrow against Jerusalem.' Whilst the king and the nobles who
believed in Isaiah's prophecy, gave themselves up to hope, looking
upon the departure of the besieging troops from before Jerusalem as
the beginning of the realisation of the prophetic prediction, an
event occurred which roused fresh terror in Jerusalem. Hezekiah was
afflicted with a virulent tumour, and was in such imminent danger that
even Isaiah advised him to put his house in order and arrange for the
succession, as he would not recover from his sickness. The death of
the king, without heirs, in this stormy time, would have been a signal
for disunion among the princes of Judah, and would have occasioned a
civil war in the distressed capital. The nation was strongly attached
to its gentle and noble king. He was the very breath of its life; and
the prospect of losing him made him doubly dear to the inhabitants of
Jerusalem. At this sorrowful prediction, Hezekiah, lying on his sick
bed, turned his face to the wall, and tearfully prayed to God. Then
Isaiah announced to him that his prayers had been heard, that God would
send him health, and that on the third day he would repair to the
Temple. By the application of soft figs the ulcer disappeared, and he
became well again. On his recovery the king composed a heartfelt psalm
of praise, which was probably sung in the Temple. (Isaiah xxxviii.
10-20.)
The recovery of the king caused great rejoicing in Jerusalem; but it
was not unmixed. Doubt and anxiety were still felt in the capital so
long as Sennacherib's contest with Egypt remained unended. If he were
victorious, the thrones of Judah and David would be lost. How long
this war and the siege of Pelusium lasted is not certain. Suddenly
the joyful news reached Jerusalem that Sennacherib with the remainder
of his army was returning in hot haste to his country (711). What
had happened to the numerous host? Nothing definite was known, and
the scene of action lay far away. In Jerusalem it was related that a
devouring pestilence or the Angel of Death had destroyed the entire
Assyrian host, 185,000 men. In Egypt, the priests related that a
numberless swarm of field-mice had gnawed to pieces the quivers,
bows, and trappings of the army till they were useless, and that
the soldiers, deprived of their weapons, were obliged to take to
flight. Whatever may have caused the destruction of the mighty host
of Sennacherib, his contemporaries appear to have considered it as a
miracle, and as a punishment sent to the Assyrian king for his pride
and blasphemy. In Jerusalem the joy following on anxiety was increased
by the fact that the prophet had repeatedly and, from the very
commencement of the attack, predicted that the Assyrians would not cast
one arrow against Jerusalem, and that Sennacherib would return on the
way by which he had come without having effected his intentions.
The exultation over their deliverance found vent in the
hymns--beautiful in form and thought--which were composed by the
Korahite Levites, and sung in the Temple. (Psalms xlvi. and lxxvi.)
Thus Jerusalem was delivered from the Assyrians. Isaiah's prediction
that "Assur's yoke shall be removed from the shoulder of Judah" was
fulfilled to the letter. The inhabitants of the country, part of whom
had been shut up in the capital, and part of whom had fled for refuge
to the neighbouring hollows and caves, now returned to their homes, and
tilled the land in safety. All fear of the frowning eye of the Assyrian
king having passed away, the Judæans, whose territory was but small,
could now seek out other dwelling places where they could settle down
and spread. Hezekiah's thoughts were not directed towards war; his was
the mission of a prince of peace. It appears that the neighbouring
people, indeed, called on him as an arbiter in their disputes, and that
fugitives and persecuted men sought protection with him. Although Judah
could not be said to boast of victories under Hezekiah, it yet attained
to an important position amongst the nations.
After the defeat of Sennacherib, a king from distant parts endeavoured
to form an alliance with Judah. The king of Babylon, Merodach-baladan
(Mardo-kempad), son of Baladan (721-710), sent an embassy with
letters and presents to Hezekiah, ostensibly under the pretext of
congratulating him on his recovery, but doubtless in order to form an
alliance with him against their common foe. Hezekiah being naturally
gratified at this sign of respect from a distant land, received the
Babylonian embassy with the customary honours, and showed them his
treasures. This manifestation of joy and pride displeased Isaiah, who
prophesied injury to Judah from the land with which it was forming a
treaty. The king received the reproof of the prophet with humility.
The fifteen years of Hezekiah's reign after the downfall of the
Assyrian kingdom was a golden age for the inner development of the
remnant of Israel. They could dwell without disturbance under their
vines and fig-trees. As in the days of David and Solomon, strangers
immigrated into the happy region of Judah, where they were kindly
received, and where they attached themselves to the people of Israel.
The poor and the sorrow-stricken, the mourner and the outcast were the
objects of the king's special care. He could now put into execution his
heartfelt desire 'to have the faithful of the land, the God-fearing and
the true, to dwell with him in his palace.' The disciples of Isaiah,
imbued as they were with their master's spirit, were the friends and
advisers of Hezekiah, and were called "Hezekiah's people."
The second part of Hezekiah's reign was altogether a time of happy
inspiration for the poet. The fairest blossoms of psalmody flourished
at this period. Besides songs of thanksgiving and holy hymns which
flowed from the lips of the Levites, probably written for use in the
Temple, half-secular songs were dedicated in love and praise to King
Hezekiah. On the occasion of his marriage with a beautiful maiden,
whose charms had touched the king's heart, one of the Korahites
composed a love-song. The two kinds of poetry, the peculiar property
of the Hebrew people, which the literature of no other nation has
paralleled, the poetical and rhythmical expression of prophetic
eloquence and the psalm, reached their culmination under Hezekiah. The
Proverbs, that third branch of Hebrew poetry, were not only collected,
but also amplified by the poets of Hezekiah's time.
Hezekiah ruled in quiet and peace until the end of his days. The
defeat of Sennacherib had been so complete that he could not think of
undertaking another expedition against Judah. Great joy was felt when
Sennacherib, who had hurled such proud and blasphemous utterances at
Israel's God and nation, was murdered by his own sons, Adrammelech and
(Nergal-) Sharezer, in the temple of one of the Assyrian gods. Nothing
is known of the last days of Hezekiah (696). He was the last king whose
remains were interred in the royal mausoleum. The people, who were
strongly attached to him, gave him a magnificent burial. It appears
that he left an only son named Manasseh, whom his wife, Hephzi-bah, had
borne to him after the close of the Assyrian war.