Who Profits?
The race for power on the sea.—The “naval holiday” declined.—The
declining birth-rate.—The growth of the Socialists.—The
militarists of Germany.—How wars cure labor troubles.—The forces
behind the war game.—Profits and press agents.
Let us turn back to the great powers of Europe. We spoke of their
mad race, each nation trying to build more ships and bigger ships
than its neighbors and to outstrip them in cannon and other
munitions of war. The German navy had been growing by leaps and
bounds. From being the sixth largest navy in the world, within
ten years it had grown to second place. But, fast as the Germans
built ships, the English built them more rapidly still. England
built a monstrous battleship called the Dreadnaught, which was
twice as heavy as any other battleship afloat. Germany promptly
replied by planning four ships of the dreadnaught class, and
England came back with some still larger vessels which are known
as super-dreadnaughts.
At last, the English first lord of the navy, Mr. Winston
Churchill, proposed to Germany that each country take a “naval
holiday.” In other words, he practically said to Germany, “If you
people will stop building warships for a year, we will also. Then
at the end of the year, we shall be no worse off or better off
than we were at the beginning.”
[Illustration: Submarine]
Germany laughed at this proposal. To her, it showed that England
could not stand the strain very much longer. “Besides,” said the
Germans, “it is all very well for England to be satisfied with
her present navy, which is half again as large as ours. If our
navy were the strongest in the world, we too would be glad to
have all nations stop building warships,” and they laid down the
keels of four new super-dreadnaughts.
But other things disturbed the peace of mind of the German
militarists. For a long time, the population of France had not
been increasing, while Germany almost doubled her numbers from
1860 to 1900. Now, to their dismay, the German birth-rate began
to grow less and they saw the population of Russia growing larger
by 20% every ten years. Again, they learned that Russia was about
to build a series of railroads near the German frontier which
would enable them to rush an army to attack Germany at very short
notice. The Germans already had such railroads in their own
country, but they did not propose to let their neighbors have
this advantage also.
Again, France had recently passed a law forcing every young man
to put three years in military service instead of two. This would
increase France’s standing army by 50 per cent. The German
people, who up to this time had been very docile and very
obedient to the military rule, were showing signs of discontent.
The Socialists, a party who represented the working people
largely, and who were strongly opposed to war, had been growing
very fast. In the last election, they had gained many
representatives in the German congress, and had cast over
4,000,000 votes. The only thing that kept them from having a
majority in the Reichstag (the German congress) was the fact that
in some districts, the voters of the other parties combined
against them. In this way, the military class still held control
of the German government, but it was afraid that it would not be
for long.
With nearly half the able-bodied men in the country spending
their time drilling and doing guard duty, the other half of the
population had to earn money enough to support their own families
and also the families of the men in the army. As one writer has
put it, “Every workingman in Europe carried a soldier on his back
who reached down and took the bread out of his platter.”
The program of Bismarck was still in the minds of the military
leaders of Germany. The military class must rule Prussia, Prussia
must rule Germany, and Germany must be the greatest power in
Europe. To their minds, war between Germany and her allies and
the rest of Europe must come. Being warriors by trade and having
nothing else to do, they saw that, if the great war were
postponed much longer, the chances of Germany’s winning it would
grow less and less. France and Russia were growing stronger and
Germany was unable to catch up to England’s navy. It should be
remembered that this class made up a small part only of the
German nation. Their influence was all out of proportion to their
numbers. They controlled the government, and the government
controlled the schools and the newspapers. The people believed
what they were told. They were simply parts of the war machine.
Bismarck’s policy had been to crush his enemies one by one. He
never entered a war until he was sure that Prussia was bound to
win it. In like fashion, the German military chiefs of 1914 hoped
to conquer France and Russia before England was ready. It was the
old story as told by Shakespeare. “Our legions are brim full, our
cause is ripe. The enemy increaseth every day. We, at the height,
are ready to decline.”
Russia, too, was having her troubles. After the czar had promised
the nation a constitution and had agreed to allow a duma or
parliament to be called together, the military class, who were
trying to keep the common people under control and in ignorance
as much as possible had been able to prevent the duma from
obtaining any power. It had much less freedom than the German
Reichstag. It was permitted to meet and to talk, but not to pass
laws. If any member spoke his mind freely, he was sent to Siberia
for life. There were murmurs and threats. There were labor
troubles and strikes. The people of Russia, especially those
living in cities, were learning how little freedom they had,
compared with citizens of other countries, and the time seemed
ripe for a revolution.
It has always been the policy of kings to take the minds of their
people off their own wrongs by giving them some foreign war to
think about. Although the Russian government did all that it
could to prevent the war without completely betraying Serbia,
still the war probably put off the Russian Revolution for two
years.
It must be kept in mind that in Germany and especially in Prussia
there was a class of people who had no trade but war. These were
the so-called Junkers (Yo͝onkers), direct descendants of the old
feudal barons. They were owners of rich tracts of land which had
been handed down to them by their fore-fathers. The rent paid to
them by the people who lived on their farms supported them richly
in idleness. Just as their ancestors in the old days had lived
only by fighting and plundering, so these people still had the
idea that anything that they could take by force was theirs.
Bismarck was a Junker of Junkers. He had nothing but contempt for
the common people and their law-making bodies. In the early days
when he was Prime Minister of the Prussian kingdom, the Congress
had refused to vote to raise certain moneys through taxes that
Bismarck advised, because he wanted to spend all of it in
preparations for war. In spite of the vote of the representatives
of the people, Bismarck went right on collecting the money and
spending it as he wished. Later on, after the Prussian army had
won its rapid victories, first over the Danes, then over the
Austrians, and lastly over the French, the Prussian people,
swollen with pride at what their armies had accomplished, forgave
Bismarck for riding rough-shod over their liberties. But Bismarck
was able to do what he did because he had the backing of the king
and the great land-owning Junker class.
In 1870 this was the only class in Prussia that had any power. By
1914, however, a change had come about. The wonderful development
of Germany’s trade and manufacturing had brought wealth and power
to the merchant class and these had to be considered when plans
for war were being formed.
Naturally, the outbreak of war disturbs trade very much, especially
trade with foreign countries. A great deal of the German commerce,
carried on with Great Britain, the United States, South America, and
far distant colonies, had to travel over the ocean. German merchants
would never support a war cheerfully if they thought that their trade
would be interrupted for any length of time. So the Junkers, when they
made up their minds to wage war for the conquest of France and Russia,
persuaded the merchants that after these countries had been conquered
they would be forced to give a big sum of money to Germany which would
more than pay her back for the full cost of the war. Then the Russians
would be compelled, as a result of the war, to promise to trade only
with German merchants and manufacturers, and thus everybody in Germany
would be much richer.[6]
[6] When England came in, the merchants of Germany were very
down-hearted, for they saw all their over-seas trade cut off at a
blow. But the Junkers called together the leading merchants and bribed
them with promises. In the year 1918 one of the prominent
manufacturers of Germany made a statement which got out and was
published in the countries of the Entente. After telling how the blame
for the war was to be laid at the door of the land-owning, military
class, he confessed that he personally had been bribed to support the
war by the promise of thirty thousand acres of Australian land, which
was to be given to him after Germany had conquered the world. This, of
course, was pure piracy; the motto of Prussia for some time had been
that piracy pays.
There was one class of manufacturers who did not lose trade, but
gained it through a war. This was composed of the makers of guns
and munitions. They were clamorously back of the Junkers in their
demands for war. These people profited by preparation for war.
They kept inventing newer and stronger guns so that the weapons
which they had sold the governments one year would be out-of-date
the next, ready to be thrown on the scrap heap. In this way, the
factories were kept working over-time and their profits were
enormous. This money, of course, came out of the taxes of the
common people.
Their surplus profits the munition makers invested sometimes in
newspapers. It was proved in the German Reichstag in 1913 that
the great gun-makers of Prussia had a force of hired newspaper
writers to keep up threats of war. They paid certain papers in
Paris to print articles to make the French people think that the
Germans were about to attack them. These same gun-makers in
Berlin tried to persuade the German people that the French were
on the point of attacking them.
All of this played into the hands of the Junkers by making people
all over Europe feel that war could not be avoided. Thus when the
Junkers were ready to strike and the great war broke out, people
would say, “At last it has come, the war that we knew was
inevitable.”
Questions for Review
Why did Germany decline to take a “naval holiday”?
What is meant by “strategic railroads”?
Why were the military leaders alarmed at the growth of the
Socialist Party?
What was the fate of popular government in Russia?
How did the Junkers owe their power to the feudal system?
How were the German merchants won over to war?
What part had the gun-makers in bringing on war?