It is true that the Gospel had many friends in the councils: but being

men of a middle party, they tacked backwards and forwards like

Erasmus, instead of sailing straight to the port. They ordered "the

pure preaching of the Word of God;" but stipulated at the same time

that it should be "without Lutheranism." The aged and pious bishop

Utenheim, who was living in retirement at Bruntrut, tottered daily

into the church, supported by two domestics, to celebrate Mass with a

broken voice. Gundelsheim, an enemy of the Reformation, succeeded him

erelong; and on the 23d September, followed by many exiles and with a

train of forty horses, he made his triumphal entry into Basle,

proposing to restore everything to its ancient footing. This made

Œcolampadius write in alarm to Zwingle: "Our cause hangs upon a

thread."

But in the citizens the Reform found a compensation for the disdain of

the great, and for the terrors inspired by the new bishop. They

organized repasts for fifty and a hundred guests each; Œcolampadius

and his colleagues took their seats at these tables with the people,

where energetic acclamations and reiterated cheers greeted the work of

the Reformation. In a short time even the council appeared to incline

to the side of the Gospel. Twenty feast-days were retrenched, and the

priests were permitted to refuse celebrating the Mass. "It is all over

with Rome," was now the cry. But Œcolampadius, shaking his head,

replied; "I am afraid that, by wishing to sit on the two stools, Basle

will at last fall to the ground."[947]

[947] Vereorque ne dum semper utraque sella sedere velit, utraque

extrudatur aliquando. (Zw. Epp. ii. p. 157.)

[Sidenote: WITTICISM OF ERASMUS.]

This was at the period of his return from his discussion at Berne. He

arrived in time to close the eyes of his pious mother; and then the

reformer found himself alone, succumbing under the weight of public

and domestic cares; for his house was like an inn for all fugitive

Christians. "I shall marry a Monica,"[948] he had often said, "or else

I shall remain a bachelor." He thought he had now discovered the

"christian sister" he was in search of. This was Wilibrandis, daughter

of one of the Emperor Maximilian's knights, and widow of a master of

arts named Keller,--a woman already proved by many trials. He married

her, saying: "I look to the ordinances of God, and not to the scowling

faces of men." This did not prevent the sly Erasmus from exclaiming:

"Luther's affair is called a tragedy, but I maintain it is a comedy,

for each act of the drama ends in a wedding." This witticism has been

often repeated. For a long time it was the fashion to account for the

Reformation by the desire of the princes for the church-property, and

of the priests for marriage. This vulgar method is now stigmatized by

the best Roman controversialists as "a proof of a singularly narrow

mind.--The Reformation originated," add they, "in a true and

christian, although unenlightened zeal."[949]

[948] The name of St. Augustin's mother.

[949] See Möhler's _Symbolik_, both in the preface and in the body of

the work. This is one of the most important writings produced by Rome

since the time of Bossuet.

The return of Œcolampadius had still more important consequences for

Basle than it had for himself. The discussion at Berne caused a great

sensation there. "Berne, the powerful Berne, is reforming!" was passed

from mouth to mouth. "How, then!" said the people one to another, "the

fierce bear has come out of his den......he is groping about for the

rays of the sun......and Basle, the city of learning--Basle, the

adopted city of Erasmus and of Œcolampadius, remaining in darkness!"

[Sidenote: HALF-MEASURES.]

On Good Friday (10th April, 1528), without the knowledge of the

council and Œcolampadius, five workmen of the Spinners' Company

entered the church of St. Martin, which was that of the reformer, and

where the Mass was already abolished, and carried away all the

"idols." On Easter Monday, after the evening sermon, thirty-four

citizens removed all the images from the church of the Augustines.

This was going too far. Were they desirous, then, of drawing Basle and

its councils from that just medium in which they had till this moment

so wisely halted? The council met hastily on Tuesday morning, and sent

the five men to prison; but, on the intercession of the burghers, they

were released, and the images suppressed in five other churches. These

half-measures sufficed for a time.

On a sudden the flame burst out anew with greater violence. Sermons

were preached at St. Martin's and St. Leonard's against the

abominations of the cathedral; and at the cathedral the Reformers were

called "heretics, knaves, and profligates."[950] The Papists

celebrated mass upon mass. The burgomaster Meyer, a friend of the

Reform, had with him the majority of the people; the burgomaster

Meltinger, an intrepid leader of the partisans of Rome, prevailed in

the councils: a collision became inevitable. "The fatal hour

approaches," says Œcolampadius, "terrible for the enemies of

God."[951]

[950] Ketzer, schelmen, und büben. (Bulling, ii. p. 36.)

[951] Maturatur fatalis hora et tremenda hostibus Dei. (Zw. Epp. ii.

p. 213.)

[Sidenote: COMMOTION IN BASLE.]

On Wednesday the 23d December, two days before Christmas, three

hundred citizens from all the companies, pious and worthy men,

assembled in the hall of the Gardeners' Company, and there drew up a

petition to the senate. During this time the friends of Popery, who

resided for the most part in Little Basle and the suburb of St. Paul,

took up arms, brandishing their swords and lances against the Reformed

citizens at the very moment that these were bearing their petition to

the council, and endeavoured, although ineffectually, to bar their

road. Meltinger haughtily refused to receive the petition, and charged

the burghers, on the faith of their civic oath, to return to their

homes. The burgomaster Meyer, however, took the address, and the

senate ordered it to be read.

"Honoured, wise, and gracious Lords," it ran, "we, your dutiful

fellow-citizens of the companies, address you as well-beloved fathers,

whom we are ready to obey at the cost of our goods and of our lives.

Take God's glory to heart; restore peace to the city; and oblige all

the Pope's preachers to discuss freely with the ministers. If the Mass

be true, we desire to have it in our churches; but if it is an

abomination before God, why, through love for the priests, should we

draw down His terrible anger upon ourselves and upon our children?"

Thus spoke the citizens of Basle. There was nothing revolutionary

either in their language or in their proceedings. They desired what

was right with decision, but also with calmness. All might still

proceed with order and decorum. But here begins a new period: the

vessel of Reform is about to enter the port, but not until it has

passed through violent storms.

V. It was the bishop's partisans who first departed from the legal

course. Filled with terror on learning that mediators were expected

from Zurich and Berne, they ran into the city, crying that an Austrian

army was coming to their aid, and collected stones in their houses.

The Reformed did the same. The disturbance increased hourly, and in

the night of the 25th December the Papists met under arms: priests

with arquebuse in hand were numbered among their ranks.

Scarcely had the Reformed learnt this, when some of them running

hastily from house to house, knocked at the doors and awoke their

friends, who, starting out of bed, seized their muskets and repaired

to the Gardeners' Hall, the rendezvous of their party. They soon

amounted to three thousand.

[Sidenote: HALF-MEASURES REJECTED.]

Both parties passed the night under arms. At every moment a civil war,

and what is worse, "a war of hearths," might break out. It was at last

agreed that each party should nominate delegates to treat with the

senate on this matter. The Reformed chose thirty men of

respectability, courage, faith, and experience, who took up their

quarters at the Gardeners' Hall. The partisans of the ancient faith

chose also a commission, but less numerous and less respectable: their

station was at the Fishmongers' Hall. The council was constantly

sitting. All the gates of the city, except two, were closed; strong

guards were posted in every quarter. Deputies from Lucerne, Uri,

Schaffhausen, Zug, Schwytz, Mulhausen, and Strasburg, arrived

successively. The agitation and tumult increased from hour to hour.

It was necessary to put an end to so violent a crisis. The senate,

faithful to its ideas of half-measures, decreed that the priest should

continue to celebrate the Mass; but that all, priests and ministers,

should preach the Word of God, and for this purpose should meet once

a-week to confer upon the holy Scriptures. They then called the

Lutherans together in the Franciscan church, and the Papists in that

belonging to the Dominicans. The senate first repaired to the former

church, where they found two thousand five hundred citizens assembled.

The secretary had hardly read the ordinance before a great agitation

arose. "That shall not be," cried one of the people.[952] "We will not

put up with the Mass, not even with a single one!" cried another; and

all repeated, "No Mass,--no Mass,--we will die sooner!"[953]

[952] Quidam e plebe clamitabat: Hoc non fiet! (Zw. Epp. ii. p. 255.)

[953] Nos plane ea non feremus, aut moriemur omnes. (Ibid.)

The senate having next visited the Dominican church, all the

Romanists, to the number of six hundred, among whom were many foreign

servants, cried out: "We are ready to sacrifice our lives for the

Mass. We swear it, we swear it!" repeated they with uplifted hands.

"If they reject the Mass--to arms! to arms!"[954]

[954] At altera pars minitabat prælia si missam rejicerent (Ibid.)

The senate withdrew more embarrassed than ever.

[Sidenote: REFORMED PROPOSITIONS.]

The two parties were again assembled three days after. Œcolampadius

was in the pulpit. "Be meek and tractable," said he; and he preached

with such unction that many were ready to burst into tears.[955] The

assembly offered up prayers, and then decreed that it would accept a

new ordinance, by virtue of which, fifteen days after Pentecost, there

should be a public disputation, in which no arguments should be

employed but such as were drawn from the Word of God: after this a

general vote should take place upon the Mass, that the majority should

decide the question, and that in the meanwhile the Mass should be

celebrated in three churches only; it being however understood, that

nothing should be taught there that was in opposition to the Holy

Scriptures.

[955] Ut nemo non commoveretur et profecto fere mihi lacrymas

excussisset. (Zw. Epp. ii. p. 255.)

The Romanist minority rejected these propositions: "Basle," said they,

"is not like Berne and Zurich. Its revenues are derived in great

measure from countries opposed to the Reformation!" The priests having

refused to resort to the weekly conferences, they were suspended; and

during a fortnight there was neither sermon nor mass at the cathedral,

or in the churches of St. Ulric, St. Peter, and St. Theodore.

Those who remained faithful to Rome resolved upon an intrepid defence.

Meltinger placed Sebastian Muller in the pulpit at St. Peter's, from

which he had been interdicted, and this hot-headed priest vented such

abusive sarcasms against the Reform, that several of the Evangelicals,

who were listening to the sermon, were insulted and nearly torn in

pieces.

[Sidenote: A NIGHT OF TERROR.]

It was necessary to arouse Basle from this nightmare, and strike a

decisive blow. "Let us remember our liberty," said the reformed

citizens, "and what we owe to the glory of Christ, to public justice,

and to our posterity."[956] They then demanded that the enemies of the

Reformation, friends and relations of the priests, who were the cause

of all these delays and of all these troubles, should no longer sit

in the councils until peace was re-established. This was the 8th

February. The council notified that they would return an answer on the

morrow.

[956] Cogitans quid gloriæ Christi, quid justitiæ publicæ, quidque

posteritati suæ deberet. (Œcol. Zurich MS.)

At six o'clock in the evening, twelve hundred citizens were assembled

in the corn-market. They began to fear that the delay required by the

senate concealed some evil design. "We must have a reply this very

night," they said. The senate was convoked in great haste.

From that period affairs assumed a more threatening attitude in Basle.

Strong guards were posted by the burghers in the halls of the

different guilds; armed men patrolled the city, and bivouacked in the

public places, to anticipate the machinations of their adversaries;[957]

the chains were stretched across the streets; torches were lighted,

and resinous trees, whose flickering light scattered the darkness,

were placed at intervals through the town; six pieces of artillery

were planted before the town hall; and the gates of the city, as well

as the arsenal and the ramparts, were occupied. Basle was in a state

of siege.

[957] Ne quid forte ab adversariis insidiarum strueretur. (Ibid.)

There was no longer any hope for the Romish party. The burgomaster,

Meltinger, an intrepid soldier and one of the heroes of Marignan,

where he had led eight hundred men into battle, lost courage. In the

darkness he gained the banks of the Rhine with his son-in-law, the

councillor Eglof d'Offenburg, embarked unnoticed in a small boat, and

rapidly descended the stream amid the fogs of the night.[958] Other

members of the council escaped in a similar manner.

[958] Clam conscensa navicula fuga, nescio senatu, elapsus est. (Œcol.

Zurich MS.)

[Sidenote: THE IDOLS BROKEN.]

This gave rise to new alarms. "Let us beware of their secret

manœuvres," said the people. "Perhaps they are going to fetch the

Austrians, with whom they have so often threatened us!" The affrighted

citizens collected arms from every quarter, and at break of day they

had two thousand men on foot. The beams of the rising sun fell on

this resolute but calm assembly.

It was midday. The senate had come to no decision: the impatience of

the burghers could be restrained no longer. Forty men were detached to

visit the posts. As this patrol was passing the cathedral, they

entered it, and one of the citizens, urged by curiosity, opened a

closet with his halberd, in which some images had been hidden. One of

them fell out, and was broken into a thousand pieces against the stone

pavement.[959] The sight of these fragments powerfully moved the

spectators, who began throwing down one after another all the images

that were concealed in this place. None of them offered any

resistance: heads, feet, and hands--all were heaped in confusion

before the halberdiers. "I am much surprised," said Erasmus, "that

they preformed no miracle to save themselves; formerly the saints

worked frequent prodigies for much smaller offences!"[960] Some

priests ran to the spot, and the patrol withdrew.

[959] Cum halpardis quasi per ludum aperirent armarium idolorum,

unumque idolum educerent. (Ibid.)

[960] Erasm. Opp. p. 291.

A rumour, however, having spread that a disturbance had taken place in

this church, three hundred men came to the support of the forty.

"Why," said they, "should we spare the idols that light up the flames

of discord?" The priests in alarm had closed the gates of the

sanctuary, drawn the bolts, raised barricades, and prepared everything

for maintaining a siege. But the townspeople, whose patience had been

exhausted by the delays of the council, dash against one of the doors

of the church: it yields to their blows, and they rush into the

cathedral. The hour of madness has arrived. These men are no longer to

be recognized, as they brandish their swords, rattle their pikes, and

utter formidable cries: are they Goths, or are they fervent

worshippers of God, animated by the zeal which in times of yore

inflamed the prophets and the kings of Israel? However that might be,

these proceedings were disorderly, since public authority alone can

interfere in public reforms. Images, altars, pictures--all were thrown

down and destroyed. The priests who had fled into the vestry, and

there concealed themselves, trembled in every limb at the terrible

noise made by the fall of their holy decorations. The work of

destruction was completed without one of them venturing to save the

objects of his worship, or to make the slightest remonstrance. The

people next piled up the fragments in the squares and set fire to

them; and during the chilly night the armed burghers stood round and

warmed themselves at the crackling flame.[961]

[961] Lignis imaginum usi sunt vigiles, pro arcendo frigore nocturno.

(Zurich MS.)

The senate collected in amazement, and desired to interpose their

authority and appease the tumult; but they might as well have striven

to command the winds. The enthusiastic citizens replied to their

magistrates in these haughty words: "What you have not been able to

effect in three years, we will complete in one hour."[962]

[962] De quo vos per triennium deliberastis, nihil efficientes, nos

intra horam omnem absolvemus. (Œcol. Capitoni, Basle MS.)

In truth the anger of the people was no longer confined to the

cathedral. They respected all kinds of private property;[963] but they

attacked the churches of St. Peter, St. Ulric, St. Alban, and of the

Dominicans; and in all these temples "the idols" fell under the blows

of these good citizens of Basle, whom an extraordinary zeal inflamed.

Already they were making preparations to cross the bridge and enter

Little Basle, which was devoted to the cause of Popery, when the

alarmed inhabitants begged to be allowed to remove the images

themselves, and with heavy hearts they hastily carried them into the

upper chambers of the church, whence they hoped to be able after a

time to restore them to their old position.

[963] Nulli enim vel obolum abstulerunt. (Ib.)

[Sidenote: THE REFORM LEGALIZED.]

They did not stop at these energetic demonstrations; the most excited

talked of going to the town-hall, and of constraining the senate to

accede to the wishes of the people; but the good sense of the majority

treated these brawlers as they deserved, and checked their guilty

thoughts.

The senators now perceived the necessity of giving a legal character

to this popular movement, and of thus changing a tumultuous revolution

into a durable reformation.[964] Democracy and the Gospel were thus

established simultaneously in Basle. The senate, after an hour's

deliberation, granted that in future the burghers should participate

in the election of the two councils; that from this day the Mass and

images should be abolished throughout all the canton, and that in

every deliberation which concerned the glory of God or the good of the

state the opinion of the guilds should be taken. The people, delighted

at having obtained these conditions, which secured their political and

religious liberty, returned joyful to their houses. It was now the

close of day.[965]

[964] Cedendum plebi. (Œcol. Capitoni, Basle MS.)

[965] His conditionibus plebs læta domum rediit, sub ipsum noctis

crepusculum. (Ibid. Zurich MS.)

[Sidenote: OBJECTIONS.]

On the morrow, Ash-Wednesday, it was intended to distribute the ruins

of the altars and other ornaments of the Church among the poor, to

serve them for firewood. But these unhappy creatures, in their

eagerness for the fragments, having begun to dispute about them, they

constructed great piles in the cathedral close and set fire to them.

"The idols," said some wags, "are really keeping their Ash-Wednesday

to-day!" The friends of Popery, turning away their horror-stricken

eyes from this sacrilegious sight, says Œcolampadius, shed tears of

blood. "Thus severely did they treat the idols," continues the

reformer, "and the Mass died of grief in consequence."[966] On the

following Sunday hymns in German were sung at every church; and on the

18th February a general amnesty was published. Everything was changed

in Basle. The last had become first, and the first last. While

Œcolampadius, who a few years before had entered the city as a

stranger, without resources and without power, found himself raised to

the first station in the Church, Erasmus, disturbed in the quiet study

whence during so long a period he had issued his absolute commands to

the world of letters, saw himself compelled to descend into the arena.

But this king of the schools had no desire to lay down his sceptre

before the sovereign people. For a long time he used to turn aside his

head when he met his friend Œcolampadius. Besides he feared by

remaining at Basle to compromise himself with his protectors. "The

torrent," said he, "which was hidden underground has burst forth with

violence, and committed frightful ravages.[967] My life is in danger:

Œcolampadius possesses all the churches. People are continually

bawling in my ears; I am besieged with letters, caricatures, and

pamphlets. It is all over: I am resolved to leave Basle. Only shall I

or shall I not depart by stealth? The one is more becoming, the other

more secure."

[966] Ita sævitum est in idola, ac missa præ dolore expiravit. (Œcol.

Cap. Zurich MS.)

[967] Basilica torrens quidem, qui sub terra labebatur, subito

erumpens, &c. (Er. Epp. ad Pirkheimer July, 1539.)

Wishing as much as possible to make his honour and his prudence agree,

Erasmus desired the boatman with whom he was to descend the Rhine to

depart from an unfrequented spot. This was opposed by the senate, and

the timid philosopher was compelled to enter the boat as it lay near

the great bridge, at that time covered with a crowd of people. He

floated down the river, sadly bade adieu to the city he had so much

loved, and retired to Friburg in Brisgau with several other learned

men.

New professors were invited to fill the vacant chairs in the

university, and in particular Oswald Myconius, Phrygio, Sebastian

Munster, and Simon Grynæus. At the same time was published an

ecclesiastical order and a confession of faith, one of the most

precious documents of this epoch.

[Sidenote: PRINCIPLES OF THE REFORMATION.]

Thus had a great transformation been effected without the loss of a

single drop of blood. Popery had fallen in Basle in despite of the

secular and spiritual power. "The wedge of the Lord," says

Œcolampadius, "has split this hard knot."[968]

[968] Malo nodo suus cuneus obvenit. (Œcol. Capit.)

We cannot, however, help acknowledging that the Basle Reformation may

afford ground for some objections. Luther had opposed himself to the

power of the many. "When the people prick up their ears, do not

whistle too loud. It is better to suffer at the hand of one tyrant,

that is to say, of a king, than of a thousand tyrants, that is to say,

of the people." On this account the German Reformer has been

reproached for acknowledging no other policy than servilism.

Perhaps when the Swiss Reformation is canvassed, a contrary objection

will be made against it, and the Reform at Basle, in particular, will

be looked upon as a revolution.

The Reformation must of necessity bear the stamp of the country in

which it was accomplished: it will be monarchical in Germany,

republican in Switzerland. Nevertheless, in religion as in politics,

there is a great difference between reformation and revolution.

In neither of these spheres does Christianity desire either despotism,

servitude, stagnation, retrogression, or death. But while looking for

progress, it seeks to accomplish it by reformation and not by

revolution.

Reformation works by the power of the Word, of doctrine, cultivation

and truth; while revolution, or rather revolt, operates by the power

of riot, of the sword, and of the club.

Christianity proceeds by the inner man, and charters themselves, if

they stand alone, cannot satisfy it. No doubt constitutions are one of

the blessings of our age; but it is not sufficient for these

securities to be committed to parchment; they must be written in the

heart, and guaranteed by the manners of the people.

Such were the principles of the Swiss Reformers, such were those of

the Reform at Basle, and by these it is distinguished from a

revolution.

[Sidenote: FAREL'S COMMISSION.]

There were, it is true, some excesses. Never perhaps has a

reformation been accomplished among men without some mixture of

revolution. But it was doctrines, however, that were in question at

Basle: these doctrines had acted powerfully on the moral convictions

and on the lives of the people; the movement had taken place within

before it showed itself without. But more than this: the Reformation

was not satisfied with taking away; it gave more than it took; and,

far from confining itself to the work of destruction, it scattered

rich blessings over all the people.[969]

[969] Hagenbach, Vorlesungen, ii. pp. 125, 200.

VI. The recoil of the discussion at Berne had overthrown Popery in a

considerable part of German Switzerland. It was also felt in many of

the churches of French Switzerland, lying at the foot of the Jura, or

scattered amid the pine forests of its elevated valleys, and which up

to this time had shown the most absolute devotion to the Roman

pontiff.

Farel, seeing the Gospel established in the places where the Rhone

mingles its sandy waters with the crystal Leman, turned his eyes to

another quarter. He was supported by Berne. This state, which

possessed jointly with Friburg the bailiwicks of Morat, Orbe, and

Granson, and which had alliances with Lausanne, Avenches, Payerne,

Neuchatel, and Geneva, saw that both its interest and its duty alike

called it to have the Gospel preached to its allies and subjects.

Farel was empowered to carry it among them, always with reserve of the

consent of the respective governments.

One day, therefore, journeying towards Morat, Farel arrived and

preached the Gospel at the foot of those towers and battlements that

had been attacked at three different periods by the armies of Conrad

the Salic, Rodolph of Hapsburg, and Charles the Bold. Erelong the

friends of the Reform amounted to a great number. A general vote

having nevertheless declared in favour of the Pope, Farel proceeded to

Lausanne.

[Sidenote: FAREL AT MORAT.]

He was at first driven away by the bishop and the clergy, but soon

reappeared provided with a letter from the lords of Berne. "We send

him to you," said their excellencies to the authorities of the city,

"to defend his own cause and ours. Allow him to preach the Word of

God, and beware that you touch not a hair of his head."

There was great confusion in the councils. Placed between Berne and

the bishop, what could they do? The Council of Twenty four, finding

the matter very serious, convoked the Council of Sixty; and this body,

excusing itself, they convoked the Council of Two Hundred, on the 14th

November 1529. But these in their turn referred the business to the

smaller council. No one would have anything to do with it. The

inhabitants of Lausanne, it is true, complained loudly of the holy

members of their chapters, whose lives (they said) were one long orgy;

but when their eyes turned on the austere countenance of Reform, they

were still more terrified. Besides, how deprive Lausanne of her

bishop, her court, and her dignitaries? What! no more pilgrims in the

churches,--no more suitors in the ecclesiastical courts,--no more

purchasers in the markets, or boon companions in the taverns! The

widowed and desolate Lausanne would no longer behold the noisy throng

of people, that were at once her wealth and her glory!--Better far a

disorder that enriches, than a Reform that impoverishes! Farel was

compelled to depart a second time.

He returned to Morat, and soon the Word gained over the hearts of the

people. On feast-days, the roads from Payerne and Avenches were

covered with merry bands, who laughingly said to one another, "Let us

go to Morat and hear the preachers!" and exhorted each other slily, as

they went along the road, "not to fall into the nets of the heretics."

But at night, all was changed. Grasped by the strong hand of truth,

these very people returned,--some in deep thought, others discussing

with animation the doctrines they had heard. The fire was sparkling

throughout all this district, and spreading in every direction its

long rays of light. This was enough for Farel: he required new

conquests.

[Sidenote: NEUCHATEL.]

At a short distance from Morat lay one of the strongholds of

Popery--the Earldom of Neuchatel. Joan of Hochberg, who had inherited

this principality from her ancestors, had married, in 1504, Louis of

Orleans, Duke of Longueville. This French nobleman having supported

the King of France in 1512, in a war against the Swiss, the cantons

had taken possession of Neuchatel, but had restored it to his widow in

1529.

Few countries could have presented greater difficulties to the daring

reformer. The princess of Longueville, residing in France in the suite

of Francis I., a woman of courtly habits, vain, extravagant, always in

debt, and thinking of Neuchatel only as a farm that should bring her

in a large revenue, was devoted to the Pope and Popery. Twelve canons

with several priests and chaplains formed a powerful clergy, at whose

head was the provost Oliver of Hochberg, natural brother to the

princess. Auxiliaries full of zeal flanked this main army. On the one

side there was the abbey of the Premonstrantes of Fontaine-André,

three quarters of a league beyond the town, the monks of which, after

having in the twelfth century cleared the ground with their own

hands,[970] had gradually become powerful lords; and, on the other

side, the Benedictines of the Island of St. John, whose abbot, having

been deposed by the Bernese, had taken refuge, burning with hatred and

vengeance, in his priory at Corcelles.

[970] Propriis manibus. (Hist. of Neuchatel, by F. de Chambrier, p.

13.)

[Sidenote: FAREL'S LABOURS.]

The people of Neuchatel had a great respect for ancient rights, and it

was easy to take advantage of this state of feeling, considering the

general ignorance, to maintain the innovations of Popery. The canons

improved the opportunity. For the instructions of the Gospel they

substituted pomps and shows. The church, situated on a steep rock, was

filled with altars, chapels, and images of saints; and religion,

descending from this sanctuary, ran up and down the streets, and was

travestied in dramas and mysteries, mingled with indulgences,

miracles, and debauchery.[971]

[971] Mémoires sur l'Eglise collegiale de Neuchatel, p. 240.

The soldiers of Neuchatel, however, who had made the campaign of 1529

with the Bernese army, brought back to their homes the liveliest

enthusiasm for the Evangelical cause. It was at this period that a

frail boat, quitting the southern bank of the lake, on the side

opposite Morat, and carrying a Frenchman of mean appearance, steered

towards the Neuchatel shore. Farel, for it was he, had learnt that the

village of Serrière, situated at the gates of Neuchatel, depended in

spiritualities on the evangelical city of Bienne, and that Emer

Beynon, the priest of the place, "had some liking for the Gospel." The

plan of his campaign was immediately drawn up. He appeared before

parson Emer, who received him with joy; but what could be done? for

Farel had been interdicted from preaching in any church whatever in

the earldom. The poor priest thought to reconcile everything by

permitting Farel to mount on a stone in the cemetery, and thus preach

to the people, turning his back upon the church.[972]

[972] M. de Perrot, ex-pastor of Serrière, and author of a work

entitled "L'Eglise et la Réformation," has shown me the stone on which

Farel stood.

A great disturbance arose in Neuchatel. On one side the government,

the canons, and the priests, cried "Heresy!" but, on the other, "some

inhabitants of Neuchatel, to whom God had given a knowledge of the

truth,"[973] flocked to Serrière. In a short time these last could not

contain themselves: "Come," said they to Farel, "and preach to us in

the town."

[973] "Aucuns de Neuchatel, auxquels Dieu avaient donné connoissance

de la vérité," &c. (Choupart MS.)

[Sidenote: FAREL'S PREACHING.]

This was at the beginning of December. They entered by the gate of the

castle, and leaving the church on the hill to the left, they passed in

front of the canons' houses, and descended through the narrow streets

inhabited by the citizens. On reaching the market-cross, Farel

ascended a platform and addressed the crowd, which gathered together

from all the neighbourhood,--weavers, vine-dressers, husbandmen, a

worthy race, possessing more feeling than imagination. The preacher's

exterior was grave, his discourse energetic, his voice like thunder:

his eyes, his features, his gestures, all showed him a man of

intrepidity. The citizens, accustomed to run about the streets after

the mountebanks, were touched by his powerful language. "Farel

preached a sermon of such great efficacy," says a manuscript, "that he

gained over much people."[974]

[974] Quoted in the Choupart MS.

Some monks, however, with shaven crowns,[975] glided among his

hearers, seeking to excite them against the heretical minister. "Let

us beat out his brains," said some. "Duck him, duck him!" cried

others, advancing to throw Farel into a fountain, which may still be

seen near the spot where he preached. But the reformer stood firm.

[975] Rasorum remoramenta. (Farellus Molano, Neuchatel MS.)

[Sidenote: POPERY IN NEUCHATEL.]

This first preaching was succeeded by others. To this Gospel

missionary every place was a church; every stone, every bench, every

platform was a pulpit. Already the cutting winds and the snows of

December should have kept the Neuchatelans around their firesides;

"the canons made a vigorous defence;"[976] and in every quarter "the

shorn crowns" were in agitation, supplicating, menacing, howling, and

threatening,--but all was useless. No sooner did this man of small

stature rise up in any place, with his pale yet sunburnt complexion,

with red and unkempt beard, with sparkling eye and expressive mouth,

than the monks' labour was lost: the people collected around, for it

was the Word of God that fell from his lips.[977] All eyes were fixed

on him: with open mouth and attentive ears they hung upon his

words.[978] And scarcely does he begin to speak, when--Oh! wonderful

work of God! he himself exclaims--this multitude believes as if it had

but one soul.

[976] Contra tyrannica præcepta. (Far. Mol. Neuchatel MS.)

[977] Ad verbum festinarent. (Ibid.)

[978] Avide audientes. (Ibid.)

The Word of God carried the town, as it were, at the first assault;

and throwing down the devices Rome had taken ages to compose,

established itself in triumph on the ruins of human traditions. Farel

saw in imagination Jesus Christ himself walking in spirit through the

midst of this crowd, opening the eyes of the blind, softening the hard

heart, and working miracles,[979]......so that scarcely had he

returned to his humble residence before he wrote to his friends with a

heart full of emotion: "Render thanks with me to the Father of

mercies, in that he has shown his favour to those bowed down by a

weighty tyranny;" and falling on his knees, he worshipped God.[980]

[979] Quid Christus in suis egerit. (Ibid.)

[980] Gratias ergo, Fratres, mecum agite Patri misericordiarum, quod

sit propitius gravi pressis tirannide. (Ibid.)

But during this time what were the adherents of the Pope doing in

Neuchatel?

The canons, members of the General Audiences, of which they formed the

first estate, treated both priests and laymen with intolerable

haughtiness. Laying the burden of their offices on poor curates, they

publicly kept dissolute women, clothed them sumptuously, endowed their

children by public acts, fought in the church, haunted the streets by

night, or went into a foreign country to enjoy in secret the produce

of their avarice and of their intrigues. Some poor lepers placed in a

house near the city were maintained by the produce of certain

offerings. The rich canons, in the midst of their banquets, dared take

away the bread of charity from these unhappy wretches.

[Sidenote: RESISTANCE OF THE MONKS.]

The abbey of Fontaine-André was at a little distance from the town.

Now the canons of Neuchatel and the monks of Fontaine were at open

war. These hostile powers, encamped on their two hills, disputed each

other's property, wrested away each other's privileges, launched at

one another the coarsest insults, and even came to blows. "Debaucher

of women!" said the canons to the abbot of Fontaine-André, who

returned the compliment in the same coin. It is the Reformation which,

through faith, has re-established the moral law in Christendom,--a law

that Popery had trodden under foot.

For a long time these conventual wars had disturbed the country. On a

sudden they cease. A strange event is passing in Neuchatel,--the Word

of God is preached there. The canons, seized with affright in the

midst of their disorders, look down from their lofty dwellings on this

new movement. The report reaches Fontaine-André. The monks and priests

suspend their orgies and their quarrels. The heathen sensualism that

had invaded the Church is put to the rout; Christian spiritualism has

reappeared.

Immediately the monks and canons, so long at war, embrace and unite

against the Reformer. "We must save religion," said they, meaning

their tithes, banquets, scandals, and privileges. Not one of them

could oppose a doctrine to the doctrine preached by Farel: to insult

him was their sole weapon. At Corcelles, however, they went farther.

As the minister was proclaiming the Gospel near the priory, the monks

fell upon him; in the midst of them was the prior Rodolph de Benoit,

storming, exciting, and striving to augment the tempest. He even had a

dagger in his hand, according to one writer.[981] Farel escaped with

difficulty.

[981] Rosselet in Annotat. Farel Leben von Kirchofer.

[Sidenote: FAREL'S LABOURS.]

This was not enough. Popery, as it always does, had recourse to the

civil power. The canons, the abbot, and the prior, solicited the

governor George de Rive at the same time. Farel stood firm. "The glory

of Jesus Christ," said he, "and the lively affection his sheep bear to

his Word, constrain me to endure sufferings greater than tongue can

describe."[982] Erelong, however, he was compelled to yield. Farel

again crossed the lake; but this passage was very different from the

former. The fire was kindled!--On the 22d December he was at Morat;

and shortly after at Aigle.

[982] At levia facit omnia Christus, added he. Farel to Dumoulin, 15th

December. (Neuchatel MS.)

He was recalled hence. On the 7th January, religion was put to the

vote at Morat, and the majority was in favour of the Gospel. But the

Romish minority, supported by Friburg, immediately undertook to

recover its ancient position by insults and bad treatment. "Farel!

Farel!" cried the reformed party.[983]

[983] Choupart MS. (Chambrier, Hist. de Neuchatel, p. 293.)

A few days after this, Farel, accompanied by a Bernese messenger,

scaled that magnificent amphitheatre of mountains above Vevay, whence

the eye plunges into the waters of the Leman; and soon he crossed the

estates of Count John of Gruyère, who was in the habit of saying, "We

must burn this French Luther!"[984] Scarcely had Farel reached the

heights of St. Martin de Vaud,[985] when he saw the vicar of the place

with two priests running to meet him. "Heretic! devil!" cried they.

But the knight, through fear of Berne, remained behind his walls, and

Farel passed on.

[984] Missive of Berne to the Count of Gruyère, 5th and 16th January

1530.

[985] To the left of the modern road from Vevay to Friburg.

[Sidenote: FAREL IN NEUCHATEL.]

The Reformer, not allowing himself to be stopped by the necessity of

defending himself in Morat, or by the inclemency of the season,

immediately carried the Gospel to those beautiful hills that soar

between the smiling waters of lakes Morat and Neuchatel into the

villages of the Vully. This manœuvre was crowned with the most

complete success. On the 15th February four deputies from the Vully

came to Morat to demand permission to embrace the Reform, which was

immediately granted to them. "Let our ministers preach the Gospel,"

said their excellencies of Berne to the Friburgers, "and we will let

your priests play their monkey tricks. We desire to force no

man."[986] The Reform restored freedom of will to the Christian

people. It was about this time that Farel wrote his beautiful letter

"To all lords, people, and pastors," which we have so often

quoted.[987]

[986] Missive of Berne, Choupart MS.

[987] A tous seigneurs, peuples, et pasteurs. See above, Vol. III.

book xii.

The indefatigable reformer now went forward to new conquests. A chain

of rocks separates the Juran valley of Erguel, already evangelized by

Farel, from the country of the ancient Rauraci, and a passage cut

through the rock serves as a communication between the two districts.

It was the end of April when Farel, passing through the

_Pierre-Pertuis_,[988] descended to the village of Tavannes, and

entered the church just as the priest was saying Mass. Farel went into

the pulpit: the astonished priest stopped,--the minister filled his

hearers with emotion, and seemed to them an angel come down from

heaven. Immediately the images and the altars fell, and "the poor

priest who was chanting the Mass could not finish it."[989] To put

down Popery had required less time than the priest had spent at the

altar.

[988] Petra Pertusa.

[989] Donc le pauvre prêtre qui chantoit sa messe ne la peut pas

achever. (Old MS. quoted in the Choupart MS.)

A great part of the bishopric of Basle was in a few weeks gained over

to the Reformation.

During this time the Gospel was fermenting in Neuchatel. The young men

who had marched with Berne to deliver Geneva from the attacks of

Savoy, recounted in their jovial meetings the exploits of the

campaign, and related how the soldiers of Berne, feeling cold, had

taken the images from the Dominican church at Geneva, saying: "Idols

of wood are of no use but to make a fire with in winter."

[Sidenote: THE HOSPITAL CHAPEL.]

Farel re-appeared in Neuchatel.[990] Being master of the lower part of

the town, he raised his eyes to the lofty rocks on which soared the

cathedral and the castle. The best plan, thought he, is to bring these

proud priests down to us. One morning his young friends spread

themselves in the streets, and posted up large placards bearing these

words: "_All_ _those who say Mass are robbers, murderers, and

seducers of the people_."[991] Great was the uproar in Neuchatel. The

canons summoned their people, called together their clerks, and

marching at the head of a large troop, armed with swords and clubs,

descended into the town, tore down the sacrilegious placards, and

cited Farel before the tribunal as a slanderer, demanding ten thousand

crowns damages.

[990] Farellus suo more magna fortitudine jam jam agit. Megander to

Zwingle, 6th Aug. 1530.

[991] De Chambrier, Hist. de Neuchatel, i. p. 293

The two parties appeared in court, and this was all that Farel

desired. "I confess the fact," said he, "but I am justified in what I

have done. Where are there to be found more horrible murderers, than

these seducers who sell paradise, and thus nullify the merits of our

Lord Jesus Christ? I will prove my assertion by the Gospel." And he

prepared to open it, when the canons, flushed with anger, cried out:

"The common law of Neuchatel, and not the Gospel, is in question here!

Where are the witnesses?" But Farel, always returning to that fearful

assertion, proved by the Word of God that the canons were really

guilty of murder and robbery. To plead such a cause was to ruin

Popery. The court of Neuchatel, that had never heard a similar case,

resolved according to ancient custom to lay it before the Council of

Besançon,[992] which not daring to pronounce the first estate of the

General Audiences guilty of murder and robbery, referred the matter to

the Emperor and to a general council. Bad causes gain nothing by

making a disturbance.

[992] Prendre les _entraives_.

[Sidenote: CIVIL POWER INVOKED.]

At every step they wished to drive him back, Farel made one in

advance. The streets and the houses were still his temple. One day

when the people of Neuchatel were around him, "Why," cried they,

"should not the Word of God be proclaimed in a church?" They then

hurried Farel along with them, opened the doors of the Hospital

Chapel, set the minister in the pulpit, and a numerous crowd stood

silent before him. "In like manner as Jesus Christ, appearing in a

state of poverty and humility, was born in a stable at Bethlehem,"

said the Reformer; "so this hospital, this abode of the sick and of

the poor, is to-day become his birthplace in the town of Neuchatel."

Then feeling ill at ease in the presence of the painted and carved

figures that decorated the chapel, he laid his hands on these objects

of idolatry, removed them, and broke them in pieces.[993]

[993] Choupart MS.

Popery, which anger had blinded, now took a step that it undoubtedly

had a right to take, but which destroyed it: it had recourse to the

secular arm, and the governor sent a deputation to the Bernese

council, praying the removal of Farel and his companions.

But almost at the same time deputies from the townspeople arrived at

Berne. "Did not these hands bear arms at Interlaken and at Bremgarten

to support your Reformation? and will you abandon us in ours?"

Berne hesitated. A public calamity was at that time filling the whole

city with mourning. One of the most illustrious citizens of the

republic, the Banneret of Weingarten, attacked by the plague, was

expiring amid the tears of his sons and of his fellow-citizens. Being

informed of the arrival of the Neuchatelans, he rallied his waning

strength: "Go," said he, "and beg the senate in my name to ask for a

general assembly of the people of Neuchatel for Sunday next."[994]

This message of the dying banneret decided the council.

[994] Wingarterus iste infectus peste apud senatum nostrum, pia

legatione. (Megander to Zwingle.)

The deputies from Berne arrived in Neuchatel on the 7th August. Farel

thought that during the debates he had time to make a new conquest,

and quitted the city. His zeal can be compared only to St. Paul's. His

body was small and feeble, but his activity was wholly apostolic:

danger and bad treatment wasted him every day, but he had within him a

divine power that rendered him victorious.

[Sidenote: THE FEAST OF ASSUMPTION.]

VII. At the distance of a league from Neuchatel, beyond the mountain,

extends the Val de Ruz, and near its entrance, in a precipitous

situation, where roars an impetuous torrent surrounded by steep crags,

stands the town of Valangin. An old castle, built on a rock, raises

its vast walls into the air, overlooking the humble dwellings of the

townspeople, and extending its jurisdiction over five valleys of these

lofty and severe mountains at that time covered with forests of pine,

but now peopled by the most active industry.[995]

[995] Here are situated Chaux de Fonds, Locle, &c.

In this castle dwelt Guillemette de Vergy, dowager-countess of

Valangin, strongly attached to the Romish religion and full of respect

for the memory of her husband. A hundred priests had chanted high mass

at the count's burial; many penitent young women had been married, and

large alms distributed; the curate of Locle had been sent to

Jerusalem, and Guillemette herself had made a pilgrimage for the

repose for the soul of her departed lord.

Sometimes, however, the Countess of Gruyère and other ladies would

come and visit the widow of Vergy, who assembled in the castle a

number of young lords. The fife and tambourine re-echoed under its

vaulted roofs, chattering groups collected in the immense embrasures

of its Gothic windows, and merry dances followed hard upon a long

silence and gloomy devotion.[996] There was but one sentiment that

never left Guillemette--this was her hatred against the Reformation.

[996] Chambrier, Hist. de Neuchatel, p. 276.

[Sidenote: THE MASS INTERRUPTED.]

Guillemette and the priests had in fact reason to tremble. The 15th

August was a great Romish festival--Our Lady of August, or the

Assumption. All the faithful of the Val de Ruz were preparing to keep

it. This was the very day Farel selected. Animated by the fire and

courage of Elijah, he set out for Valangin, and a young man, his

fellow-countryman, and, as it would appear, a distant relation,

Anthony Boyve, an ardent Christian and a man of decided character,

went along with him.[997] The two missionaries climbed the mountain,

plunged into the pine forest, and then descending again into the

valley, they traversed Valangin, where the vicinity of the castle did

not give them much encouragement to pause, and arrived at a village,

probably Boudevilliers, proposing to preach the Gospel there.[998]

[997] Annals of Boyve and a family MS.--This family has since given

several pastors to the church of Neuchatel.

[998] There are two original manuscripts (both quoted in the Choupart

MS.) which give an account of this transaction. One says that Farel

preached at Valangin, the other indicates a village near Valangin.

Ruchat has adopted the former version; I think the latter preferable.

The second MS. appears to me older and more correct than the first.

Already on all sides the people were thronging to the church; Farel

and his companion entered also with a small number of the inhabitants

who had heard him at Neuchatel. The reformer immediately ascended the

pulpit, and the priest prepared to celebrate the Mass. The combat

begins. While the voice of Farel is preaching Jesus Christ and his

promises, the voices of the priests and of the choir are chanting the

missal. The solemn moment approaches: the ineffable transubstantiation

is about to take place: the priest pronounces the sacred words over

the elements. At this instant the people hesitate no longer; ancient

habits, an irresistible influence, draw them towards the altar; the

preacher is deserted; the kneeling crowd has recovered its old

worship; Rome is triumphant.......Suddenly a young man springs from

the crowd,--traverses the choir,--rushes to the altar,--snatches the

host from the hands of the priest, and cries, as he turns towards the

people: "This is not the God whom you should worship. He is above,--in

heaven,--in the majesty of the Father, and not, as you believe, in the

hands of a priest."[999] This man was Anthony Boyve.

[999] Choupart MS.

[Sidenote: FAREL'S DANGER.]

Such a daring act at first produced the desired effect. The Mass was

interrupted, the chantings ceased, and the crowd, as if struck by a

supernatural intervention, remained silent and noiseless. Farel, who

was still in the pulpit, immediately took advantage of this calm, and

proclaimed that Christ "whom the heaven must receive until the times

of restitution of all things."[1000] Then the priests and choristers

with their adherents rushed to the towers, ran up into the belfry,

and sounded the tocsin.

[1000] Acts iii. 21.

These means succeeded: a crowd was collected, and if Farel had not

retired, his death and Boyve's would have been inevitable. "But God,"

says the chronicle, "delivered them." They crossed the interval that

separates Boudevilliers from Valangin, and drew near the steep gorges

of the torrent of the Seyon. But how traverse that town, which the

tocsin had already alarmed?

Leaving Chaumont and its dark forests to the left, these two heralds

of the Gospel took a narrow path that wound beneath the castle: they

were stealing cautiously along, when suddenly a shower of stones

assailed them, and at the same time a score of individuals,--priests,

men, and women,--armed with clubs, fell furiously upon them. "The

priests had not the gout either in their feet or arms," says a

chronicler; "the ministers were so beaten that they nearly lost their

lives."[1001]

[1001] Les prêtres n'avoient pas la goutte aux pieds et aux bras, et

ils les battirent tellement que peu s'en fallut qu'ils ne perdissent

la vie. (Choupart MS.)

Madame de Vergy, who descended to the terrace, far from moderating the

anger of the priests, cried out: "Drown them!--drown them! throw them

into the Seyon--these Lutheran dogs, who have despised the

Host!"[1002] In fact, the priests were beginning to drag the two

heretics towards the bridge. Never was Farel nearer death.

[1002] A l'eau! à l'eau! jettez les dans le Seyon ces chiens de

Luthériens qui ont méprisé le bon Dieu! (Choupart MS.)

[Sidenote: ILL-TREATMENT OF FAREL.]

On a sudden, from behind the last rock that hides Valangin in the

direction of the mountain, there appeared "certain good persons of the

Val de Ruz coming from Neuchatel"[1003] and descending into the

valley. "What are you doing?" asked they of the priests, with the

intention no doubt of saving Farel; "put them rather in a place of

safety, that they may answer for their proceedings? Would you deprive

yourselves of the only means in your power of discovering those

infected by the poison of heresy?"

[1003] Choupart MS.

The priests left off at these words, and conducted the prisoners to

the castle. As they were passing before a little chapel, containing an

image of the Virgin, "Kneel down," said they to Farel and Boyve,

showing them the statue; "prostrate yourselves before Our Lady!" Farel

began to admonish them; "Worship one God alone in spirit and in

truth," said he to them, "and not dumb images without life or power."

But they, continues the chronicle, "greatly vexed at his words and his

firmness, inflicted on him so many blows, that he was covered with

blood, which even spirted on the walls of the chapel. For a long time

after the traces of it might still be seen."[1004]

[1004] Choupart MS. Mais eux rudement fachés de ses propos et

constance, lui donnèrent tant de coups, qu'ils le mirent tout en sang,

jusques là que son sang jailissoit sur les murailles de la chapelle.

On en voyoit long temps après encore les marques.

They resumed their march--they entered the town--they climbed the

steep road that led to the esplanade where Guillemette de Vergy and

her attendants waited for the "Lutherans;" so that, continues the

chronicle, "from beating them thus continually, they conducted them

all covered with filth and blood to the prisons, and let them down

almost lifeless into the dungeon (_croton_) of the castle of

Valangin." Thus had Paul at Lystra been stoned by the Jews, drawn out

of the city, and left for dead.[1005] The Apostles and the Reformers

preached the same doctrine and suffered the same treatment.

[1005] Acts xiv. 19.

[Sidenote: FAREL AT NEUCHATEL.]

It may perhaps be said, that Farel and Boyve were too violent in their

attack; but the Church of the Middle Ages, which had fallen back into

the legal spirit of Judaism, and into all the corruptions that flow

from it, needed an energetic opposition to lead it again to the

principle of grace. Augustin and St. Paul reappeared in the Church of

the sixteenth century; and when we read of Boyve rushing in great

emotion on those who were about to worship the bread of the Mass, may

we not recall to mind the action of St Paul, rending his clothes, and

running in among the people, who were desirous of worshipping "men of

like passions with themselves?"[1006]

[1006] Acts xiv. 14.

Farel and Boyve, thrust into the dungeons of the castle, could, like

Paul and Silas in the prison at Philippi, "sing praises unto God."

Messire de Bellegarde, ever ready to persecute the Gospel, was

preparing for them a cruel end, when some townsmen of Neuchatel

arrived to claim them. Madame de Valangin dared not refuse, and at the

demand of the Bernese even instituted an inquiry, "to put a good face

on the matter," says a manuscript. "Nevertheless that priest who had

beaten Farel most, never after failed to eat daily at the lady's

table, by way of recompense."[1007] But this was of little

consequence: the seed of truth had been sown in the Val de Ruz.

[1007] Choupart MS.

At Neuchatel the Bernese supported the Evangelical citizens. The

governor, whose resources were exhausted, sent ambassadors to the

princess, "begging her to cross the mountains, to appease her people,

who were in terrible trouble in consequence of this Lutheran

religion."[1008]

[1008] Letter from the Governor to the Princess.

Meantime the ferment increased. The townspeople prayed the canons to

give up the Mass: they refused; whereupon the citizens presented them

their reasons in writing, and begged them to discuss the question with

Farel. Still the same refusal!--"But, for goodness' sake, speak either

for or against!" It was all of no use!

[Sidenote: FAREL IN THE CATHEDRAL.]

On Sunday, the 23d of October, Farel, who had returned to Neuchatel,

was preaching at the hospital. He knew that the magistrates of the

city had deliberated on the expediency of consecrating the cathedral

itself to the Evangelical worship. "What then," said he, "will you not

pay as much honour to the Gospel as the other party does to the

Mass?......And if this superstitious act is celebrated in the high

church, shall not the Gospel be proclaimed there also?" At these words

all his hearers arose. "To the church!" cried they; "to the church!"

Impetuous men are desirous of putting their heads to work, to

accomplish what the prudence of the burgesses had proposed.[1009] They

leave the hospital, and take Farel with them. They climb the steep

street of the castle: in vain would the canons and their frightened

followers stop the crowd: they force a passage. Convinced that they

are advancing for God's glory, nothing can check them. Insults and

shouts assail them from every side, but in the name of the Truth they

are defending, they proceed: they open the gates of the Church of our

Lady; they enter, and here a fresh struggle begins. The canons and

their friends assembled around the pulpit endeavour to stop Farel; but

all is useless. They have not to deal with a band of rioters. God has

pronounced in his Word, and the magistrates themselves have passed a

definitive resolution. The townspeople advance, therefore, against the

sacerdotal coterie; they form a close battalion, in the centre of

which they place the reformer. They succeed in making their way

through the opposing crowd, and at last place the minister in the

pulpit without any harm befalling him.[1010]

[1009] This is the conclusion I draw from various papers, and in

particular from the report of the meeting held at Neuchatel by the

Bernese deputies, in which the heads of the burgesses declare, _that

it appeared to them a very good matter to take down the altars_, &c.

Hitherto only one phasis of this action has been seen,--the popular

movement; and the other, namely, the legal resolution of the

magistrates of the city, seems to have been overlooked.

[1010] Choupart MS.

Immediately all is calm within the church and without; even the

adversaries are silent, and Farel delivers "one of the most effective

sermons he had hitherto preached." Their eyes are opened; their

emotion increases; their hearts are melted; the most obstinate appear

converted; and from every part of the old church these cries resound:

"We will follow the Evangelical religion, both we and our children,

and in it will we live and die."[1011]

[1011] Ibid.

[Sidenote: THE IDOLS DESTROYED.]

Suddenly a whirlwind, as it were, sweeps over this multitude, and

stirs it up like a vast sea. Farel's hearers desire to imitate the

pious King Josiah.[1012] "If we take away these idols from before our

eyes, will it not be aiding us," said they, "in taking them from our

own hearts? Once these idols broken, how many souls among our

fellow-citizens, now disturbed and hesitating, will be decided by this

striking manifestation of the truth! We must save them as it were by

fire."[1013]

[1012] 2 Chron. xxxiv. 7.

[1013] Choupart MS.

This latter motive decides them, and then begins a scene that fills

the Romanists with horror, and which must, according to them, bring

down the terrible judgment of God on the city.

The very spot where this takes place would seem to add to its

solemnity. To the north the castle-walls rise above the pointed crags

of the gloomy but picturesque valley of the Seyon, and the mountain in

front of the castle presents to the eye little more than bare rocks,

vines, and black firs. But to the south, beneath the terrace on which

this tumultuous scene is passing, extend the wide and tranquil waters

of the lake with its fertile and picturesque shores; and in the

distance the continuous summits of the higher Alps with their dazzling

snows, their immense glaciers, and gigantic peaks, lie before the

enraptured eye.

On this platform the people of Neuchatel were in commotion, paying

little attention to these noble scenes of nature. The governor, whose

castle adjoined the church, was compelled to remain an idle spectator

of the excesses that he could not prevent; he was content to leave us

a description of them. "These daring fellows," says he, "seize

mattocks, hatchets, and hammers, and thus march against the images of

the saints." They advance--they strike the statues and the

altars--they dash them to pieces. The figures carved in the fourteenth

century by the "imagers" of Count Louis are not spared; and scarcely

do the statues of the counts themselves, which were mistaken for

idols, escape destruction. The townspeople collect all these fragments

of an idolatrous worship; they carry them out of the church, and throw

them from the top of the rock. The paintings meet with no better

treatment. "It is the devil," thought they with the early Christians,

"who taught the world this art of statues, images, and all sorts of

likenesses."[1014] They tear out the eyes in the pictures of the

saints, and cut off their noses. The crucifix itself is thrown down,

for this wooden figure usurps the homage that Jesus Christ claims in

the heart. One image, the most venerated of all, still remains: it is

our Lady of Mercy, which Mary of Savoy had presented to the collegiate

church; but Our Lady herself is not spared. A hand more daring than

the rest strikes it, as, in the fourth century, the colossal statue of

Serapis was struck.[1015] "They have even bored out the eyes of Our

Lady of Mercy, which the departed lady your mother had caused to be

made," wrote the governor to the Duchess of Longueville.

[1014] Diabolum sæculo intulisse artifices statuarum et imaginum et

omnis generis simulacrorum. (Tertullian, de idolatria, cap. 3.)

[1015] Socrates v. 16.

The Reformed went still further: they seized the patens in which lay

the _corpus Domini_, and flung them from the top of the rock into the

torrent; after which, being desirous of showing that the consecrated

wafers are mere bread, and not God himself, they distributed them one

to another and ate them......At this sight the canons and chaplains

could no longer remain quiet. A cry of horror was heard; they ran up

with their adherents, and opposed force to force. At length began the

struggle that had been so much dreaded.

[Sidenote: REFLECTIONS.]

The provost Oliver of Hochberg, the canons Simon of Neuchatel and

Pontus of Soleilant, all three members of the privy council, had

repaired hastily to the castle, as well as the other councillors of

the princess. Until this moment they had remained silent spectators of

the scene; but when they saw the two parties were coming to blows,

they ordered all "the supporters of the Evangelical doctrine" to

appear before the governor. This was like trying to chain the winds.

Besides, why should the Reformers stop? They were not acting without

legitimate authority.[1016] "Tell the governor," replied the

townspeople haughtily, "that in the concerns of God and of our souls

he has no command over us."[1017]

[1016] "Par les quatre du dit Neuchatel," by the Four (the municipal

authorities) of the said Neuchatel, remarks the priest Besancenet. See

also the _recess_ of the council held at Neuchatel by MM. of Berne,

4th November 1530.

[1017] The Governor's letter to the Princess.

George de Rive then discovered that his authority failed against a

power superior to his own. He must yield, and save at least some

remnants. He hastened therefore to remove the images that still

remained, and to shut them up in secret chambers. The citizens of

Neuchatel allowed him to execute this measure. "Save your gods,"

thought they, "preserve them under strong bars, lest perchance a

robber should deprive you of the objects of your adoration."[1018] By

degrees the tumult died away, the popular torrent returned within its

channel, and a little after, in commemoration of this great day, they

inscribed these words on a pillar of the church:--

L'AN 1530, LE 28 OCTOBRE, FUT OTEE ET ABATTUE L'IDOLATRIE

DE CEANT PAR LES BOURGEOIS.[1019]

[1018] Cur vos sub validissimis clavibus, ingentibusque sub claustris

conservatis, ne forte fur aliquis irreptat? (Arnobius contra gentes,

vi. p. 257.)

[1019] On the 23d of October 1530, idolatry was overthrown and removed

from the church by the citizens.

[Sidenote: PLANS OF THE ROMANISTS.]

An immense revolution had been effected. Doubtless it would have been

better if the images had been taken away and the Gospel substituted in

their place with calmness, as at Zurich; but we must take into

consideration the difficulties that so profound and contested a change

brings with it, and make allowance for the inexperience and excesses

inseparable from a first explosion. He who should see in this

revolution its excesses only, would betray a singularly narrow mind.

It is the Gospel that triumphed on the esplanade of the castle. It was

no longer a few pictures or legends that were to speak to the

imagination of the Neuchatelans: the revelation of Christ and of the

Apostles, as it had been preserved in the Holy Scriptures, was

restored to them. In place of the mysteries, symbols, and miracles of

Popery, the Reformation brought them sublime tenets, powerful

doctrines, holy and eternal truths. Instead of a Mass, void of God,

and filled with human puerilities, it restored to them the Supper of

our Lord Jesus Christ, his invisible yet real and mighty presence, his

promises giving peace to the soul, and his Spirit, which changes the

heart, and is a sure pledge of a glorious resurrection. All is gain in

such an exchange.

VIII. The governor and his trusty friends had not, however, lost all

hope. "It is only a minority," said they at the castle, "which has

taken part in the destruction of the images; the majority of the

nation still obeys the ancient doctrine." M. de Rive had yet to learn

that if, in a popular movement, only the minority appears, it is in

some cases because the majority, being of the same mind with it,

prefers leaving the action to others. However that may be, the

governor, thinking himself upon sure ground, resolved to put the

preservation of the Mass to the vote. If the majority were doubtful,

the combined influence of the government and clergy would make it

incline to the side of Rome. The friends of the Reformation perceiving

this trick, and feeling the necessity of securing the integrity of the

votes, demanded the presence of Bernese commissioners. This was at

first refused. But Neuchatel, divided into two hostile parties, might

at any time see her streets run blood: De Rive therefore called Berne

to his aid.

[Sidenote: THE GOVERNOR'S DIFFICULTIES.]

Anthony Noll and Sulpice Archer, both members of the council, with

Jacques Tribolet, bailiff of the Isle of St. John, all three devoted

to the Reform, made their entry into Neuchatel on the 4th

November,--an eventful day for the principality, and one which would

decide on its reformation. The deputies proceeded to the castle, and

there spoke with haughtiness.[1020] "Their excellencies of Berne,"

said they to the governor, "are much astonished that you should oppose

the true and pure Word of God. Desist immediately, or else your state

and lordship may suffer for it."[1021]

[1020] Trois ambassadeurs qui me tinrent assez gros et rudes propos.

(The Governor to the Princess.)

[1021] Ibid.

George de Rive was amazed; he had thought to summon helpers, and he

had found masters. He made, however, an attempt to escape from the

strait in which he was caught. The Roman-catholic cantons of Lucerne,

Friburg, and Soleure, were also allies of the state. The governor

insinuated to the Bernese deputies, that he might well claim their

intervention. At these words the deputies indignantly arose, and

declared to M. de Rive, that if he did so, he might be the cause of

his sovereign's losing Neuchatel. The governor saw the impossibility

of escaping from the net into which he had fallen. There remained no

alternative but submission, and to watch the current of events which

it was impossible for him to direct.

It was not thus with the canons and the nobles. Not considering

themselves beaten, they surrounded the Bernese; and mingling, as they

always do in similar cases, religion and politics, endeavoured to

shake them. "Do you not see," said they, "that unless we support the

spiritual power, we shall compromise the civil power? The surest

bulwark of the throne is the altar! These men, whose defenders you

have become, are but a handful of mischief-makers: the majority are

for the Mass!"--"Turn which way you like," replied one of the stubborn

Bernese, "even though the majority should be on your side, still you

must go that way; never will our lordships abandon the defenders of

the Evangelical faith."[1022]

[1022] Chambrier, Hist. de Neuchatel, p. 296. (The governor's letter.

Quand bien _le plus_ sera des votres, si passerez vous par là, &c.)

[Sidenote: HATRED AND DIVISION.]

The people assembled at the castle for the definitive vote. The

destiny of Neuchatel was about to be decided. On one hand were crowded

around the governor the privy council, the canons, and the most

zealous of the Romanists; on the other were to be seen the four

aldermen, the town-council, and a great number of the citizens,

gravely ascending the steep avenue leading to the government-house,

and drawing up in front of their adversaries. On both sides there was

the same attachment to the faith they had embraced, the same decision;

but around the canons were many anxious minds, troubled hearts, and

downcast eyes, while the friends of the Reform advanced with uplifted

heads, firm looks, and hearts full of hope.

George de Rive, wishing to gain over their minds, began to address

them. He described the violence with which the Reformed had broken the

images, and thrown down the altars; "And yet," continued he, "who

founded this church? It was the princess's predecessors, and not the

citizens. For which reason, I demand that all those who have violently

infringed our sovereign's authority, be obliged to restore what they

have taken away, so that the holy Mass, and the canonical hours may be

celebrated anew."[1023]

[1023] Choupart MS.; Reces du MM. de Berne.

Upon this the _prudhommes_ of Neuchatel advanced. They were not a

troop of young and giddy persons, as the Papists had pretended; they

were grave citizens, whose liberties were guaranteed, and who had

weighed what they had to say. "By the illumination of the Holy Ghost,"

replied they, "and by the holy doctrines of the Gospel, which are

taught us in the pure Word of God, we will show that the Mass is an

abuse, without any utility, and which conduces much more to the

damnation than to the salvation of souls. And we are ready to prove

that by taking away the altars, we have done nothing that was not

right and acceptable to God."[1024]

[1024] (Ibid.)

[Sidenote: PROPOSED DELAY.]

Thus the two parties met face to face with "great hatred and

division," says the Bernese report. The arbitrators consulted

together. The governor persisted, feeling that this movement would

decide the future. A few votes would suffice for the triumph of Rome,

and he reckoned on gaining them by his assurance. "You should

understand," said he, "that the majority of this town, men and women,

adhere firmly to the ancient faith. The others are hot-headed young

soldiers, vain of their persons, and puffed up with the new

doctrine."[1025]--"Well!" replied the Bernese deputies, "to prevent

all mischief, let us settle this difference by the plurality of

suffrages, in accordance with the treaty of peace made at Bremgarten

between the cantons."

[1025] Devez entendre que la pluspart de cette ville, hommes et

femmes, tiennent fermement à l'ancienne foi. Les autres sont jeunes

gens de guerre, forts de leurs personnes, remplis de la nouvelle

doctrine, ayants le feu à la tête. (Choupart MS.)

[Sidenote: THE ROMANIST PROTEST.]

This was what the Reformed desired. "The vote! the vote!" cried they

according to the expression consecrated to such cases.[1026] But the

lord of Prangins and the priests, who had desired it when they were

alone, shrunk back in the presence of Berne. "We ask for time," said

they. If the Reformed allowed themselves to be cheated by these

dilatory measures, it was all over. When once the Bernese had quitted

Neuchatel, the governor and the clergy would easily have the

upperhand. They therefore remained firm. "No, no!" said they,

"now!--no delay!--not a day! not an hour!" But the governor, in the

face of a proceeding that would decide the legal fall of Popery,

trembled, and obstinately opposed the cries of the people. The

magistrates were already indignant, the burghers murmured, and the

most violent looked at their swords. "They were resolved to compel us,

sword in hand," wrote the governor to the princess. A fresh storm was

gathering over Neuchatel. Yet a few more minutes' resistance, and it

would burst forth upon the church, the town, and the castle,

destroying not only statues, images, and altars, but "there would have

remained dead men," said the lord of Rive.[1027] He gave way in

trouble and affright.

[1026] _Le plus_, the majority.

[1027] The Governor's letter to the Princess.

At the news of this concession, the partisans of Rome saw all their

danger. They confer, they concert their measures, and in an instant

their resolution is taken: they are resolved to fight.[1028] "My

lord," said they, turning to M. de Rive, and touching the hilt of

their swords, "all of us who adhere to the holy Sacrament are resolved

to die martyrs for our holy faith."[1029] This demonstration did not

escape the notice of the young soldiers who had returned from the

Genevese war. One minute more and the swords would have been drawn,

and the platform changed into a battlefield.

[1028] Ibid.

[1029] Ibid.

Monseigneur de Prangins, more wily than orthodox, shuddered at the

thought. "I cannot suffer it," said he to the most violent of his

party; "such an enterprise would forfeit my mistress's state and

lordship."[1030]--"I consent," said he to the Bernese, "to take the

votes, with reserve nevertheless of the sovereignty, rights, and

lordship of Madame."--"And we," replied the townspeople, "with the

reserve of our liberties and privileges."

[1030] Ibid.

The Romanists, seeing the political power they had invoked now failing

them, felt that all was lost. They will save their honour at least in

this great shipwreck; they will subscribe their names, that posterity

may know who had remained faithful to Rome. These proud supporters of

the hierarchy advance towards the governor; tears course down their

rough cheeks, betraying thus their stifled anger. They write their

signatures as witnesses at the foot of the solemn testament that

Popery is now drawing up in Neuchatel, in the presence of the Bernese

deputies. They then added, with tears in their eyes, "that the names

and surnames of the good and of the perverse had been written in

perpetual memory, and declared that they were still good and faithful

burghers of Madame, and would do her service unto death."[1031]

[1031] Alors iceux dirent en pleurant que les noms et les surnoms. des

bons et des pervers fussent écrits en perpétuelle mémoire, et qu'ils

protestoient être bons et fidèles bourgeois de Madame, et lui faire

service jusqu' à la mort.

[Sidenote: MAJORITY FOR REFORM.]

The reformed townspeople were convinced that it was only by frankly

bearing testimony to their religious convictions that they could

discharge their debt before God, their sovereign, and their

fellow-citizens. So that the Catholics had scarcely protested their

fidelity towards their lady, when, turning towards the governor, the

Reformed cried out: "We say the same in every other thing in which it

shall please our Mistress to command us, save and except the

Evangelical faith, in which we will live and die."[1032]

[1032] Governor's letter. Nous disons le semblable en toute autre

chose où il plaira à Madame nous commander, sauf et reserve icelle foi

évangelique, dans laquelle nous voulons vivre et mourir.

Everything was then prepared for taking the votes. The church of our

lady was opened, and the two parties advanced between the shattered

altars, torn pictures, mutilated statues, and all those ruins of

Popery, which clearly foretold to its partisans the last and

irrevocable defeat it was about to undergo. The three Lords of Berne

took their station beside the governor as arbitrators of the

proceedings and presidents of the assembly, and the voting began.

George de Rive, notwithstanding the despondency of his friends, was

not altogether without hope. All the partisans of the ancient worship

in Neuchatel had been forewarned; and but a few days previously the

Reformed themselves, by refusing the voting, had acknowledged the

numerical superiority of their adversaries. But the friends of the

Gospel in Neuchatel had a courage and a hope that seemed to repose on

a firmer basis. Were they not the victorious party, and could they be

vanquished in the midst of their triumph?

[Sidenote: PROTESTANTISM PERPETUAL.]

The two parties, however, moved forward, confounded one with the

other, and each man gave his vote in silence. They counted each other:

the result appeared uncertain; fear froze each party by turns. At

length the majority seemed to declare itself;--they took out the

votes,--the result was proclaimed. A majority of eighteen voices gave

the victory to the Reformation, and the last blow to the Papacy!

The Bernese lords immediately hastened to profit by this advantage.

"Live henceforth," said they, "in good understanding with one another;

let the Mass be no longer celebrated; let no injury be done to the

priests; and pay to your Lady, or to whomsoever they may be justly

due, all tithes, quit-rent, cense, and revenues." These different

points were proclaimed by the assembly, and a report was immediately

drawn up, to which the deputies, the governors, and the magistrates of

the city of Neuchatel affixed their respective seals.[1033]

[1033] Reces de MM. de Berne, MS. Et que l'on paie à Madame ou à qui

il sera dû justement dîmes, cens, rentes et revenus.

[Sidenote: THE IMAGE OF ST. JOHN.]

Farel did not appear in all this business: one might have said that

the reformer was not at Neuchatel: the citizens appealed only to the

Word of God; and the governor himself, in his long report to the

princess, does not once mention him. It was the Apostles of our Lord,

St. Peter, St. John, St. Paul, and St. James, who by their divine

writings re-established the true foundations of the Church in the

midst of the people of Neuchatel. The Word of God was the law of the

prudhommes of Neuchatel. In vain will the Roman Church say, "But these

very Scriptures,--it is I who give them to you; you cannot therefore

believe in them without believing in me." It is not from the Church of

Rome that the Protestant Church receives the Bible. Protestantism has

always existed in the Church. It has existed alone in every place

where men have been engaged in the study of the Holy Scriptures, of

their divine origin, of their interpretation, and in their

dissemination. The Protestantism of the sixteenth century received the

Bible from the Protestantism of every age. When Rome speaks of the

hierarchy, she is on her own ground: as soon as she speaks of the

Scriptures, she is on ours. If Farel had been put forward in

Neuchatel, he would not perhaps have been able to stand against the

Pope; but the Word of Christ alone was concerned, and Rome must fall

before Jesus.

Thus terminated, by a mutual contract, that day at first so

threatening. If the Reformed had sacrificed any of their convictions

to a false peace, disorder would have been perpetuated in Neuchatel. A

bold manifestation of the truth and the inevitable shocks that

accompanied it, far from destroying society, preserved it. This

manifestation is the wind that lifts the vessel from the rocks and

brings it into the harbour.

The Lord of Prangins felt that, between fellow-citizens, "it is better

to touch one another, even if it be by collision, than to avoid each

other continually." The free explanation that had taken place had

rendered the opposition of the two parties less irritating. "I give my

promise," said the governor, "to undertake nothing against the vote of

this day, for I am myself a witness that it has been honest, upright,

without danger, and without coercion."[1034]

[1034] Ungefährlich, ungezwringen, aufrecht und redlich. (Berne to the

Governor, 17th Dec. 1530.)

It was necessary to dispose of the spoils of the vanquished party: the

governor opened the castle to them. Thither were transported the

relics, the ornaments of the altars, the church papers, and even the

organ; and the Mass, expelled from the city, was there mournfully

chanted every day.

All the ornaments, however, did not take this road. Some days after,

as two citizens, named Fauche and Sauge, were going out together to

their vineyards, they passed a little chapel, in which the latter had

set up a wooden figure of St. John. He said to his companion, "There

is an image I shall heat my stove with to-morrow." And, in fact, as he

returned, he carried away the saint and laid it down in front of his

house.

[Sidenote: A MIRACLE.]

The next morning he took the image and put it on the fire. Immediately

a horrible explosion spread dismay through this humbly family. The

trembling Fauche doubts not that it is a miracle of the saint, and

hastens to return to the Mass. In vain does his neighbour Sauge

protest to him upon oath that, during the night, he had made a hole in

the statue, filled it with gunpowder, and closed it up again. Fauche

will listen to nothing, and resolves to flee from the vengeance of the

saints. He went and settled with his family at Morteau in Franche

Comté.[1035] Such are the miracles upon which the divinity of Rome

reposes!

[1035] Boyve Annals, MS.

By degrees everything became settled: some of the canons, as Jacques

Baillod, William de Pury, and Benedict Chambrier, embraced the

Reformation. Others were recommended by the governor to the priory of

Motiers, in the Val de Travers; and, in the middle of November, at the

time when the winds begin to rage among the mountains, several canons,

surrounded by a few singing-boys,--sad relics of the ancient,

powerful, rich, voluptuous, and haughty chapter of Neuchatel,

painfully climbed up the gorges of the Jura, and went to conceal in

these lofty and picturesque valleys the disgrace of a defeat, which

their long disorders and their insupportable tyranny had but too

justly provoked.

[Sidenote: POPERY AND THE GOSPEL.]

During this time the new worship was organized. In room of the

high-altar were substituted two marble tables to receive the bread and

wine; and the Word of God was preached from a pulpit stripped of every

ornament. The pre-eminence of the Word, which characterizes the

Evangelical worship, replaced in the church of Neuchatel the

preeminence of the sacrament, which characterizes Popery. Towards the

end of the second century, Rome, that ancient metropolis of all

religions, after having welcomed the Christian worship in its

primitive purity, had gradually transformed it into mysteries; a magic

power had been ascribed to certain forms; and the reign of the

sacrifice offered by the priest had succeeded to the reign of the Word

of God. The preaching of Farel had restored the Word to the rights

which belong to it; and those vaulted roofs, which the piety of Count

Ulric II. had, on his return from Jerusalem, dedicated to the worship

of the Virgin, served at last, after four centuries, to nourish the

faithful, as in the time of the Apostles, "in the words of faith and

of good doctrine."[1036]

[1036] 1 Tim. iv. 6.

IX. The convention, drawn up under the mediation of Berne, stipulated

that "the change should take place only in the city and parish of

Neuchatel." Must the rest of the country remain in darkness? This was

not Farel's wish, and the zeal of the citizens, in its first fervour,

effectually seconded him. They visited the surrounding villages,

exhorting some, combating others. Those who were compelled to labour

with their hands during the day went thither at night. "Now, I am

informed," writes the governor to the princess, "that they are working

at a reformation night and day."

George de Rive, in alarm, convoked the magistrates of all the

districts in the earldom. These good folks believed that their

consciences, as well as their places, depended upon Madame de

Longueville. Affrighted at the thought of freely receiving a new

conviction from the Word of God, they were quite ready to accept it

from the countess as they would a new impost. A sad helotism, in which

religion springs from the soil, instead of descending from heaven! "We

desire to live and die under the protection of our lady," said the

magistrates to the Lord of Rive, "without changing the ancient faith,

_until it be so ordered by her_."[1037] Rome, even after her fall,

could not receive a deeper insult.

[1037] Choupart MS. Nous voulons vivre et mourir sous la protection de

Madame, sans changer l'ancienne foi, _jusqu' à ce que par elle en soit

ordonné_.

[Sidenote: FAILURE OF THE PLOT.]

These assurances of fidelity and the absence of the Bernese restored

De Rive's confidence, and he secretly prepared a reaction among the

nobles and the lower classes. There is in every historical

catastrophe, in the fall of great establishments, and in the spectacle

of their ruins, something which excites and improves the mind. This

was what happened at the period in question. Some were more zealous

for Popery after its fall than in its day of power. The priests

gliding into the houses said Mass to a few friends mysteriously called

together around a temporary altar. If a child was born, the priest

noiselessly arrived, breathed on the infant, made the sign of the

cross on its forehead and breast, and baptized it according to the

Roman ritual.[1038] Thus they were rebuilding in secret what had been

overthrown in the light of day. At length a counter-revolution was

agreed upon; and Christmas day was selected for the restoration of

Roman-catholicism. While the Christians' songs of joy should be rising

to heaven, the partisans of Rome were to rush into the church, expel

the heretical assembly, overthrow the pulpit and the holy table,

restore the images, and celebrate the Mass in triumph. Such was the

plan of the Neuchatelan vespers.[1039]

[1038] Berne to Neuchatel, 17th December.

[1039] Berne to the Governor, 23d December.

The plot got wind. Deputies from Berne arrived at Neuchatel on the

very eve of the festival. "You must see to this," said they to the

governor: "if the Reformed are attacked, we, their co-burghers, will

protect them with all our power." The conspirators laid down their

arms, and the Christmas hymns were not disturbed.

This signal deliverance augmented the devotion and zeal of the friends

of the Gospel. Already Emer Beynon of Serrière, where Farel had one

day landed from a small boat, ascending the pulpit, had said to his

parishioners: "If I have been a good priest, I desire by the grace of

God to be a still better pastor." It was necessary for these words to

be heard from every pulpit. Farel recommenced a career of labours,

fatigues, and struggles, which the actions of the apostles and

missionaries alone can equal.

[Sidenote: FAREL'S LABOURS.]

Towards the end of the year 1530, he crossed the mountain in the

middle of winter, entered the church of Valangin, went into the

pulpit, and began to preach at the very moment that Guillemette de

Vergy was coming to Mass. She endeavoured to shut the reformer's

mouth, but in vain, and the aged and noble dowager retired

precipitately, saying: "I do not think this is according to the old

Gospels; if there are any new ones that encourage this, I am quite

amazed."[1040] The people of Valangin embraced the Gospel. The

affrighted lieutenant ran to Neuchatel, thence to Berne, and on the

11th February 1521 laid his complaint before the council; but all was

useless. "Why," said their excellencies of Berne to him, "why should

you disturb the water of the river? let it flow freely on."

[1040] Chambrier, Hist. de Neuchatel et Valangin, p. 299. Je ne crois

pas que ce soit selon les vieux évangiles; s'il y en a de nouveaux qui

fassent cela faire, j'en suis esbahie.

Farel immediately turned to the parishes on the slopes between the

lake and Mount Jura. At Corcelles a fanatic crowd, well armed and led

on by the curate of Neuchatel, rushed into the church where the

minister was preaching, and he did not escape without a wound. At

Bevay, the abbot John of Livron and his monks collected a numerous

body of friends, surrounded the church, and having thus completed the

blockade, entered the building, dragged the minister from the pulpit,

and drove him out with blows and insults. Each time he reappeared,

they pursued him as far as Auvernier with stones and gunshots.

[Sidenote: THE PASTOR MARCOURT.]

While Farel was thus preaching in the plain, he sent one of his

brethren into the valley; it was John de Bély, a man of good family

from Crest in Dauphiny. Beyond Valangin, at a little distance from

Fontaine, on the left side of the road to Cernier, was a stone that

remains to this day. It was here in the open air, as if in a

magnificent temple, that this herald of the Gospel began to proclaim

salvation by grace.[1041] Before him stretched the declivity of

Chaumont, dotted with the pretty villages of Fenin, Villars, Sole, and

Savagnier, and beyond, where the mountains fell away, might be seen

the distant and picturesque chain of the Alps. The most zealous of

his hearers entreated him to enter the church. He did so; but suddenly

the priest and his curate "arrived with great noise." They proceeded

to the pulpit, dragged Bély down; and then turning to the women and

young persons of the place, "excited them to beat him and drive him

away."[1042]

[1041] It does not appear that Bély could have stood and preached on

this stone, as is generally said, unless what now remains is but a

fragment of the original.

[1042] MS. AA. in the Choupart MS.

John de Bély returned to Neuchatel, hooted and bruised, like his

friend after the affair at Valangin; but these evangelists followed

the traces of the Apostle Paul, whom neither whips nor scourges could

arrest.[1043] De Bély often returned to Fontaine. The Mass was

abolished erelong in this village; Bély was its pastor for

twenty-seven years; his descendants have more than once exercised the

ministry there, and now they form the most numerous family of

agriculturists in the place.

[1043] 2 Cor. xi. 24, 25.

Farel, after evangelizing the shores of the lake to the south of

Neuchatel, had gone to the north and preached at St. Blaise. The

populace, stirred up by the priests and the lieutenant, had fallen

upon him, and Farel escaped from their hands, severely beaten,

spitting blood, and scarcely recognisable. His friends had thrown him

hurriedly into a boat, and conveyed him to Morat, where his wounds

detained him for some time.[1044]

[1044] De Perrot: L'Eglise et la Réformation, ii. p. 233.

At the report of this violence the reformed Neuchatelans felt their

blood boil. If the lieutenant, the priest, and his flock have bruised

the body of Christ's servant, which is truly the altar of the living

God, why should they spare dead idols? Immediately they rush to St.

Blaise, throw down the images, and do the same at the abbey of

Fontaine-André,--a sanctuary of the ancient worship.

[Sidenote: DISGRACEFUL EXPEDIENT.]

The images still existed at Valangin, but their last hour was about to

strike. A Frenchman, Anthony Marcourt, had been nominated pastor of

Neuchatel. Treading in Farel's footsteps, he repaired with a few of

the citizens to Valangin on the 14th June, a great holiday in that

town.[1045] Scarcely had they arrived when a numerous crowd pressed

around the minister, listening to his words. The canons, who were on

the watch in their houses, and Madame de Vergy and M. de Bellegarde

from their towers, sought how they could make a diversion against this

heretical preaching? They could not employ force because of Berne.

They had recourse to a brutal expedient, worthy of the darkest days of

Popery, and which, by insulting the minister, might divert (they

imagined) the attention of the people, and change it into shouts and

laughter. A canon,[1046] assisted by the countess's coachman, went to

the stables and took thence two animals, which they led to the spot

where Marcourt was preaching. We will throw a veil over this scene: it

is one of those disgraceful subjects which the pen of history refuses

to transcribe.[1047] But never did punishment follow closer upon

crime. The conscience of the hearers was aroused at the sight of this

infamous spectacle. The torrent, that such a proceeding was intended

to check, rushed out of its channel. The indignant people, undertaking

the defence of that religion which their opponents had wished to

insult, entered the church like an avenging wave; the ancient windows

were broken, the shields of the lords were demolished, the relics

scattered about, the books torn, the images thrown down, and the altar

overturned. But this was not enough: the popular wave, after sweeping

out the church, flowed back again, and dashed against the canons'

houses. Their inhabitants fled in consternation into the forests, and

everything was destroyed in their dwellings.

[1045] This incident is generally attributed to Farel, but Choupart,

following an older manuscript, says, _le ministre de Neuchatel_, by

which title he always means Marcourt, and never Farel.

[1046] Some historians say "the coachman of the countess;" but

Choupart, on three different occasions, writes _a canon_. The latter

is no doubt more revolting; but there is nothing incredible in it.

[1047] De equo admissario loquitur qui equam init.

[Sidenote: THE REFORM ESTABLISHED.]

Guillemette de Vergy and M. de Bellegarde, agitated and trembling

behind their battlements, repenting, but too late, of their monstrous

expedient, are the only ones who have not yet suffered the popular

vengeance. Their restless eyes watch the motions of the indignant

townspeople. The work is completed! the last house is sacked! The

burghers consult together.--O horror!--they turn towards the

castle,--they ascend the hill,--they draw near. Is then the abode of

the noble counts of Arberg about to be laid waste? But no!--"We come,"

said the delegates standing near the gate of the castle, "we are come

to demand justice for the outrage committed against religion and its

minister." They are permitted to enter, and the trembling countess

orders the poor wretches to be punished who had acted solely by her

orders. But at the same time she sends deputies to Berne, complaining

of the "great insults that had been offered her."[1048] Berne declared

that the Reformed should pay for the damage; but that the countess

should grant them the free exercise of their worship. Jacques Veluzat,

a native of Champagne, was the first pastor of Valangin. A little

later we shall see new struggles at the foot of Mount Jura.

[1048] Curate of Bezancenet's chronicle. Des grands vitupères qu'on

lui avait faits.

Thus was the Reformation established at Valangin, as it had been at

Neuchatel: the two capitals of these mountains were gained to the

Gospel. Erelong it received a legal sanction. Francis, Marquis of

Rothelin, son of the Duchess of Longueville, arrived in the

principality in March, 1581, with the intention of playing on this

small theatre the part of a Francis I. But he soon found out that

there are revolutions which an irresistible hand has accomplished, and

that must be submitted to. Rothelin excluded from the estates of the

earldom the canons who had hitherto formed the first power, and

replaced them by four bannerets and four burgesses. Then, availing

himself of the principle that all abandoned property falls to the

state, he laid his hands upon their rich heritage, and proclaimed

freedom of conscience throughout all the country. All the necessary

forms having been observed with Madame, the politic M. de Rive became

reformed also. Such was the support Rome received from the State, to

which she had looked for her deliverance.

[Sidenote: GATHERING TEMPEST.]

A great energy characterized the Reformation of French Switzerland;

and this is shown by the events we have just witnessed. Men have

attributed to Farel this distinctive feature of his work; but no man

has ever created his own times; it is always, on the contrary, the

times that create the man. The greater the epoch, the less do

individualities prevail in it. All the good contained in the events we

have just related came from that Almighty Spirit, of which the

strongest men are but weak instruments. All the evil proceeded from

the character of the people; and, indeed, it was almost always Popery

that began these scenes of violence: Farel submitted to the influence

of his time, rather than the time received his. A great man may be the

personification and the type of the epoch for which God destines him:

he is never its creator.

But it is time to quit the Jura and its beautiful valleys, brightened

by the vernal sun, to direct our step towards the Alps of German

Switzerland, along which thick clouds and horrible tempests are

beginning to gather. The free and courageous people, who dwell below

the eternal glaciers, or on the smiling banks of the lakes, daily

assume a fiercer aspect, and the collision threatens to be sudden,

violent, and terrible. We have just been witnessing a glorious

conquest: a dreadful catastrophe awaits us.

History of the Great Reformation of the Sixteenth Century in Germany, Switzerland, &c., Volume 4 · 第 7 / 10 章