SWITZERLAND--CONQUESTS. 1526-1530.
I. The divisions which the Reformation disclosed within its bosom, on
its appearance before the Diet of Augsburg, humbled it and compromised
its existence; but we must not forget that the cause of these
divisions was one of the conditions of the existence of the
regenerated Church. No doubt it would have been desirable for Germany
and Switzerland to have agreed; but it was of still greater importance
that Germany and Switzerland should have each its original Reform. If
the Swiss Reformation had been only a feeble copy of the German, there
would have been uniformity, but no duration. The tree, transplanted
into Switzerland, without having taken deep root, would soon have been
torn up by the vigorous hand that was erelong about to seize upon it.
The regeneration of Christianity in these mountains proceeded from
forces peculiar to the Helvetic Church, and received an organization
in conformity with the ecclesiastical and political condition of that
country. By this very originality it communicated a particular energy
to the principles of the Reformation, of much greater consequence to
the common cause than a servile uniformity. The strength of an army
arises in great measure from its being composed of soldiers of
different arms.
[Sidenote: THREE PERIODS OF REFORM.]
The military and political influence of Switzerland was declining. The
new developments of the European nations, subsequent to the sixteenth
century, were about to banish to their native mountains those proud
Helvetians, who for so long a period had placed their two-handed
swords in the balance in which the destinies of nations were weighed.
The Reformation communicated a new influence in exchange for that
which was departing. Switzerland, where the Gospel appeared in its
simplest and purest form, was destined to give in these new times to
many nations of the two worlds a more salutary and glorious impulse
than that which had hitherto proceeded from its halberds and its
arquebuses.
* * * * *
The history of the Swiss Reformation is divided into three periods, in
which the light of the Gospel is seen spreading successively over
three different zones. From 1519 to 1526 Zurich was the centre of the
Reformation, which was then entirely German, and was propagated in the
eastern and northern parts of the Confederation. Between 1526 and 1532
the movement was communicated from Berne: it is at once German and
French, and extended to the centre of Switzerland from the gorges of
the Jura to the deepest valleys of the Alps. In 1532 Geneva became the
focus of the light; and the Reformation, which was here essentially
French, was established on the shores of the Leman lake, and gained
strength in every quarter. It is of the second of these periods--that
of Berne--of which we are now to treat.
[Sidenote: TWO MOVEMENTS IN THE CHURCH.]
Although the Swiss Reformation is not yet essentially French, still
the most active part in it is taken by Frenchmen. Switzerland
_Romande_[847] is yoked to the chariot of Reform, and communicates to
it an accelerated motion. In the period we are about to treat of,
there is a mixture of races, of forces, and of characters, from which
proceeds a greater commotion. In no part of the christian world will
the resistance be so stubborn; but nowhere will the assailants display
so much courage. This petty country of Switzerland Romande, enclosed
within the colossal arms of the Jura and the Alps, was for centuries
one of the strongest fortresses of the Papacy. It is about to be
carried by storm; it is going to turn its arms against its ancient
masters; and from these few hillocks, scattered at the foot of the
highest mountains in Europe, will proceed the reiterated shocks that
will overthrow, even in the most distant countries, the sanctuaries of
Rome, their images and their altars.
[847] The French part of Switzerland, comprising the cantons of
Geneva, Vaud, Neuchatel, and part of those of Friburg, Berne, and
Valais.
[Sidenote: AGGRESSIVE SPIRIT.]
There are two movements in the Church: one is effected inwardly, and
its object is its preservation; the other is effected outwardly, and
the object aimed at is its propagation. There is thus a doctrinal
Church and a missionary Church. These two movements ought never to be
separated, and whenever they are disunited, it is because the spirit
of man, and not the spirit of God prevails. In the apostolic ages
these two tendencies were evolved at the same time and with equal
power. In the second and third centuries the external tendency
prevailed; after the Council of Nice (325) the doctrinal movement
resumed the superiority; at the epoch of the irruption of the northern
tribes the missionary spirit revived; but erelong came the times of
the hierarchy and of the schoolmen, in which all doctrinal powers
warred within the Church to found therein despotic government and an
impure doctrine--the Papacy. The revival of Christianity in the
sixteenth century, which emanated from God, was destined to renovate
these two doctrines, but by purifying them. Then indeed the spirit of
God acted at once externally and internally. In the days of the
Reformation there were tranquil and internal developments; but there
was also a more powerful and aggressive action. Men of God had for
ages studied the Word, and had peacefully explained its salutary
lessons. Such had been the work of Vesalia, Goch, Groot, Radewin,
Ruybrook, Tauler, Thomas à Kempis, and John Wessel; now, something
more was required. The power of action was to be united with the power
of thought. The Papacy had been allowed all necessary time for laying
aside its errors; for ages men had been in expectation; it had been
warned, it had been entreated; all had been unavailing. Popery being
unwilling to reform itself, it became necessary for men of God to take
its accomplishment upon themselves. The calm and moderate influence of
the precursors of the Reform was succeeded by the heroic and holy
revolutionary work of the Reformers; and the revolution they effected
consisted in overthrowing the usurping power to re-establish the
legitimate authority. "To everything there is a season," says the
Preacher, "and a time to every purpose under heaven: a time to plant,
and a time to pluck up that which is planted; a time to break down,
and a time to build up."[848] Of all Reformers, those who carried the
aggressive spirit to its highest degree were the men who came from
France, and more especially Farel, whose labours we have now to
consider.
[848] Eccles. iii. 1, 2, 3.
Never were such mighty effects accomplished by so puny a force. In the
government of God we pass in an instant from the greatest to the least
of things. We now quit the haughty Charles V. and all that court of
princes over which he presides, to follow the steps of a schoolmaster;
and we leave the palaces of Augsburg to take our seats in the lowly
cottages of Switzerland.
The Rhone, after issuing near St. Gothard from the mountains of the
Furka, from beneath an immense sea of eternal ice, rolls its noisy
waters through a rugged valley separating the two great chains of the
Alps; then issuing from the gorge of St. Maurice, it wanders through a
more smiling and fertile country. The sublime Dent du Midi on the
south, the proud Dent de Morcles on the north, picturesquely situated
opposite each other, point out from afar to the traveller's eye the
beginning of this latter basin. On the tops of these mountains are
vast glaciers and threatening peaks, near which the shepherds in the
midst of summer lead their numerous flocks to pasture; while in the
plain, the flowers and fruits of southern climes grow luxuriantly, and
the laurel blooms beside the most exquisite grapes.
[Sidenote: THE SCHOOLMASTER.]
At the opening of one of the lateral valleys that lead into the
Northern Alps, on the banks of the Grande Eau that falls in thunder
from the glaciers of the Diablerets, is situated the small town of
Aigle, one of the most southern in Switzerland. For about fifty years
it had belonged to Berne, with the four parishes (_mandemens_) which
are under its jurisdiction, namely, Aigle, Bex, Ollon, and the chalets
scattered in the lofty valleys of the Ormonds. It is in this country
that the second epoch of the Swiss Reformation was destined to begin.
In the winter of 1526-1527, a foreign schoolmaster, named Ursinus,
arrived in this humble district. He was a man of middle stature, with
red beard and quick eyes, and who, to a voice of thunder (says Beza),
united the feelings of a hero: his modest lessons were intermingled
with new and strange doctrines. The benefices being abandoned by their
titularies to ignorant curates, the people, who were naturally of rude
and turbulent habits, had remained without any cultivation. Thus did
this stranger, who was no other than Farel, meet with new obstacles at
every step.
Whilst Lefevre and most of his friends had quitted Strasburg to
re-enter France, after the deliverance of Francis I., Farel had turned
his steps towards Switzerland; and on the very first day of his
journey, he received a lesson that he frequently recalled to mind.
He was on foot, accompanied by a single friend. Night had closed
around them, the rain fell in torrents, and the travellers, in despair
of finding their road, had sat down midway, drenched with rain.[849]
"Ah!" said Farel, "God, by showing me my helplessness in these little
things, has willed to teach me what I am in the greatest, without
Jesus Christ!" At last Farel, springing up, plunged into the marshes,
waded through the waters, crossed vineyards, fields, hills, forests,
and valleys, and at length reached his destination, covered with mud
and soaked to the skin.
[849] Gravabat nox, opprimebat pluvia......coegit viæ difficultas in
media sedere via sub pluvia. (Farel to Capito and Bucer; Neuchatel,
MS.)
[Sidenote: FAREL'S STUDIES.]
In this night of desolation, Farel had received a new baptism. His
natural energy had been quelled; he became, for some time at least,
wise as a serpent and harmless as a dove; and, as not unfrequently
happens to men of such disposition, he at first overstepped his aim.
Believing that he was following the example of the Apostles, he
sought, in the words of Œcolampadius, "to circumvent by pious frauds
the old serpent that was hissing around him."[850] He represented
himself to be a schoolmaster, and waited until a door should be opened
to him to appear as a Reformer.[851]
[850] Piis artibus et apostolicis versatiis ad circumveniendum illum
opus est. Œcol. to Farel, 27th December, 1526. Neuchatel MS.)]
[851] Ubi ostium patuerit, tunc adversariis liberius obsistetur.
(Ibid.)
Scarcely had Magister Ursinus quitted the schoolroom and his primers,
than, taking refuge in his modest chamber, he became absorbed in the
Greek and Hebrew Scriptures, and the most learned treatises of the
theologians. The struggle between Luther and Zwingle was commencing.
To which of these two chiefs should the French Reform attach itself?
Luther had been known in France for a much longer time than Zwingle;
yet Farel decided in favour of the latter. Mysticism had characterized
the Germanic nations during the Middle Ages, and scholasticism those
of Roman descent. The French were in closer relation with the
dialectician Zwingle than with the mystic Luther; or rather, they were
the mediators between the two great tendencies of the Middle Ages;
and, while giving to the christian thought that correct form which
seems to be the province of southern nations, they became the
instruments of God to spread through the Church the fulness of life
and of the Spirit of Christ.
[Sidenote: THE DOOR IS OPENED.]
It was in this little chamber at Aigle that Farel read the first
publication addressed to the German by the Swiss Reformer.[852] "With
what learning," cries he, "does Zwingle scatter the darkness! with
what holy ingenuity he gains over the wise, and what captivating
meekness he unites with a forcible erudition! Oh, that by the grace of
God this work may win over Luther, so that the Church of Christ,
trembling from such violent shocks, may at length find peace!"[853]
[852] Pia et amica ad Lutheri sermonem apologia. (Opp. vol. ii. t. 2,
p. 1.)
[853] Ut Christi succussa undique Ecclesia, pacis non nihil sentiat.
(Zw. Epp. ii. p. 26.)
The schoolmaster Ursinus, excited by so noble an example, gradually
set about instructing the parents as well as the children. He at first
attacked the doctrine of purgatory, and next the invocation of Saints.
"As for the Pope, he is nothing," said he, "or almost nothing, in
these parts;[854] and as for the priests, provided they annoy the
people with all that nonsense, which Erasmus knows so well how to turn
into ridicule, that is enough for them."
[854] Papa aut nullus aut modicus hic est. (Zw. Epp. ii. p. 36.)
Ursinus had been some months at Aigle: a door was opened to him; a
flock had been collected there, and he believed the looked for moment
had arrived.
Accordingly, one day the prudent schoolmaster disappears. "I am
William Farel," said he, "minister of the Word of God." The terror of
the priests and magistrates was great, when they saw in the midst of
them that very man whose name had already become so formidable. The
schoolmaster quitted his humble study; he ascended the pulpit, and
openly preached Jesus Christ to the astonished multitude. The work of
Ursinus was over: Farel was himself again.[855] It was then about the
month of March or April, 1527, and in that beautiful valley, whose
slopes were brightening in the warm rays of the sun, all was
fermenting at the same time, the flowers, the vineyards, and the
hearts of this sensible but rude people.
[855] The name of Ursinus was doubtless taken from the bear (ursa),
which was on the shield of Berne. Ursinus meant Bernese.
Yet the rocks that the torrent meets as it issues from the Diablerets,
and against which it dashes at every step as it falls from eternal
snows, are more trifling obstacles than the prejudice and hatred that
were shown erelong in this populous valley to the Word of God.
[Sidenote: OPPOSITION.]
The Council of Berne, by a license of the 9th of March, had
commissioned Farel to explain the Holy Scriptures to the people of
Aigle and its neighbourhood. But the arm of the civil magistrate, by
thus mingling in religious affairs, served only to increase the
irritation of men's minds. The rich and lazy incumbents, the poor and
ignorant curates, were the first to cry out. "_If_ this man," said
they one to another, "continues preaching, it is all over with our
benefices and our Church."[856]
[856] J. J. Hottinger, H. K. G., iii. p. 364.
In the midst of this agitation, the bailiff of Aigle and the governor
of the four mandemens, Jacques de Roverea, instead of supporting the
minister of their excellencies of Berne, eagerly embraced the cause of
the priests. "The Emperor," said they, "is about to declare war
against all innovators. A great army will shortly arrive from Spain to
assist the Archduke Ferdinand."[857] Farel stood firm. Upon this the
bailiff and Roverea, exasperated by such boldness, interdicted the
heretic from every kind of instruction, whether as minister or
schoolmaster. But Berne caused to be posted on the doors of all the
churches in the four mandemens a new decree, dated the 3d of July, in
which their excellencies, manifesting great displeasure at this
interdiction "of the very learned Farel from the propagation of the
Divine Word,[858] ordered all the officers of the state to allow him
to preach publicly the doctrines of the Lord."
[857] Ferdinando adventurum esse ingentem ex Hispania exercitum.
(Zwinglius, Epp. ii. p. 64; dated 11 May, 1527.)
[858] Inhibita verbi divini propagatio. (Choupard MS.)
[Sidenote: LAUSANNE.]
This new proclamation was the signal of revolt. On the 25th July great
crowds assembled at Aigle, at Bex, at Ollon, and in the Ormonds,
crying out, "No more submission to Berne! down with Farel!" From words
they soon proceeded to actions. At Aigle the insurgents, headed by the
fiery syndic, tore down the edict, and prepared to fall upon the
Reformed. These, uniting with promptitude, surrounded Farel, resolved
to defend him. The two parties met face to face, and blood was near
flowing. The firm countenance of the friends of the Gospel checked
the partisans of the priests, who dispersed, and Farel, quitting Aigle
for a few days, carried his views farther.
In the middle of the beautiful valley of the Leman, on hills which
overlook the lake, stands Lausanne, the city of the bishop and of the
Virgin, placed under the patronage of the Dukes of Savoy. A host of
pilgrims, assembling from all the surrounding places, knelt devoutly
before the image of Our Lady, and made costly purchases at the great
fair of indulgences that was held in its precincts. Lausanne,
extending its episcopal crosier from its lofty towers, pretended to
keep the whole country at the feet of the Pope. But the eyes of many
began to be opened, thanks to the dissolute life of the canons and
priests. The ministers of the Virgin were seen in public playing at
games of chance, which they seasoned with mockery and blasphemy. They
fought in the churches; disguised as soldiers, they descended by night
from the cathedral hill, and roaming through the streets, sword in
hand and in liquor, surprised, wounded, and sometimes even killed the
worthy citizens; they debauched married women, seduced young girls,
changed their residences into houses of ill-fame, and heartlessly
turned out their young children to beg their bread.[859] Nowhere,
perhaps, was better exemplified the description of the clergy given us
by one of the most venerable prelates of the sixteenth century:
"Instead of training up youth by their learning and holiness of life,
the priests train birds and dogs; instead of books, they have
children; they sit with topers in the taverns, and give way to
drunkenness."[860]
[859] Histoire de la Reformation Suisse by Ruchat, i. p. 35.
[860] Pro _libros_ sibi _liberos_ comparant, pro studio concubinas
amant. (Tritheim Just. Vitæ Sacerdotalis, p. 765.) The play upon
_libros_ and _liberos_ (books and children) cannot be conveyed in
English.
[Sidenote: FAREL AT LAUSANNE.]
Among the theologians in the court of the bishop Sebastian of
Montfaucon, was Natalis Galeotto, a man of elevated rank and great
urbanity, fond of the society of scholars, and himself a man of
learning,[861] but nevertheless very zealous about fasts and all the
ordinances of the Church. Farel thought that, if this man could be
gained over to the Gospel, Lausanne, "slumbering at the foot of its
steeples," would perhaps awaken, and all the country with it. He
therefore addressed himself to him. "Alas! alas!" said Farel,
"religion is no longer but an empty mockery, since people, who think
only of their appetites, are the kings of the Church. Christian
people, instead of celebrating in the sacrament the death of the Lord,
live as if they commemorated Mercury, the god of fraud. Instead of
imitating the love of Christ, they emulate the lewdness of Venus; and
when they do evil, they fear more the presence of a wretched swineherd
than of God Almighty."[862]
[861] Urbanus, doctus, magnus, consuetudine doctorum obligatus. (Farel
to Galeotto, Neuchatel MS.)
[862] Pluris faciunt miserrimi subulci aspectum quam omnipotentis Dei.
(Farel to Galeotto, Neuchatel MS.)
But Galeotto made no reply, and Farel persevered, "Knock; cry out with
all your might," wrote he in a second letter; "redouble your attacks
upon our Lord."[863] Still there was no answer. Farel returned to the
charge a third time, and Natalis, fearing to reply in person,
commissioned his secretary, who forwarded a letter to Farel full of
insulting language.[864] For a season Lausanne was inaccessible.
[863] Pulsare, vociferari perge, nec prius cessa quam, &c. (Ibid.)
[864] Næniis totas implevit et conviciis. (Ibid.)
After having thus contended with a priest, Farel was destined to
struggle with a monk. The two arms of the hierarchy by which the
Middle Ages were governed had been chivalry and monachism. The latter
still remained for the service of the Papacy, although falling into
decay. "Alas!" exclaimed a celebrated Carthusian, "what an obstinate
devil would fear to do, a reprobate and arrogant monk will commit
without hesitation."[865]
[865] Quod agere veretur obstinatus diabolus, intrepide agit reprobus
et contumax monachus. (Jacob von Juterbock; de Negligentia
Prelatorum.)
[Sidenote: FAREL AND THE MONK.]
A mendicant friar, who dared not oppose the reformer in a direct
manner at Aigle, ventured into the village of Noville, situated on the
low grounds deposited by the Rhone as it falls into the lake of
Geneva. The friar, ascending the pulpit, exclaimed, "It is the devil
himself who preaches by the mouth of the minister, and all those who
listen to him will be damned." Then, taking courage, he slunk along
the bank of the Rhone, and arrived at Aigle with a meek and humble
look, not to appear there against Farel, whose powerful eloquence
terribly alarmed him, but to beg in behalf of his convent a few
barrels of the most exquisite wine in all Switzerland. He had not
advanced many steps into the town before he met the minister. At this
sight he trembled in every limb. "Why did you preach in such a manner
at Noville?" demanded Farel. The monk, fearful that the dispute would
attract public attention, and yet desirous of replying to the point,
whispered in his ear, "I have heard say, that you are a heretic and
misleader of the people." "Prove it," said Farel. Then the monk "began
to storm," says Farel,[866] and, hastening down the street,
endeavoured to shake off his disagreeable companion, "turning now this
way, now that, like a troubled conscience."[867] A few citizens
beginning to collect around them, Farel said to them, pointing to the
monk, "You see this fine father; he has said from the pulpit that I
preach nothing but lies." Then the monk, blushing and stammering,
began to speak of the offerings of the faithful (the precious wine of
Yvorne, for which he had come begging), and accused Farel of opposing
them. The crowd had now increased in number, and Farel, who only
sought an opportunity of proclaiming the true worship of God,
exclaimed, with a loud voice, "It is no man's business to ordain any
other way of serving God than that which He has commanded. We must
keep his commandments without turning either to the right hand or to
the left.[868] Let us worship God alone in spirit and in truth,
offering to him a broken and a contrite heart."
[866] Commença de se tempester; in the narrative he gives of this
adventure to the nuns of Vevay. (Neuchatel MS.)
[867] Tournant maintenant de ça, maintenant de là, comme fait la
conscience mal assurée. (Ibid.)
[868] Il n'appartient à personne vivante d'ordonner autre manière de
faire service à Dieu, que celle qu'il a commandée. Nous devons garder
ses commandemens, sans tirer ni à la dextre, ni à la senestre.
(Neuchatel MS.)
The eyes of all the spectators were fixed on the two actors in this
scene, the monk with his wallet, and the reformer with his glistening
eye. Confounded by Farel's daring to speak of any other worship than
that which the holy Roman Church prescribed, the friar was out of his
senses; he trembled, and was agitated, becoming pale and red by turns.
At last, taking his cap off his head, from under his hood, he flung it
on the ground, trampling it under foot, and crying: "I am amazed that
the earth does not gape and swallow us up!"[869]......Farel wished to
reply, but in vain. The friar with downcast eyes kept stamping on his
cap, "bawling out like one out of his wits:" and his cries resounding
through the streets of Aigle, drowned the voice of the reformer. At
length one of the spectators, who stood beside him, plucked him by the
sleeve, and said, "listen to the minister, as he is listening to you."
The affrighted monk, believing himself already half-dead, started
violently and cried out: "Oh, thou excommunicate! layest thou thy hand
upon me?"
[869] Hors de sens, trembloit, s'agitoit, palissoit, et rougissoit
tour à tour. Enfin tirant son bonnet de sa tête, hors da chaperon, il
le rua à terre, jettant et mettant son pied sus, en s'écriant: "Je
suis esbahi comme la terre ne nous abyme!" (Ibid.)
The little town was in an uproar; the friar at once furious and
trembling, Farel following up his attack with vigour, and the people
in confusion and amazement. At length the magistrate appeared, ordered
the monk and Farel to follow him, and shut them up, "one in one tower
and one in another."[870]
[870] L'un en une tour, et l'autre en l'autre. (Neuchatel MS.)
On the Saturday morning Farel was liberated from his prison, and
conducted to the castle before the officers of justice, where the monk
was already present. The minister began to address them: "My lords,
to whom our Saviour enjoins obedience without any exception, this
friar has said that the doctrine which I preach is against God. Let
him make good his words, or, if he cannot, permit your people to be
edified." The violence of the monk was over. The tribunal before which
he was standing, the courage of his adversary, the power of the
movement which he could not resist, the weakness of his cause--all
alarmed him, and he was now ready to make matters up. "Then the friar
fell upon his knees, saying: My lords, I entreat forgiveness of you
and of God. Next turning to Farel: And also, Magister, what I preached
against you was grounded on false reports. I have found you to be a
good man, and your doctrine good, and I am prepared to recall my
words."[871]
[871] Lors le frère se jeta à genoux, disant: Messeigneurs, je demande
merci à Dieu et à vous......Et aussi, Magister, ce que j'ai prêché
contre vous a été par de faux rapports, &c. (Neuchatel MS.)
Farel was touched by this appeal, and said: "My friend, do not ask
forgiveness of me, for I am a poor sinner like other men, putting my
trust not in my own righteousness, but in the death of Jesus."[872]
[872] Je suis pauvre pécheur comme les autres, ayant ma fiance, non en
ma justice, mais à la mort de Jesus. (Ibid.)
One of the lords of Berne coming up at this time, the friar, who
already imagined himself on the brink of martyrdom, began to wring his
hands, and to turn now towards the Bernese councillors, now towards
the tribunal, and then to Farel, crying, "Pardon, pardon!"--"Ask
pardon of our Saviour," replied Farel. The lord of Berne added: "Come
to-morrow and hear the minister's sermon; if he appears to you to
preach the truth, you shall confess it openly before all; if not, you
will declare your opinion: this promise in my hand." The monk held out
his hand, and the judges retired. "Then the friar went away, and I
have not seen him since, and no promises or oaths were able to make
him stay."[873] Thus the Reformation advanced in Switzerland Romande.
[873] Puis quand le frère fut parti, depuis ne l'ai vu, et nulles
promesses ni sermens ne l'ont pu faire demeurer. (Ibid.)
[Sidenote: OPPOSITION TO THE GOSPEL.]
But violent storms threatened to destroy the work that was hardly
begun. Romish agents from the Valais and from Savoy had crossed the
Rhone at St. Maurice, and were exciting the people to energetic
resistance. Tumultuous assemblages took place, in which dangerous
projects were discussed; the proclamations of the government were torn
down from the church-doors; troops of citizens paraded the city; the
drum beat in the streets to excite the populace against the reformer:
everywhere prevailed riot and sedition. Thus on the 16th February,
Farel ascended the pulpit for the first time after a short absence,
some Papist bands collected round the gate of the church, raised their
hands in tumult, uttered savage cries, and compelled the minister to
break off in his sermon.
[Sidenote: THE CONVERTED MONK.]
The council of Berne thereupon decreed that the parishioners of the
four mandemens should assemble. Those of Bex declared for the Reform;
Aigle followed their example, but with indecision; and in the
mountains above Ollon, the peasants not daring to maltreat Farel, set
their wives at him, who rushed upon him with their fulling-clubs. But
it was especially the parish of the Ormonds which, calm and proud at
the foot of its glaciers, signalized itself by its resistance. A
companion of Farel's labourers, named Claude (probably Claude de
Glontinis), when preaching there one day with great animation, was
suddenly interrupted by the ringing of the bells, whose noise was such
that one might have said all hell was busy pulling them. "In fact,"
says another herald of the Gospel, Jacques Comralis, who chanced to be
present, "it was Satan himself, who, breathing his anger into some of
his agents, filled the ears of the auditors with all this
uproar."[874] At another time, some zealous Reformers having thrown
down the altars of Baal, according to the language of the times, the
evil spirit began to blow with violence in all the chalets scattered
over the sides of the mountains; the shepherds issued precipitously
like avalanches, and fell upon the Church and the Reformers. "Let us
only find these sacrilegious wretches," cried the furious Ormondines;
"we will hang them,--we will cut off their heads,--we will burn
them,--we will throw their ashes into the Great Water."[875] Thus were
these mountaineers agitated, like the wind that roars in their lofty
valleys with a fury unknown to the inhabitants of the plains.
[874] Sed Sathan per ejus servos, voluit aures auditorum ejus sono
cymbali implere. (Neuchatel MS.)
[875] Quo invento suspenderetur primum, deinde dignus comburi,
alterius capitis obtruncatione, novissime in aquis mergeretur.
(Neuchatel MS.)
Other difficulties overwhelmed Farel. His fellow-labourers were not
all of them blameless. One Christopher Ballista, formerly a monk of
Paris, had written to Zwingle: "I am but a Gaul, a barbarian,[876] but
you will find me a man pure as snow, without any guile, of open heart,
through whose windows all the world may see."[877] Zwingle sent
Ballista to Farel, who was loudly calling for labourers in Christ's
vineyard. The fine language of the Parisian at first charmed the
multitude; but it was soon found necessary to beware of these priests
and monks disgusted with Popery. "Brought up in the slothfulness of
the cloister, gluttonous and lazy," says Farel, "Ballista could not
conform to the abstemiousness and rude labours of the Evangelists, and
soon began to regret his monk's hood. When he perceived the people
beginning to distrust him, he became like a furious monster, vomiting
waggon-loads of threats."[878] Thus ended his labours.
[876] Me quantumvis Gallum et barbarum. (Zw. Epp. ii. p. 205.)
[877] Absque ullo fuco, niveum, et aperti fenestratique pectoris.
(Ibid.)
[878] Quam beatus hic venter incanduit! quot minarum plaustra! Solent
tales belluæ, &c. (Neuchatel MS.)
[Sidenote: STATE--RELIGION.]
Notwithstanding all these trials, Farel was not discouraged. The
greater the difficulties, the more his energy increased. "Let us
scatter the seed everywhere," said he, "and let civilized France,
provoked to jealousy by this barbarous nation, embrace piety at last.
Let there not be in Christ's body either fingers, or hands, or feet,
or eyes, or ears, or arms, existing separately and working each for
itself, but let there be only one heart that nothing can divide. Let
not variety in secondary things divide into many separate members that
vital principle which is one and simple.[879] Alas! the pastures of
the Church are trodden under foot, and its waters are troubled! Let us
set our minds to concord and peace. When the Lord shall have opened
heaven, there will not be so many disputes about bread and water.[880]
A fervent charity--that is the powerful battering-ram with which we
shall beat down those proud walls, those material elements, with which
men would confine us."[881]
[879] Ne in digitos, manus, pedes, oculos, nares, aures, brachia, cor
quod unum est discindatur, et quæ in rebus est varietas, principium
non faciat multiplex. (Ibid.)
[880] An allusion to the controversies on anabaptism and the real
presence. Non tanta erit super aqua et pane contentio, nec super
gramine, solutaque obsidione. (Neuchatel MS.) The sense of these
latter words is obscure.
[881] Charitas fortissimus aries. (Farel to Bucer, 10th May, 1529.)
Thus wrote the most impetuous of the Reformers. These words of Farel,
preserved for three centuries in the city where he died, disclose to
us more clearly the intimate nature of the great Revolution of the
sixteenth century, than all the venturesome assertions of its Popish
interpreters. Christian unity thus from these earliest moments found a
zealous apostle. The nineteenth century is called to resume the work
which the sixteenth century was unable to accomplish.
[Sidenote: IRRESOLUTION OF BERNE.]
II. Of all the Swiss cantons, Berne appeared the least disposed to the
Reformation. A military state may be zealous for religion, but it will
be for an external and a disciplined religion; it requires an
ecclesiastical organization that it can see, and touch, and manage at
its will. It fears the innovations and the free movements of the Word
of God: it loves the form and not the life. Napoleon, by restoring
religion in France in the _Concordat_, has given us a memorable
example of this truth. Such, also, was the case with Berne. Its
government, besides, was absorbed by political interests, and although
it had little regard for the Pope, it cared still less to see a
Reformer put himself, as Zwingle did, at the head of public affairs.
As for the people, feasting on the "butter of their kine and milk of
their sheep, with fat of lambs,"[882] they remained closely shut up
within the narrow circle of their material wants. Religious questions
were not to the taste either of the rulers or of their fellow-citizens.
[882] Deut. xxxii. 14.
The Bernese government, being without experience in religious matters,
had proposed to check the movement of the Reform by its edict of 1523.
As soon as it discovered its mistake, it moved towards the cantons
that adhered to the ancient faith; and while that portion of the
people whence the Great Council was recruited, listened to the voice
of the Reformers, most of the patrician families, who composed the
Smaller Council, believing their power, their interests, and their
honor menaced, attached themselves to the old order of things. From
this opposition of the two councils there arose a general uneasiness,
but no violent shocks. Sudden movements, repeated starts, announced
from time to time that incongruous matters were fermenting in the
nation; it was like an indistinct earthquake, which raises the whole
surface without causing any rents: then anon all returns to apparent
tranquillity.[883] Berne, which was always decided in its politics,
turned in religious matters at one time to the right, and at another
to the left; and declared that it would be neither Popish nor
Reformed. To gain time was, for the new faith, to gain everything.
[883] Hundeshagen, Conflikte der Bernischen Kirche, p. 19.
[Sidenote: ALMANACK OF HERETICS.]
What was done to turn aside Berne from the Reformation, was the very
cause of precipitating it into the new way. The haughtiness with which
the five primitive cantons arrogated the guardianship of their
confederates, the secret conferences to which Berne was not even
invited, and the threat of addressing the people in a direct manner,
deeply offended the Bernese oligarchs. Thomas Murner, a Carmelite of
Lucerne, one of those rude men who act upon the populace, but who
inspire disgust in elevated minds, made the cup run over. Furious
against the Zurich calendar, in which the names of the saints had been
purposely omitted, he published in opposition to it the "Almanack of
Heretics and Church-robbers," a tract filled with lampoons and
invectives, in which the portraits of the Reformers and of their
adherents, among whom were many of the most considerable men of Berne,
were coupled with the most brutal inscriptions.[884] Zurich and Berne
in conjunction demanded satisfaction, and from this time the union of
these two states daily became closer.
[884] Quum nudus-tertius _Murneri_ Calendarium legissem, partim
ridendo hominis stultissimam impudentiam. (Œcolamp. to Zwingle, Febr.
1527, Epp. ii. p. 26.)
This change was soon perceived at Berne. The elections of 1527 placed
a considerable number of friends of the Reform in the Great Council;
and this body, forthwith resuming its right to nominate the members of
the Smaller Council, which had been usurped for twenty years by the
Bannerets and the Sixteen, removed from the government the most
decided partisans of the Roman hierarchy, and among others Gaspard de
Mulinen and Sebastian de Stein,[885] and filled the vacancies with
members of the Evangelical majority. The union of Church and State,
which had hitherto checked the progress of the Reform in Switzerland,
was now about to accelerate its movements.
[885] Mullinen e Senatoria dignitate protrusus est. Lapides quoque.
(Haller to Zwingle, April 25, 1527. Ibid. p. 49.)
[Sidenote: ANABAPTISTS IN BERNE.]
The Reformer Haller was not alone in Berne. Kolb had quitted the
Carthusian monastery at Nuremberg, in which he had been compelled to
take refuge, and had appeared before his compatriots, demanding no
other stipend than the liberty of preaching Jesus Christ. Already
bending under the weight of years, his head crowned with hoary locks,
Kolb, young in heart, full of fire, and of indomitable courage,
presented boldly before the chiefs of the nation that Gospel which
had saved him. Haller, on the contrary, although only thirty-five
years old, moved with a measured step, spoke with gravity, and
proclaimed the new doctrines with unusual circumspection. The old man
had taken the young man's part, and the youth that of the graybeard.
Zwingle, whose eye nothing escaped, saw that a favourable hour for
Berne was coming, and immediately gave the signal. "The dove
commissioned to examine the state of the waters is returning with an
olive-branch into the ark," wrote he to Haller; "come forth now, thou
second Noah, and take possession of the land. Enforce, be earnest, and
fix deeply in the hearts of men the hooks and grapnels of the Word of
God, so that they can never again be rid of them."[886]--"Your bears,"
wrote he to Thomas ab Hofen, "have again put forth their claws. Please
God that they do not draw them back until they have torn everything in
pieces that opposes Jesus Christ."
[886] Aculeos ac hamos, sic in mortalium pectora dimitte, ut etiam si
velint, non possint. (Zw. Epp. ii. p. 10.)
[Sidenote: VICTORY OF THE GOSPEL.]
Haller and his friends were on the point of replying to this appeal,
when their situation became complicated. Some Anabaptists, who formed
everywhere the extreme party, arriving in Berne in 1527, led away the
people from the Evangelical preachers "on account of the presence of
idols."[887] Haller had a useless conference with them. "To what
dangers is not Christianity exposed," cried he, "wherever these furies
have crept in!"[888] There has never been any revival in the Church,
without the hierarchical or radical sects immediately endeavouring to
disturb it. Haller, although alarmed, still maintained his unalterable
meekness. "The magistrates are desirous of banishing them," said he;
"but it is our duty to drive out their errors, and not their persons.
Let us employ no other weapons than the sword of the Spirit."[889] It
was not from Popery that the Reformers had learnt these principles. A
public disputation took place. Six Anabaptists declared themselves
convinced, and two others were sent out of the country.
[887] Ne plebem dehortentur ab auditione concionum nostrarum ob
idolorum præsentiam. (Zw. Epp. ii. p. 49.)
[888] Consideravimus omnes periculum urbis nostræ et totius
Christianismi, ubi illæ furiæ irrepserint. (Ibid. p. 50.)
[889] Nostrum est, omnio gladio spiritus refellere. (Ibid.)
The decisive moment was drawing near. The two great powers of the age,
the Gospel and the Papacy, were stirring with equal energy; the
Bernese councils were to speak out. They saw on the one hand the five
primitive cantons taking daily a more threatening attitude, and
announcing that the Austrian would soon reappear in Helvetia, to
reduce it once more into subjection to Rome; and on the other they
beheld the Gospel every day gaining ground in the Confederation. Which
was destined to prevail in Switzerland--the lances of Austria or the
Word of God? In the uncertainty in which the councils were placed,
they resolved to side with the majority. Where could they discover a
firm footing, if not there? _Vox populi, vox Dei._ "No one," said
they, "can make any change of his own private authority: the consent
of all is necessary."[890]
[890] Ut privata auctoritate nemo quippiam immutare præsumat (Haller
to Vadian.)
The government of Berne had to decide between two mandates, both
emanating from its authority: that of 1523, in favour of the free
preaching of the Gospel, and that of 1526, in favour "of the
sacraments, the saints, the mother of God, and the ornaments of the
churches." State messengers set out and traversed every parish: the
people gave their votes against every law contrary to liberty, and the
councils, supported by the nation, decreed that "the Word of God
should be preached publicly and freely, even if it should be in
opposition to the statutes and doctrines of men." Such was the victory
of the Gospel and of the people over the oligarchy and the priests.
[Sidenote: PAPIST PROVOCATIONS.]
Contentions immediately arose throughout the canton, and every parish
became a battle-field. The peasants began to dispute with the priests
and monks, in reliance on the Holy Scriptures. "If the mandate of our
lords," said many, "accords to our pastors the liberty of preaching,
why should it not grant the flock the liberty of acting?"--"Peace,
peace!" cried the councils, alarmed at their own boldness. But the
flocks resolutely declared that they would send away the Mass, and
keep their pastors and the Bible.[891] Upon this the Papal partisans
grew violent. "Heretics, rascals, wantons," said the banneret
Kuttler[892] to the good people of Emmenthal; and these peasants
obliged him to make an apology. The bailiff of Trachselwald was more
cunning. Seeing the inhabitants of Rudersweil listening with eagerness
to the Word of God, which a pious minister was preaching to them, he
came with fifers and trumpeters, and interrupted the sermon, inviting
the village girls by words and by lively tunes to quit the church for
the dance.
[891] Incolas vallis Emmenthal Senatum adiisse, _missam_que _missam
fecisse_. (Zw. Epp. ii. p. 104.)
[892] Pueros, hereticos, et homines lascivos. (Ibid. p. 106.)
These singular provocations did not check the Reform. Six of the city
companies (the shoe-makers, weavers, merchants, bakers, stone-masons,
and carpenters) abolished in the churches and convents of their
district all masses, anniversaries, advowsons, and prebends. Three
others (the tanners, smiths, and tailors) prepared to imitate
them;[893] the seven remaining companies were undecided, except the
butchers, who were enthusiasts for the Pope. Thus the majority of the
citizens had embraced the Gospel. Many parishes throughout the canton
had done the same; and the avoyer d'Erlach, the great adversary of the
Reformation, could no longer keep the torrent within bounds.
[893] Haller to Zwingle, 4th November, 1527. (Epp. ii. p. 105.)
[Sidenote: PROPOSED DISPUTATION.]
Yet the attempt was made: the bailiffs were ordered to note the
irregularities and dissolute lives of the monks and nuns; all women of
loose morals were even turned out of the cloisters.[894] But it was
not against these abuses alone that the Reformation was levelled; it
was against the institutions themselves, and against Popery on which
they were founded. The people must therefore decide.--"The Bernese
clergy," said they, "must be convoked, as at Zurich, and let the two
doctrines be discussed in a solemn conference. We will proceed
afterwards in conformity with the result."
[894] J. J. Hottinger, H. Kirchen, viii. p. 394.
On the Sunday following the festival of Saint Martin (11th November),
the council and citizens unanimously resolved that a public
disputation should take place at the beginning of the succeeding year.
"The glory of God and his Word," said they, "will at length appear!"
Bernese and strangers, priests and laymen, all were invited by letter
or by printed notice to come and discuss the controverted points, but
by Scripture alone, without the glosses of the ancients, and
renouncing all subtleties and abusive language.[895] Who knows, said
they, if all the members of the ancient Swiss confederation may not be
thus brought to unity of faith?
[895] Solam sacram Scripturam, absque veterum glossematis. (Haller to
Zwingle, 19th November 1527. Epp. ii. p. 113.)
Thus, within the walls of Berne, the struggle was about to take place
that would decide the fate of Switzerland; for the example of the
Bernese must necessarily lead with it a great part of the
Confederation.
[Sidenote: IMPORTANT QUESTION.]
The Five Cantons, alarmed at this intelligence, met at Lucerne, when
they were joined by Fribourg, Soleure and Glaris. There was nothing
either in the letter or in the spirit of the federal compact to
obstruct religious liberty. "Every state," said Zurich, "is free to
choose the doctrine that it desires to profess." The Waldstettes,[896]
on the contrary, wished to deprive the cantons of this independence,
and to subject them to the federal majority and to the Pope. They
protested, therefore, in the name of the confederation against the
proposed discussion. "Your ministers," wrote they to Berne, "dazzled
and confounded at Baden by the brightness of truth, would desire by
this new discussion to hide their shame; but we entreat you to desist
from a plan so contrary to our ancient alliances."--"It is not we who
have infringed them," replied Berne; "it is much rather your haughty
missive that has destroyed them. We will not abandon the Word of our
Lord Jesus Christ." Upon this the Roman cantons decided to refuse all
safe-conduct to those who should proceed to Berne. This was giving
token of sinister intentions.
[896] The inhabitants of the primitive democratic cantons, Schwytz,
Uri, Underwald, and Lucerne, to which Zug may be added.
The four bishops of Lausanne, Constance, Basle, and Sion, being
invited to the conference under pain of forfeiting all their
privileges in the canton of Berne, replied that, since it was to be a
disputation according to the Scriptures, they had nothing to do with
it. Thus did these priests forget the words of one of the most
illustrious Roman doctors of the fifteenth century: "In heavenly
things man should be independent of his fellows, and trust in God
alone."[897]
[897] John Goch, Dialogus de quatuor erroribus, p. 237.
The Romanist doctors followed the example of the bishops. Eck, Murner,
Cochlœus, and many others said everywhere: "We have received the
letter of this leper, of this accursed heretic Zwingle.[898] They want
to take the Bible for their judge; but has the Bible a voice against
those who do it violence? We will not go to Berne; we will not crawl
into that obscure corner of the world; we will not go and combat in
that gloomy cavern, in that school of heretics. Let these villains
come out into the open air, and contend with us on level ground, if
they have the Bible on their side, as they say." The Emperor ordered
the discussion to be adjourned; but on the very day of its opening,
the council of Berne replied, that as every one was already assembled,
delay was impossible.
[898] Epistolam leprosi, damnati, hæretici Zwinglii accepi. (Eck to G.
A. Zell, Zw. Epp. ii. p. 126.)
[Sidenote: UNEQUAL CONTEST.]
Then, in despite of the doctors and bishops, the Helvetic Church
assembled to decide upon its doctrines. Had it a right to do so?
No;--not if priests and bishops were appointed, as Rome pretends, to
form a mystic bond between the Church and our Lord; Yes--if they were
established, as the Bible declares, only to satisfy that law of order
by virtue of which all society should have a directing power. The
opinions of the Swiss Reformers in this respect were not doubtful. The
grace which creates the minister comes from the Lord, thought they;
but the Church examines this grace, acknowledges it, proclaims it by
the elders, and in every act in which faith is concerned, it can
always appeal from the minister to the Word of God. _Try the
spirits--prove all things_, it says to the faithful. The Church is the
judge of controversies;[899] and it is this duty, in which it should
never be found wanting, that it was now about to fulfil in the
disputation at Berne.
[899] _Judex controversiarum_--1 John iv. 1; 1 Thess. v. 21.
The contest seemed unequal. On one side appeared the Roman hierarchy,
a giant which had increased in strength during many centuries; and on
the other, there was at first but one weak and timid man, the modest
Berthold Haller. "I cannot wield the sword of the Word," said he in
alarm to his friends. "If you do not stretch out your hands to me, all
is over." He then threw himself trembling at the feet of the Lord, and
soon arose enlightened and exclaiming, "Faith in the Saviour gives me
courage, and scatters all my fears."[900]
[900] Fides in Dominum me animat, ut nihil verear. (Zw. Epp. ii. p.
123.)
Yet he could not remain alone: all his looks were turned towards
Zwingle: "It was I who took the bath at Baden," wrote Œcolampadius to
Haller, "and now it is Zwingle who should lead off the bear-dance in
Berne."[901]--"We are between the hammer and the anvil," wrote Haller
to Zwingle; "we hold the wolf by the ears, and know not how to let him
go.[902] The houses of De Watteville, Noll, Tremp, and Berthold are
open to you. Come, then, and command the battle in person."
[901] An allusion to the dispute at Baden, a celebrated bathing-place,
and to the arms of Berne. (Ibid. p. 118.)
[902] Lupum auribus tenemus. (Zurich MS.)
[Sidenote: A CHRISTIAN BAND.]
Zwingle did not hesitate. He demanded permission of the Council of
Zurich to visit Berne, in order to show there "that his teaching was
full of the fear of God, and not blasphemous; mighty to spread concord
through Switzerland, and not to cause troubles and dissension."[903]
At the very time that Haller received news of Zwingle's coming,
Œcolampadius wrote to him: "I am ready, if it be necessary, to
sacrifice my life. Let us inaugurate the new year by embracing one
another to the glory of Jesus Christ." Other doctors wrote to the same
effect. "These, then," cried Haller with emotion, "these are the
auxiliaries that the Lord sends to my infirmity, to aid me in fighting
this rude battle!"
[903] Neque ad perturbationem nostræ almæ Helvetiæ. (Zw. Epp. ii. p.
120.)
It was necessary to proceed with circumspection, for the violence of
the oligarchs and of the Five Cantons was well known.[904] The doctors
of Glaris, Schaffhausen, St. Gall, Constance, Ulm, Lindau and
Augsburg, assembled at Zurich, to proceed under the same escort as
Zwingle, Pellican, Collin, Megander, Grossman, the commander Schmidt,
Bullinger, and a great number of the rural clergy, selected to
accompany the reformer. "When all this game traverses the country,"
said the pensioners, "we will go a-hunting, and see if we cannot kill
some, or at least catch them and put them into a cage."
[904] Oligarchæ in angulis obmurmurent. (Ibid. p. 123.)
Three hundred chosen men, selected from the companies of Zurich and
from the parishes within its precincts, donned their breastplates and
shouldered their arquebuses; but in order not to give the journey of
these doctors the appearance of a military expedition, they took
neither colours, fife, nor drum; and the trumpeter of the city, a
civil officer, rode alone at the head of the company.
[Sidenote: OPENING OF THE CONFERENCE.]
On Tuesday the 2d of January they set out. Never had Zwingle appeared
more cheerful. "Glory be to the Lord," said he, "my courage increases
every day."[905] The burgomaster Roust, the town-clerk of Mangoldt,
with Funck and Jaëkli, both masters of arts, and all four delegated by
the council, were on horseback near him. They reached Berne on the 4th
of January, having had only one or two unimportant alarms.
[905] Crescit, Domino gloria, mihi animus in hac pugna. (Zw. Epp.
Vadiano.)
The Cordeliers' Church was to serve as the place of conference.
Tillmann, the city architect, had made arrangements according to a
plan furnished by Zwingle.[906] A large platform had been erected on
which were placed two tables, and around them sat the champions of the
two parties. On the evangelical side were remarked, besides Haller,
Zwingle, and Œcolampadius, many distinguished men of the Reformed
Church, strangers to Switzerland, as Bucer, Capito, and Ambrose
Blarer. On the side of the papacy, Dr. Treger of Friburg, who enjoyed
a high reputation, appeared to keep up the fire of the combat. As for
the rest, whether through fear or contempt, the most famous Roman
doctors were absent.
[906] Tillmannus urbis architectus locum juxta tuam deformationem
operabit. (Ibid. ii p. 123.)
The first act was to publish the regulations of the conference. "No
proof shall be proposed that is not drawn from the Holy Scriptures,
and no explanation shall be given of those scriptures, that does not
come from Scripture itself, explaining obscure texts by such as are
clear." After this, one of the secretaries, rising to call over the
roll, shouted with a loud voice that re-echoed through the
church,--The Bishop of Constance! No one replied. He did the same for
the bishops of Zion, Basle, and Lausanne. Neither of these prelates
was present at this meeting, either in person or by deputy. The Word
of God being destined to reign alone, the Roman hierarchy did not
appear. These two powers cannot walk together. There were present
about three hundred and fifty Swiss and German ecclesiastics.
[Sidenote: CHRIST, THE SOLE HEAD.]
On Tuesday, 7th January, 1528, the burgomaster Vadianus, of St. Gall,
one of the presidents, opened the disputation. After him the aged Kolb
stood up, and said: "God is at this moment agitating the whole world,
let us, therefore, humble ourselves before him," and he pronounced
with fervour a confession of sins.
When this was done, the first thesis was read. It was thus drawn up.
"The Holy Christian Church, of which Christ is the sole head, is born
of the Word of God, abideth in it, and listeneth not to the voice of a
stranger."
ALEXIS GRAT, a Dominican monk,--"The word _sole_ is not in Scripture.
Christ has left a vicar here below."
HALLER.--"The vicar that Christ left is the Holy Ghost."
TREGER.--"See then to what a pass things have come these last ten
years. This man calls himself a Lutheran, that a Zwinglian; a third, a
Carlstadtian; a fourth an Œcolampadist; a fifth, an Anabaptist......"
BUCER.--"Whosoever preacheth Jesus as the only Saviour, we recognize
as our brother. Neither Luther, nor Zwingle, nor Œcolampadius, desires
the faithful to bear his name. Besides, you should not boast so much
of a mere external unity. When antichrist gained the upperhand
throughout the world, in the East by Mahomet, in the West by the Pope,
he was able to keep the people in unity of error. God permits
divisions, in order that those who belong to him may learn to look not
to men, but to the testimony of the Word, and to the assurance of the
Holy Ghost in their hearts. Thus then, dearly beloved brethren, to the
Scriptures, the Scriptures![907] O Church of Berne, hold fast to the
teaching of Him who said, _Come unto me_, and not, _Come unto my
vicar_!"
[907] Darum fromme Christen! Zur Schrift, zur Schrift! (Acta Zw. ii.
p. 92.)
The disputation then turned successively on Tradition, the Merits of
Christ, Transubstantiation, the Mass, Prayer to the Saints, Purgatory,
Images, Celibacy, and the Disorders of the Clergy. Rome found numerous
defenders, and among others, Murer, priest of Rapperswyl, who had
said: "If they wish to burn the two ministers of Berne, I will
undertake to carry them both to the stake."
[Sidenote: REMARKABLE CONVERSION.]
On Sunday, the 19th of January the day on which the doctrine of the
Mass was attacked, Zwingle, desirous of acting on the people also,
went into the pulpit, and reciting the Apostles' Creed, made a pause
after these words: "He ascended into heaven, and sitteth on the right
hand of God the Father Almighty; from thence he shall come to judge
the quick and the dead." "These three articles," said he, "are in
contradiction to the Mass." All his hearers redoubled their attention;
and a priest, clothed in his sacerdotal vestments; who was preparing
to celebrate the holy sacrifice in one of the chapels, stopped in
astonishment at Zwingle's words. Erect before the consecrated altar on
which lay the chalice and the body of the Saviour, with eyes fixed
upon the reformer, whose words electrified the people, a prey to the
most violent struggles, and beaten down by the weight of truth, the
agitated priest resolved to sacrifice every thing for it. In the
presence of the whole assembly, he stripped off his priestly
ornaments, and throwing them on the altar, he exclaimed: "Unless the
Mass reposes on a more solid foundation, I can celebrate it no
longer!" The noise of this conversion, effected at the very foot of
the altar, immediately spread through the city,[908] and it was
regarded as an important omen. So long as the Mass remains, Rome has
gained everything: as soon as the Mass falls, Rome has lost all. The
Mass is the creative principle of the whole system of Popery.
[908] Das lachet menklich und ward durch die gantzen Stadt kundt.
(Bulling, i. p. 436.) In this and other quotations, we preserve the
orthography of the times.
[Sidenote: ST. VINCENT'S DAY.]
Three days later, on the 22d January, was the feast of St. Vincent,
the patron of the city. The disputation that had been carried on
during Sunday was suspended on that day. The canons asked the council
what they were to do. "Such of you," replied the council, "as receive
the doctrine of the theses ought not to say Mass; the others may
perform divine worship as usual."[909] Every preparation was
accordingly made for the solemnity. On St. Vincent's eve the bells
from every steeple announced the festival to the inhabitants of Berne.
On the morrow the sacristans lit up the tapers; incense filled the
temple, but no one appeared. No priests to say Mass, no faithful to
hear it! Already there was a vast chasm in the Roman sanctuary, a deep
silence, as on the field of battle, where none but the dead are lying.
[909] Bullinger says, on the contrary, that the council positively
forbade the Mass. But Bullinger, who is a very animated writer, is not
always exact in diplomatic matters. The council would not have come to
such a resolution before the close of the discussion. Other
contemporary historians and official documents leave no room for doubt
on this point. Stettler, in his Chronicle, pars ii. p. 6, ad annum
1528, details these proceedings as in the text.
In the evening it was the custom for the canons to chaunt vespers with
great pomp. The organist was at his post, but no one else appeared.
The poor man left thus alone, beholding with sorrow the fall of that
worship by which he gained his bread, gave utterance to his grief by
playing a mourning-hymn instead of the majestic _Magnificat_: "Oh,
wretched Judas, what hast thou done, that thou hast thus betrayed our
Lord?" After this sad farewell, he rose and went out. Almost
immediately, some men, excited by the passions of the moment, fell
upon his beloved organ, an accomplice in their eyes of so many
superstitious rites, and their violent hands broke it to pieces. No
more Mass, no more organ, no more anthems! A new Supper and new hymns
shall succeed the rites of Popery.
On the next day there was the same silence. Suddenly, however, a band
of men with loud voices and hasty steps was heard. It was the
Butchers' Company that, at this moment so fatal to Rome, desired to
support it. They advanced, carrying small fir-trees and green
branches, for the decoration of their chapel. In the midst of them was
a foreign priest, behind whom walked a few poor scholars. The priest
officiated; the sweet voices of the scholars supplied the place of the
mute organ, and the butchers retired proud of their victory.
[Sidenote: PAPIST BITTERNESS.]
The discussion was drawing to a close: the combatants had dealt
vigorous blows. Burgauer, pastor of St. Gall, had maintained the real
presence in the Host; but on the 19th January he declared himself
convinced by the reasonings of Zwingle, Œcolampadius, and Bucer; and
Matthias, minister of Saengen, had done the same.
A conference in Latin afterwards took place between Farel and a
Parisian doctor. The latter advanced a strange argument. "Christians,"
said he, "are enjoined to obey the devil;[910] for it is said, _Submit
unto thine adversary_ (Matt. v. 25); now, our adversary is the devil.
How much more, then, should we submit to the Church!" Loud bursts of
laughter greeted this remarkable syllogism. A discussion with the
Anabaptists terminated the conference.
[910] Nos tenemur obedire diabolo. (J. J. Hottinger, iii. p. 405.)
The two councils decreed that the Mass should be abolished, and that
every one might remove from the churches the ornaments he had placed
there.
Immediately twenty-five altars and a great number of images were
destroyed in the cathedral, yet without disorder or bloodshed; and the
children began to sing in the streets (as Luther informs us):[911]--
By the Word at length we're saved
From a God in a mortar brayed.
[911] Pueri in plateis cantant: se esse a Deo pisto liberatos. (L.
Epp. iii. p. 290.)
[Sidenote: NECESSITY OF REFORM.]
The hearts of the adherents of the Papacy were filled with bitterness
as they heard the objects of their adoration fall one after another.
"Should any man," said John Schneider, "take away the altar of the
Butchers' Company, I will take away his life." Peter Thorman compared
the cathedral stripped of its ornaments to a stable. "When the good
folks of the Oberland come to market," added he, "they will be happy
to put up their cattle in it." And John Zehender, member of the Great
Council, to show the little value he set on such a place of worship,
entered it riding on an ass, insulting and cursing the Reform. A
Bernese, who chanced to be there, having said to him, "It is by God's
will that these images have been pulled down,"--"Say rather by the
devil's," replied Zehender; "when have you ever been with God so as to
learn his will?" He was fined twenty livres, and expelled from the
council.[912] "What times! what manners!" exclaimed many; "what
culpable neglect! How easy would it have been to prevent so great a
misfortune! Oh! if our bishops had only been willing to occupy
themselves more with learning and a little less with their
mistresses!"[913]
[912] History of Berne, by Tillier, iii. p. 257.
[913] Si studiorum quam scortorum nostri episcopi amantiores essent.
(Ruchat, i. p. 576. Letter of J. de Munster, priest at Soleure.)
This Reform was necessary. When Christianity in the fourth century had
seen the favour of princes succeed to persecution, a crowd of heathens
rushing into the church had brought with them the images, pomps,
statues, and demigods of Paganism, and a likeness of the mysteries of
Greece and Asia, and above all of Egypt, had banished the Word of
Jesus Christ from the Christian oratories. This Word returning in the
sixteenth century, a purification must necessarily take place; but it
could not be done without grievous rents.
[Sidenote: ZWINGLE'S SERMON.]
The departure of the strangers was drawing near. On the 28th January,
the day after that on which the images and altars had been thrown
down, while their piled fragments still encumbered here and there the
porches and the aisles of the cathedral, Zwingle crossing these
eloquent ruins, once more ascended the pulpit in the midst of an
immense crowd. In great emotion, directing his eyes by turns on these
fragments and on the people, he said: "Victory has declared for the
truth, but perseverance alone can complete the triumph. Christ
persevered even until death. _Ferendo vincitur fortuna._ Cornelius
Scipio, after the disaster at Cannæ, having learnt that the generals
surviving the slaughter meditated quitting Italy, entered the
senate-house, although not yet of senatorial age, drew his sword, and
constrained the affrighted chiefs to swear that they would not abandon
Rome. Citizens of Berne, to you I address the same demand: do not
abandon Jesus Christ."
We may easily imagine the effect produced on the people by such words,
pronounced with Zwingle's energetic eloquence.
Then, turning towards the fragments that lay near him: "Behold," said
he, "behold these idols! Behold them conquered, mute, and shattered
before us! These corpses must be dragged to the shambles, and the gold
you have spent upon these foolish images must henceforward be devoted
to comforting in their misery the living images of God. Feeble souls,
ye shed tears over these sad idols; do ye not see that they break, do
ye not hear that they crack like any other wood, or like any other
stone? Look! here is one deprived of its head......(Zwingle pointed to
the image, and all the people fixed their eyes upon it); here is
another maimed of its arms.[914] If this ill usage had done any harm
to the saints that are in heaven, and if they had the power ascribed
to them, would you have been able, I pray, to cut off their arms and
their heads?"
[914] Hie lüt einer, dem ist's houpt ab, dem andern ein arm, &c. (Zw.
Opp. ii. p. 228.)
"Now then," said the powerful orator in conclusion, "stand fast in the
liberty wherewith Christ has made you free, and be not entangled again
with the yoke of bondage (Gal. v. 1). Fear not! That God who has
enlightened you, will enlighten your confederates also, and
Switzerland, regenerated by the Holy Ghost, shall flourish in
righteousness and peace."
[Sidenote: ZWINGLE TRIUMPHANT.]
The words of Zwingle were not lost. The mercy of God called forth that
of man. Some persons condemned to die for sedition, were pardoned, and
all the exiles were recalled. "Should we not have done so," said the
council, "had a great prince visited us? Shall we not much more do so,
now that the King of kings and the Redeemer of our souls has made his
entry among us, bearing an everlasting amnesty?"[915]
[915] Da der König aller Könige......(Haller, by Kirchhofer, p. 439.)
The Romish cantons, exasperated at the result of the discussion,
sought to harass the return of the doctors. On arriving before
Bremgarten, they found the gates closed. The bailiff Schutz, who had
accompanied them with two hundred men-at-arms, placed two halberdiers
before Zwingle's horse, two behind him, and one on each side; then
putting himself at the Reformer's left hand, while the burgomaster
Roust stationed himself on the right, he ordered the escort to
proceed, lance in rest.[916] The avoyers of the town being
intimidated, came to a parley; the gates were opened; the escort
traversed Bremgarten amidst an immense crowd, and on the 1st February
reached Zurich without accident, which Zwingle re-entered, says
Luther, like a conqueror.[917]
[916] Mit iren Spyessen für den hauffen. (Bull. chr. i. p. 439.)
[917] Zwingel triumphator et imperator gloriosus. (L. Epp. iii. p.
290.)
The Roman-catholic party did not dissemble the check they had
received. "Our cause is falling," said the friends of Rome.[918] "Oh!
that we had had men skilled in the Bible! The impetuosity of Zwingle
supported our adversaries; his ardour was never relaxed. That brute
has more knowledge than was imagined.[919] Alas! alas! the greater
party has vanquished the better."[920]
[918] Ruunt res nostræ. (Letter of the priest J. de Muller, an
eye-witness of the discussion. Rachat. i. p. 575.)
[919] Doctior tamen hæc bellua est quam putabam. (Ibid.)
[920] Vicitque pars major meliorem. (Ibid.)
The Council of Berne, desirous of separating from the Pope, relied
upon the people. On the 30th January, messengers going from house to
house convoked the citizens; and on the 2d February, the burgesses and
inhabitants, masters and servants, uniting in the cathedral, and
forming but one family, with hands upraised to heaven, swore to defend
the two councils in all they should undertake for the good of the
State or of the Church.
[Sidenote: EDICT OF REFORM.]
On the 7th February 1528, the council published a general edict of
Reform, and "threw for ever from the necks of the Bernese the yoke of
the four bishops, who," said they, "know well how to shear their
sheep, but not how to feed them."[921]
[921] Bull. Chron. i. p. 466.
At the same time the Reformed doctrines were spreading among the
people. In every quarter might be heard earnest and keen dialogues,
written in rhyme by Manuel, in which the pale and expiring Mass,
stretched on her deathbed, was loudly calling for all her physicians,
and finding their advice useless, at last dictating with a broken
voice her last will and testament, which the people received with loud
bursts of laughter.
The Reformation generally, and that of Berne in particular, has been
reproached as being brought about by political motives. But, on the
contrary, Berne, which of all the Helvetic states was the greatest
favourite of the court of Rome--which had in its canton neither a
bishop to dismiss nor a powerful clergy to humiliate--Berne, whose
most influential families, the Weingartens, Manuels, Mays, were
reluctant to sacrifice the pay and the service of the foreigner, and
all whose traditions were conservative, ought to have opposed the
movement. The Word of God was the power that overcame this political
tendency.[922]
[922] Hundeshagen, conflicte der Bernerkirche, p. 22.
[Sidenote: THE REFORM ACCEPTED.]
At Berne, as elsewhere, it was neither a learned, nor a democratic,
nor a sectarian spirit that gave birth to the Reformation. Undoubtedly
the men of letters, the liberals, the sectarian enthusiasts, rushed
into the great struggle of the sixteenth century; but the duration of
the Reform would not have been long had it received its life from
them. The primitive strength of Christianity, reviving after ages of
long and complete prostration, was the creative principle of the
Reformation; and it was erelong seen to separate distinctly from the
false allies that had presented themselves, to reject an incredulous
learning by elevating the study of the classics, to check all
demagogic anarchy by upholding the principles of true liberty, and to
repudiate the enthusiastic sects by consecrating the rights of the
Word and of the christian people.
But while we maintain that the Reformation was at Berne, as elsewhere,
a truly christian work, we are far from saying that it was not useful
to the canton in a political sense. All the European states that have
embraced the Reformation have been elevated, while those which have
combated it have been lowered.
III. It now became a question of propagating throughout all the canton
the reform accomplished in the city. On the 17th February, the council
invited the rural parishes to assemble on the following Sunday to
receive and deliberate upon a communication. The whole Church,
according to the ancient usage of Christendom, was about to decide for
itself on its dearest interests.
The assemblies were crowded; all conditions and ages were present.
Beside the hoary and the trembling head of the aged man might be seen
the sparkling eye of the youthful shepherd. The messengers of the
council first read the edict of the Reformation. They next proclaimed
that those who accepted it should remain, and that those who rejected
it should withdraw.
Almost all the assembled parishioners remained in their places. An
immense majority of the people chose the Bible. In some few parishes
this decision was accompanied with energetic demonstrations. At
Arberg, Zofingen, Brugg, Arau, and Buren, the images were burnt. "At
Stauffberg," it was said, "idols were seen carrying idols, and
throwing one another into the flames."[923]
[923] Da tregt ein Götz den andern in das fhüwr. (Bull. Chron. ii. p.
1.) A man whose business it was to shear the flocks, and who had been
nicknamed Götz-scherer (idol-shearer), had made himself very
distinguished among those who carried the images to the fire. Such was
the origin of this popular legend, and it is the key to many others.
[Sidenote: FAITH AND CHARITY.]
The images and the Mass had disappeared from this vast canton. "A
great cry resounded far and wide," writes Bullinger.[924] In one day
Rome had fallen throughout the country, without treachery, violence,
or seduction, by the strength of truth alone. In some places, however,
in the Hasli, at Frutigen, Unterseen, and Grindelwald, the malcontents
were heard to say: "If they abolish the Mass, they should also abolish
tithes." The Roman form of worship was preserved in the Upper
Simmenthal, a proof that there was no compulsion on the part of the
state.
[924] Das wyt und breit ein gross geschrey und wunder gepar. (Bull.
Chron. ii. p. 1.)
The wishes of the canton being thus manifested, Berne completed the
Reformation. All excesses in gambling, drinking, and dancing, and all
unbecoming dress, were forbidden by proclamation. The houses of
ill-fame were destroyed, and their wretched inhabitants expelled from
the city.[925] A consistory was appointed to watch over the public
morals.
[925] J. J. Hottinger, iii. p. 414.
Seven days after the edict, the poor were received into the Dominican
cloister, and a little later the convent of the Island was changed
into an hospital; the princely monastery of Königsfield was also
devoted to the same useful purpose. Charity followed everywhere in the
steps of faith. "We will show," said the council, "that we do not use
the property of the convents to our own advantage;" and they kept
their word. The poor were clothed with the priests' garments; the
orphans were decorated with the ornaments of the Church. So strict
were they in these distributions, that the state was forced to borrow
money to pay the annuities of the monks and nuns; and for eight days
there was not a crown in the public treasury.[926] Thus it was that
the State, as it has been continually repeated, grew rich with the
spoils of the Church! At the same time they invited from Zurich the
ministers Hoffmeister, Megander, and Rhellican, to spread throughout
the canton the knowledge of the classics and of the Holy Scriptures.
[926] Hoc unum tibi dico secretissime. (Haller to Zwingle, 21st
January, 1530.)
[Sidenote: FIRST EVANGELICAL COMMUNION.]
At Easter the Lord's Supper was celebrated for the first time
according to the Evangelical rites. The two councils and all the
people, with few exceptions, partook of it. Strangers were struck with
the solemnity of this first communion. The citizens of Berne and their
wives, dressed in decent garments, which recalled the ancient Swiss
simplicity, approached Christ's table with gravity and fervour;[927]
the heads of the state showed the same holy devotion as the people,
and piously received the bread from the hands of Berthold Haller. Each
one felt that the Lord was among them. Thus Hoffmeister, charmed at
this solemn service, exclaimed: "How can the adversaries of the Word
refuse to embrace the truth at last, seeing that God himself renders
it so striking a testimony!"[928]
[927] Relucet enim in illorum vestitu et habitu nescio quid veteris
illius Helvetiæ simplicitatis. (Hoffmeister to Zwingle. Zw. Epp. ii.
p. 167.)
[928] Ea res magnam spem mihi injecit de illis lucrandis qui hactenus
fuerunt male morigeri verbo. (Ibid.)
Yet everything was not changed. The friends of the Gospel witnessed
with pain the sons of the chief families of the republic parading the
streets in costly garments, inhabiting sumptuous houses in the city,
dwelling in magnificent mansions in the country--true seignorial
abodes, following the chase with hound and horn, sitting down to
luxurious banquets, conversing in licentious language, or talking with
enthusiasm of foreign wars and of the French party. "Ah!" said that
pious people, "could we but see old Switzerland revive with its old
virtues!"
[Sidenote: HEAD OF BEATUS.]
There was soon a powerful reaction. The annual renewal of the
magistrature being about to take place, the councillor Butschelbach, a
violent adversary of the Gospel, was ejected for adultery; four other
senators and twenty members of the Great Council were also replaced by
friends of the Reformation and of public morality. Emboldened by this
victory, the Evangelical Bernese proposed in the diet that every
Swiss should renounce foreign service. At these words the warriors of
Lucerne started under their weighty armour, and replied with a haughty
smile: "When you have returned to the ancient faith we will listen to
your homilies." All the members of the government, assembled at Berne
in sovereign council, resolved to set the example, and solemnly
abjured the pay of foreign princes. Thus the Reformation showed its
faith by its works.
Another struggle took place. Above the lake of Thunn rises a chain of
steep rocks, in the midst of which is situated a deep cavern, where,
if we may believe tradition, the pious Breton, Beatus, came in ancient
times to devote himself to all the austerities of an ascetic life; but
especially to the conversion of the surrounding district that was
still heathen. It was affirmed that the head of this saint, who had
died in Gaul, was preserved in this cavern; and hence it was visited
by pilgrims from every quarter. The pious citizens of Zug, Schwytz,
Uri, and Argovia, groaned, as they thought that the holy head of the
apostle of Switzerland would hereafter remain in a land of heretics.
The abbot of the celebrated convent of Muri in Argovia and some of his
friends set out, as in ancient times the Argonauts went in quest of
the Golden Fleece. They arrived in the humble guise of poor pilgrims,
and entered the cavern; one skilfully took away the head, another
placed it mysteriously in his hood, and they disappeared. The head of
a dead man!--and this was all that Rome saved from the shipwreck. But
even this conquest was more than doubtful. The Bernese, who had gained
information of this procession, sent three deputies on the 18th May,
who, according to their report, found this famous head, and caused it
to be decently interred before their eyes in the cemetery belonging to
the convent of Interlaken. This contest about a skull characterizes
the Church that had just given way in Berne before the vivifying
breath of the Gospel. _Let the dead bury their dead._
[Sidenote: THREATENING STORM.]
The Reformation had triumphed in Berne; but a storm was gathering
unperceived in the mountains, which threatened to overthrow it. The
State in union with the Church recalled its ancient renown. Seeing
itself attacked by arms, it took up arms in its turn, and acted with
that decision which had formerly saved Rome in similar dangers.
A secret discontent was fermenting among the people of the valleys and
mountains. Some were still attached to the ancient faith; others had
only quitted the Mass because they thought they would be exempted from
tithes. Ancient ties of neighbourhood, a common origin, and similarity
of manners had united the inhabitants of the Obwald (Unterwalden) to
those of the Hasli and of the Bernese Oberland, which were separated
only by Mount Brunig and the high pass of the Yoke. A rumour had been
set afloat that the government of Berne had profaned the spot where
the precious remains of Beatus, the apostle of these mountains, were
preserved, and indignation immediately filled these pastoral people,
who adhere firmer than others to the customs and superstitions of
their forefathers.
But while some were excited by attachment to Rome, others were aroused
by a desire for liberty. The subjects of the monastery of Interlaken,
oppressed by the monkish rule, began to cry out, "We desire to become
our own masters, and no longer pay rent or tithes." The provost of the
convent in affright ceded all his rights to Berne for the sum of one
hundred thousand florins;[929] and a bailiff, accompanied by several
councillors, went and took possession of the monastery. A report was
soon spread that they were about to transfer all the property of the
convent to Berne; and on the 21st of April bands of men from
Grindelwald, Lauterbrunnen, Ringelberg, Brienz, and other places,
crossed the lake, or issued from their lofty valleys, and taking
forcible possession of the cloister, swore to go even to Berne in
quest of the goods which the citizens had dared to take from them.
[929] Totum regnum suum tradiderunt in manus magistrates nostri
(Haller to Zwingle, 31st March.)
[Sidenote: REVOLT.]
They were quieted for a time; but in the beginning of June, the
people, at the instigation of Unterwalden, again arose in all the
Hasli. The Landsgemeinde[930] having been convoked, it decided by a
majority of forty voices for the re-establishment of the Mass. The
pastor Jaëkli was immediately expelled; a few men crossed the Brunig,
and brought back some priests from Unterwalden, to the sound of fifes
and trumpets. They were seen from afar descending the mountain, and
shouts, both loud and long, replied to them from the bottom of the
valley. At last they arrived:--all embraced one another, and the
people celebrated the Mass anew with great demonstrations of joy. At
the same time, the people of Frutigen and of the fertile valley of
Adelboden assailed the castellan Reuter, carried off his flocks, and
established a Roman-catholic priest in the place of their pastor. At
Aeschi even the women took up arms, drove out the pastor from the
church, and brought back the images in triumph. The revolt spread from
hamlet to hamlet and from valley to valley, and again took possession
of Interlaken. All the malcontents assembled there on the 22d October,
and swore, with hands upraised to heaven, boldly to defend their
rights and liberty.
[930] The assembly of all the people.
[Sidenote: CHRIST IN DANGER.]
Never, perhaps, had the republic been in greater danger. All the kings
of Europe, and almost all the cantons of Switzerland, were opposed to
the Gospel. The report of an army from Austria, destined to interpose
in favour of the Pope, spread through the Reformed cantons.[931]
Seditious meetings took place every day,[932] and the people refused
to pay their magistrates either quit-rent, service, tithes, or even
obedience, unless they shut their eyes to the designs of the
Roman-catholics. The council became confused. Amazed and confounded,
exposed to the mistrust of some and to the insults of others, they
had the cowardice to separate under the pretext of getting in the
vintage, and folding their arms, in the presence of this great danger,
waited until a Messiah should descend from heaven (says a reformer) to
save the republic.[933] The ministers pointed out the danger,
forewarned and conjured them; but each one turned a deaf ear. "Christ
languishes in Berne," said Haller, "and appears nigh perishing."[934]
The people were all in commotion; they assembled, made speeches,
murmured, and shed tears! Everywhere--in all their tumultuous
meetings--might be heard this complaint of Manuel on Papists and the
Papacy:[935]
With rage our foes their hateful threats denounce,
Because, O Lord, we love Thee best of all;
Because at sight of Thee the idols fall;
And war and bloodshed, shuddering, we renounce.
[931] Audisti nimirum quam se apparent _Austriaci_ ad bellum, adversus
quos ignoratur. Suspicantur quidam in Helvetios. (Œcol. to Zw. Epp.
ii. p. 161.)
[932] Seditiosorum concursus sunt quotidiani. (Zw. Epp. ii p. 227.)
[933] Nunc, nunc suum Messiam advenisse sperantes. (Ibid.)
[934] Ita languet Christus apud nos. (Ibid.)
[935] Dass wir hand d'Gotzen geworfen hin. (Hymn and Prayer.)
Berne was like a troubled sea, and Haller, who listened to the roaring
of the waves, wrote in the deepest anguish: "Wisdom has forsaken the
wise, counsel has departed from the councillors, and energy from the
chiefs and from the people! The number of the seditious augments every
day. Alas! what can the Bear, oppressed with sleep, oppose to so many
and to such sturdy hunters?[936] If Christ withdraw himself, we shall
all perish."
[936] Quid hæc inter tot et tantos venatores robustos. (Zw. Epp. ii.
p. 223.)
[Sidenote: ENERGY OF BERNE.]
These fears were on the point of being realized. The smaller cantons
claimed to have the power of interfering in matters of faith without
infringing the federal compact. While six hundred men of Uri kept
themselves ready to depart, eight hundred men of Unterwalden, bearing
pine-branches in their hats, symbols of the old faith, with haughty
heads and gloomy and angry looks, crossed the Brunig under the ancient
banner of the country, which was borne by Gaspard de Flue, a very
unworthy grandson of the great Nicholas.[937] This was the first
violation of the national peace for many years. Uniting at Hasli with
the men of Brienz, this little army crossed the lake, passed under the
cascades of Geisbach, and arrived at Unterseen, thirteen hundred
strong, and ready to march on Berne to re-establish the Pope, the
Idols, and the Mass in that rebellious city. In Switzerland, as in
Germany, the Reformation at its outset met with a peasant war. At the
first success, new combatants would arrive and pour through the passes
of the Brunig upon the unfaithful republic. The army was only six
leagues from Berne, and already the sons of Unterwalden were proudly
brandishing their swords on the banks of the lake of Thunn.
[937] A celebrated hermit who prevented a civil war in Switzerland in
1481.
Thus were the federal alliances trodden under foot by those very
persons who aspired to the name of conservatives. Berne had a right to
repel this criminal attack by force. Suddenly calling to mind her
ancient virtues, the city roused herself, and vowed to perish rather
than tolerate the intervention of Unterwalden, the restoration of the
Mass, and the fiery violence of the peasants.[938] There was at that
moment in the hearts of the Bernese one of those inspirations that
come from above, and which save nations as well as individuals. "Let
the strength of the city of Berne," exclaimed the Avoyer d'Erlach, "be
in God alone, and in the loyalty of its people." All the council and
the whole body of the citizens replied by noisy acclamations. The
great banner was hastily brought forth, the townspeople ran to arms,
the companies assembled, and the troops of the republic marched out
with the valiant avoyer at their head.
[938] Quam missam reducem aut violentiam villanorum pati. (Haller to
Zwingle, 26th October.)
[Sidenote: VICTORY.]
Scarcely had the Bernese government acted thus energetically, before
it saw the confidence of its friends increase, and the courage of its
adversaries diminish. God never abandons a people who are true to
themselves. Many of the Oberlanders became intimidated, and deserted
the ranks of the revolt. At the same time deputies from Basle and
Lucerne represented to Unterwalden that it was trampling the ancient
alliances under foot. The rebels, disheartened by the firmness of the
republic, abandoned Unterseen, and retired to the convent of
Interlaken. And soon after, when they beheld the decision of their
adversaries, distressed besides by the cold rains that fell
incessantly, and fearing that the snow, by covering the mountains,
would prevent their return to their homes, the men of Unterwalden
evacuated Interlaken during the night. The Bernese, to the number of
five thousand men, entered it immediately, and summoned the
inhabitants of the Hasli and of the bailiwick of Interlaken to
assemble on the 4th November in the plain that surrounds the
convent.[939] The day being arrived, the Bernese army drew up in order
of battle, and then formed a circle within which D'Erlach ordered the
peasants to enter. Hardly had he placed the rebels on the left and the
loyal citizens on the right, before the muskets and artillery fired a
general discharge, whose report re-echoing among the mountains, filled
the insurgents with terror, who thought it the signal of their death.
But the avoyer only intended to show they were in the power of the
republic. D'Erlach, who addressed them immediately after this strange
exordium, had not finished his speech, before they all fell on their
knees, and, confessing their crime, begged for pardon. The republic
was satisfied: the rebellion was over. The banners of the district
were carried to Berne, and the Eagle of Interlaken, in union with the
Wild-goat of Hasli, hung for a time beneath the Bear, as a trophy of
this victory. Four of the chiefs were put to death, and an amnesty was
granted to the remainder of the rebels. "The Bernese," said Zwingle,
"as Alexander of Macedon in times of old, have cut the Gordian knot
with courage and with glory."[940] Thus thought the Reformer of
Zurich; but experience was one day to teach him, that to cut such
knots is required a different sword from that of Alexander and of
D'Erlach. However that may be, peace was restored, and in the valleys
of the Hasli no other noise was heard than the sublime tumult borne
afar by the Reichenbach and all the surrounding torrents, as they pour
from the mountain-tops their multitudinous and foaming waters.
[939] Tradition says that it was on the spot where the hotel of
Interlaken now stands.
[940] Bernenses pro sua dignitate nodum hunc, quemadmodum Alexander
Macedo, Gordium dissectari. (Zw. Epp. ii. p 243.)
[Sidenote: POLITICAL ADVANTAGES.]
While we repudiate on behalf of the Church the swords of the Helvetic
bands, it would be unwise not to acknowledge the political advantages
of this victory. The nobles had imagined that the Reformation of the
Church would endanger the very existence of the State. They now had a
proof to the contrary: they saw that when a nation receives the
Gospel, its strength is doubled. The generous confidence with which,
in the hour of danger, they had placed some of the adversaries of the
Reformation at the head of affairs and of the army, produced the
happiest results. All were now convinced that the Reformation would
not trample old recollections under foot: prejudices were removed,
hatred was appeased, the Gospel gradually rallied all hearts around
it, and the ancient and remarkable saying was verified, which was so
often repeated by the friends and enemies of that powerful
republic--"God is become a citizen of Berne."
IV. The reformation of Berne was decisive for several cantons. The
same wind that had blown from on high with so much power on the
country of De Watteville and Haller, threw down "the idols" in a great
part of Switzerland. In many places the people were indignant at
seeing the Reformation checked by the timid prudence of diplomatists;
but when diplomacy was put to flight at Berne, the torrent so long
restrained poured violently onwards.
[Sidenote: ROMISH RELICS.]
Vadianus, burgomaster of St. Gall, who presided at the Bernese
disputation, had scarcely returned home, when the citizens, with the
authority of the magistrates, removed the images from the church of
St. Magnus, carried to the mint a hand of the patron saint in silver,
with other articles of plate, and distributed among the poor the money
they received in exchange; thus, like Mary, pouring their precious
ointment on the head of Christ.[941] The people of St. Gall, being
curious to unveil the ancient mysteries, laid their hands on the abbey
itself, on the shrines and crosses which had so long been presented to
their adoration; but instead of saintly relics, they found, to their
great surprise, nothing but some resin, a few pieces of money, several
paltry wooden images, some old rags, a skull, a large tooth, and a
snail's shell! Rome, instead of that noble fall which marks the ends
of great characters, sunk in the midst of stupid superstitions,
shameful frauds, and the ironical laughter of a whole nation.
[941] War gemünzet und den Armen ausgetheilt. (J. J. Hottinger, iii.
p. 415. St. Matthew xxvi. 7.)
Such discoveries unfortunately excited the passions of the multitude.
One evening some evil disposed persons, wishing to alarm the poor nuns
of St. Catherine, who had obstinately resisted the Reform, surrounded
the convent with loud cries. In vain did the nuns barricade the doors;
the walls were soon scaled, and the good wine, meat, confectionaries,
and all the far from ascetic delicacies of the cloister became the
prey of these rude jesters. Another persecution awaited them: Doctor
Schappeler having been appointed their catechist, they were
recommended to lay aside their monastic dress, and to attend his
heretical sermons "clothed like all the world," said the sister
Wiborath. Some of them embraced the Reform, but thirty others
preferred exile.[942] On the 5th February 1528, a numerous synod
framed the constitution of the church of St. Gall.
[942] Arx. Gesch. St. Gall, ii. p. 529. J. J. Hottinger, p. 416.
Müller; Hottinger, ii. p. 91.
[Sidenote: CONTESTS.]
The struggle was more violent at Glaris. The seeds of the Gospel
truth, which Zwingle had scattered there, had prospered but little.
The men in power anxiously rejected every innovation, and the people
loved better "to leap and dance, and work miracles, _glass in hand_,"
as an old chronicle says, "than to busy themselves about the Gospel."
The Landsgemeinde having pronounced, on the 15th May 1528, in favour
of the Mass by a majority of thirty-three voices, the two parties were
marked out with greater distinctness: the images were broken at Matt,
at Elm, at Bettschwanden, and as each man remained aloof in his own
house and village, there was no longer in the canton either council of
state or tribunal of justice. At Schwanden, the minister Peter
Rumelin, having invited the Roman-catholics to a disputation with him
in the church, the latter, instead of discussing, marched in
procession to the sound of drums round the place of worship in which
the Reformed were assembled, and then rushing into the pastor's house,
which was situated in the middle of the city, destroyed the stoves and
the windows: the irritated Reformed took their revenge and broke the
images. On the 15th April 1529, an agreement was concluded, by virtue
of which every man was free to choose between the Mass and the Sermon.
[Sidenote: SPREAD OF REFORM.]
At Wesen, where Schwytz exercised sovereignty conjointly with Glaris,
the deputies of the former canton threatened the people. Upon this the
young men took the images out of the churches, carried them to an open
place near the banks of the picturesque lake of Wallenstadt, above
which soar the mountains of the Ammon and of the Seven Electors, and
cried: "Look! this road (that by the lake) leads to Coire and to Rome;
that (to the south) to Glaris; this other (to the west) to Schwytz;
and the fourth (by the Ammon) to St. Gall. Take which you please! But
if you do not move off, you shall be burnt!" After waiting a few
moments, these young people flung the motionless images into the fire,
and the Schwytz deputies, eye-witnesses of this execution, withdrew
in consternation, and filled the whole canton with projects of
vengeance that were but too soon realized.
In the canton of Appenzell, where a conference had been opened, there
suddenly appeared a band of Roman-catholics, armed with whips and
clubs, and crying out: "Where are these preachers? we are resolved to
put them out of the village!" These strange doctors wounded the
ministers and dispersed the assembly with their whips. Out of the
eight parishes of the canton, six embraced the Reform, and Appenzell
became finally divided into little sections, the one Romanist and the
other Reformed.
In the Grisons religious liberty was proclaimed; the parishes had the
election of their pastors, several castles were rased to the ground to
render all return to arbitrary government impossible, and the
affrighted bishop went and hid in the Tyrol his anger and his desire
for vengeance. "The Grisons," said Zwingle, "advance daily. It is a
nation that by its courage reminds us of the ancient Tuscans, and by
its candour of the ancient Swiss."[943]
[943] Gens animo veteres Tuscos referens, candore veteres Helvetios.
(Zw. Epp.)
[Sidenote: OBSTACLES IN BASLE.]
Schaffhausen, after having long "halted between two opinions," at the
summons of Zurich and of Berne removed the images from its churches
without tumult or disorder. At the same time the Reformation invaded
Thurgovia, the valley of the Rhine, and other bailiwicks subordinate
to these cantons. In vain did the Roman-catholic cantons, that were in
the majority, protest against it. "When temporal affairs are
concerned," replied Zurich and Berne, "we will not oppose a plurality
of votes; but the Word of God cannot be subjected to the suffrages of
men." All the districts that lie along the banks of the Thur, of the
Lake of Constance, and of the Upper Rhine, embraced the Gospel. The
inhabitants of Mammeren, near the place where the Rhine issues from
the lake, flung their images into the water. But the statue of St.
Blaise, after remaining some time upright, and contemplating the
ungrateful spot whence it was banished, swam across the lake to
Catahorn, situated on the opposite shore, if we may believe the
account of a monk named Lang.[944] Even while running away Popery
worked its miracles.
[944] J. J. Hottinger, iii. p. 426.
Thus were the popular superstitions overthrown in Switzerland, and
sometimes not without violence. Every great development in human
affairs brings with it an energetic opposition to that which has
existed. It necessarily contains an aggressive element, which ought to
act freely, and by that means open the new path. In the times of the
Reformation the doctors attacked the Pope, and the people the images.
The movement almost always exceeded a just moderation. In order that
human nature may take one step in advance, its pioneers must take
many. Every superfluous step should be condemned, and yet we must
acknowledge their necessity. Let us not forget this in the history of
the Reformation, and especially in that of Switzerland.
Zurich was reformed; Berne had just become so: Basle still remained,
before the great cities of the Confederation were gained over to the
Evangelical faith. The reformation of this learned city was the most
important consequence resulting from that of the warlike Berne.
[Sidenote: ZEAL OF THE CITIZENS.]
For six years the Gospel had been preached in Basle. The meek and
pious Œcolampadius was always waiting for happier times. "The
darkness," said he, "is about to retire before the rays of
truth."[945] But his expectation was vain. A triple aristocracy--the
superior clergy, the nobles, and the university--checked the free
expansion of christian convictions. It was the middle classes who were
destined to effect the triumph of the Reformation in Basle.[946]
Unhappily the popular wave invades nothing without tossing up some
foul scum.
[945] Sperabam enim tenebras veritatis radio cessuras tandem. (Zw.
Epp. ii. p. 136.)
[946] Major pars civitatis quæ toto corde dolet tantis nos dissidiis
laborare. (Ibid. p. 36.)