The priests called for the execution of the Edict of Worms, 1521, and

the evangelical members of the commission, among whom were the Elector

of Saxony and Sturm, demanded on the contrary the maintenance of the

Edict of Spire, 1526. The latter thus remained within the bounds of

legality, whilst their adversaries were driven to _coups d'état_. In

fact, a new order of things having been legally established in the

Empire, no one could infringe it; and if the diet presumed to destroy

by force what had been constitutionally established three years

before, the evangelical states had the right of opposing it. The

majority of the commission felt that the re-establishment of the

ancient order of things would be a revolution no less complete than

the Reformation itself. How could they subject anew to Rome and to her

clergy those nations in whose bosom the Word of God had been so richly

spread abroad? For this reason, equally rejecting the demands of the

priests and of the Evangelicals, the majority came to a resolution on

the 24th March that every religious innovation should continue to be

interdicted in the places where the Edict of Worms had been carried

out; and that in those where the people had deviated from it, and

where they could not conform to it without danger of revolt, they

should at least effect no new reform, they should touch upon no

controverted point, they should not oppose the celebration of the

Mass, they should permit no Roman catholic to embrace Lutheranism,[156]

they should not decline the Episcopal jurisdiction, and should tolerate

no Anabaptists or Sacramentarians. The status-quo and no proselytism--such

were the essentials of this resolution.

[156] Nec catholicos a libero religionis exercitio impediri debere,

neque cuiquam ex his licere Lutheranismum amplecti.--(Seckend. ii. p.

127.)

[Sidenote: THE REFORMATION IN DANGER.]

The majority no longer voted as in 1526: the wind had turned against

the Gospel. Accordingly this proposition, after having been delayed a

few days by the festival of Easter, was laid before the diet on the

6th April, and passed on the 7th.[157]

[157] Sleidan, i. p. 261.

If it became a law, the Reformation could neither be extended into

those places where as yet it was unknown, nor be established on solid

foundations in those where it already existed. The re-establishment of

the Romish hierarchy, stipulated in the proposition, would infallibly

bring back the ancient abuses; and the least deviation from so

vexatious an ordinance would easily furnish the Romanists with a

pretext for completing the destruction of a work already so violently

shaken.

The Elector, the Landgrave, the Margrave of Brandenburg, the Prince of

Anhalt, and the Chancellor of Luneburg on one side, and the deputies

for the cities on the other, consulted together. An entirely new order

of things was to proceed from this council. If they had been animated

by selfishness, they would perhaps have accepted this decree. In fact

they were left free, in appearance at least, to profess their faith:

ought they to demand more? could they do so? Were they bound to

constitute themselves the champions of liberty of conscience in all

the world? Never, perhaps, had there been a more critical situation;

but these noble-minded men came victorious out of the trial. What!

should they legalize by anticipation the scaffold and the torture!

Should they oppose the Holy Ghost in its work of converting souls to

Christ! Should they forget their Master's command: "_Go ye into all

the world, and preach the Gospel to every creature_?" If one of the

states of the empire desired some day to follow their example and be

reformed, should they take away its power of doing so? Having

themselves entered the kingdom of heaven, should they shut the door

after them? No! rather endure everything, sacrifice everything, even

their states, their crowns, and their lives!

[Sidenote: DECISION OF THE PRINCES.]

"Let us reject this decree," said the princes. "In matters of

conscience the majority has no power."--"It is to the decree of 1526,"

added the cities, "that we are indebted for the peace that the empire

enjoys: to abolish it would be to fill Germany with troubles and

divisions. The diet is incompetent to do more than preserve religious

liberty until a council meets." Such in fact is the grand attribute of

the state, and if in our days the protestant powers should seek to

influence the Romish governments, they should strive solely to obtain

for the subjects of the latter that religious liberty which the Pope

confiscates to his own advantage wherever he reigns alone, and by

which he profits greatly in every evangelical state. Some of the

deputies proposed refusing all assistance against the Turks, hoping

thus to force the Emperor to interfere in this question of religion.

But Sturm called upon them not to mingle political matters with the

salvation of souls. They resolved therefore to reject the proposition,

but without holding out any threats. It was this noble resolution that

gained for modern times liberty of thought and independence of faith.

Ferdinand and the priests, who were no less resolute, determined

however on vanquishing what they called a daring obstinacy; and they

commenced with the weaker states. They began to frighten and divide

the cities, which had hitherto pursued a common course. On the 12th

April they were summoned before the diet: in vain did they allege the

absence of some of their number, and ask for delay. It was refused,

and the call was hurried on. Twenty-one free cities accepted the

proposition of the diet, and fourteen rejected it. It was a bold act

on the part of the latter, and was accomplished in the midst of the

most painful sufferings. "This is the first trial," said Pfarrer,

second deputy of Strasburg; "now will come the second: we must either

deny the Word of God or--be burnt."[158]

[158] Das wort Gottes zu wiederrufen oder aber brennen.--(Jung

Beyträge, p. 37.)

[Sidenote: VIOLENCE OF FERDINAND.]

A violent proceeding of Ferdinand immediately commenced the series of

humiliations that were reserved for the evangelical cities. A deputy

of Strasburg should, in conformity with the decree of Worms, have been

a member of the imperial government from the commencement of April. He

was declared excluded from his rights, until the Mass should be

re-established in Strasburg. All the cities united in protesting

against this arbitrary act.

At the same time, the Elector-palatine and King Ferdinand himself

begged the princes to accept the decree, assuring them that the

Emperor would be exceedingly pleased with them. "We will obey the

Emperor," replied they calmly, "in everything that may contribute to

maintain peace and the honour of God."

It was time to put an end to this struggle. On the 18th April it was

decreed that the evangelical states should not be heard again; and

Ferdinand prepared to inflict the decisive blow on the morrow.

When the day came, the king appeared in the diet, surrounded by the

other commissaries of the Empire, and by several bishops. He thanked

the Roman catholics for their fidelity, and declared that the

resolution having been definitively agreed to, it was about to be

drawn up in the form of an imperial decree. He then announced to the

Elector and his friends, that nothing more remained to them than to

submit to the majority.

[Sidenote: THE SCHISM COMPLETED.]

The evangelical princes, who had not expected so positive a

declaration, were excited at this summons, and passed, according to

custom, into an adjoining chamber to deliberate. But Ferdinand was not

in a humour to wait for their answer. He rose, and all the imperial

commissaries with him. Vain were all endeavours to stop him. "I have

received an order from his imperial majesty," replied he; "I have

executed it. All is over."

Thus Charles's brother notifies an order to the christian princes, and

then he retires without caring even if there was any reply to make. To

no purpose they sent a deputation entreating the King to return. "It

is a settled affair," repeated Ferdinand; "submission is all that

remains."[159] This refusal completed the schism: it separated Rome

from the Gospel. Perhaps more justice on the part of the Empire and of

the Papacy might have prevented the rupture that since then has

divided the Western Church.

[159] Die artikel weren beschlossen.--(Jung Beytr. p. 90.)

VI. If the imperial party displayed such contempt, it was not without

a cause. They felt that weakness was on the side of the Reformation,

and strength on the side of Charles and of the Pope. But the weak have

also their strength; and this the evangelical princes were aware of.

As Ferdinand paid no attention to their reclamations, it remained for

them to pay none to his absence, to appeal from the report of the diet

to the Word of God, and from the Emperor Charles to Jesus Christ, the

King of kings and Lord of lords.

They resolved upon this step. A declaration was drawn up to that

effect, and this was the famous _Protest_ that henceforward gave the

name of _Protestant_ to the renovated Church. The Elector and his

allies having returned to the common hall of the diet, thus addressed

the assembled states:--[160]

[160] There are two copies of this act; one of them is brief, and the

other, which is longer, was transmitted in writing to the imperial

commissaries. It is from the latter we extract the passages in the

text. They will both be found in Jung Beyträge, p. 91-105. See also

Müller's _Historie der Protestation_, p. 52.

[Sidenote: THE PROTEST.]

"Dear Lords, Cousins, Uncles, and Friends! Having repaired

to this diet on the convocation of his majesty, and for the

common good of the Empire and of Christendom, we have heard

and learnt that the decisions of the last diet concerning

our holy Christian Faith are to be repealed, and that it is

proposed to substitute for them restrictive and onerous

resolutions.

"King Ferdinand and the other imperial commissaries, by

affixing their seals to the last _Recess_ of Spire, had

promised, however, in the name of the Emperor, to carry out

sincerely and inviolably all that it contained, and to

permit nothing that was contrary to it. In like manner,

also, you and we, electors, princes, prelates, lords, and

deputies of the Empire, bound ourselves to maintain always

and with all our might all the articles of this decree.

"We cannot therefore consent to its repeal.

"Firstly, because we believe that his imperial majesty, as

well as you and we, are called to maintain firmly what has

been unanimously and solemnly resolved.

"Secondly, because it concerns the glory of God and the

salvation of our souls, and that in such matters we ought to

have regard, above all, to the commandment of God, who is

King of kings and Lord of lords; each of us rendering him

account for himself, without caring the least in the world

about majority or minority.[161]

"We form no judgment on that which concerns you, most dear

lords; and we are content to pray God daily that he will

bring us all to unity of faith, in truth, charity, and

holiness through Jesus Christ, our Throne of Grace and our

only Mediator.

"But in what concerns us, adhesion to your resolution (and

let every honest man be judge!) would be acting against our

conscience, condemning a doctrine that we maintain to be

christian, and pronouncing that it ought to be abolished in

our states, if we could do so without trouble.

"This would be to deny our Lord Jesus Christ, to reject his

holy Word, and thus give him just reason to deny us in turn

before his Father, as he has threatened.

"What! we ratify this edict! We assert that when Almighty

God calls a man to His knowledge, this man cannot however

receive the knowledge of God! Oh! of what deadly backsliding

should we not thus become the accomplices, not only among

our own subjects, but also among yours!

"For this reason we reject the yoke that is imposed on us.

And although it is universally known that in our states the

holy sacrament of the body and blood of our Lord is

becomingly administered, we cannot adhere to what the edict

proposes against the Sacramentarians, seeing that the

imperial edict did not speak of them, that they have not

been heard, and that we cannot resolve upon such important

points before the next council.

"Moreover"--and this is the essential part of the

protest--"the new edict declaring the ministers shall preach

the Gospel, explaining it according to the writings accepted

by the holy Christian Church; we think that, for this

regulation to have any value, we should first agree on what

is meant by this true and holy Church. Now, seeing that

there is great diversity of opinion in this respect; that

there is no sure doctrine but such as is conformable to the

Word of God; that the Lord forbids the teaching of any other

doctrine; that each text of the Holy Scriptures ought to be

explained by other and clearer texts; that this holy book

is, in all things necessary for the Christian, easy of

understanding, and calculated to scatter the darkness: we

are resolved, with the grace of God, to maintain the pure

and exclusive preaching of his only Word, such as it is

contained in the biblical books of the Old and New

Testament, without adding anything thereto that may be

contrary to it.[162] This Word is the only truth; it is the

sure rule of all doctrine and of all life, and can never

fail or deceive us. He who builds on this foundation shall

stand against all the powers of hell, whilst all the human

vanities that are set up against it shall fall before the

face of God.

[Sidenote: PRINCIPLES OF THE PROTEST.]

"For these reasons, most dear Lords, Uncles, Cousins, and

Friends, we earnestly entreat you to weigh carefully our

grievances and our motives. If you do not yield to our

request, we PROTEST by these presents, before God, our only

Creator, Preserver, Redeemer, and Saviour, and who will one

day be our Judge, as well as before all men and all

creatures, that we, for us and for our people, neither

consent nor adhere in any manner whatsoever to the proposed

decree, in any thing that is contrary to God, to his holy

Word, to our right conscience, to the salvation of our

souls, and to the last decree of Spire.

"At the same time we are in expectation that his imperial

majesty will behave towards us like a christian prince who

loves God above all things; and we declare ourselves ready

to pay unto him, as well as unto you, gracious lords, all

the affection and obedience that are our just and legitimate

duty."

[161] Ein jeglicher fur sich selbt vor Gott stehen.--(Jung Beyträge,

p. 96.)

[162] Allein Gottes wort, lauter und rein, und nichts das dawieder

ist.--(Jung Beyträge, p. 101.)

Thus, in presence of the diet, spoke out those courageous men whom

Christendom will henceforward denominate THE PROTESTANTS.

They had barely finished when they announced their intention of

quitting Spire on the morrow.[163]

[163] Also zu verritten urlaub genommen.--(Jung Beyträge, p. 52.)

This protest and declaration produced a deep impression. The diet was

rudely interrupted and broken into two hostile parties,--thus

preluding war. The majority became the prey of the liveliest fears. As

for the Protestants relying, _jure humano_, upon the Edict of Spire,

and _jure divino_, upon the Bible, they were full of courage and

firmness.

[Sidenote: THE SUPREMACY OF THE GOSPEL.]

The principles contained in this celebrated protest of the 19th April

1529, constitute the very essence of Protestantism. Now this protest

opposes two abuses of man in matters of faith: the first is the

intrusion of the civil magistrate, and the second is the arbitrary

authority of the Church. Instead of these two abuses, Protestantism

sets up above the magistrate the power of conscience; and above the

visible Church the authority of the Word of God. It declines, in the

first place, the civil power in divine things, and says with the

Prophets and Apostles: _We must obey God rather than man._ In presence

of the crown of Charles the Fifth, it uplifts the crown of Jesus

Christ. But it goes farther: it lays down the principle, that all

human teaching should be subordinate to the oracles of God. Even the

primitive Church, by recognising the writings of the Apostles, had

performed an act of submission to this supreme authority, and not an

act of authority, as Rome maintains; and the establishment of a

tribunal charged with the interpretation of the Bible, had terminated

only in slavishly subjecting man to man in that which should be the

most unfettered--conscience and faith. In this celebrated act of Spire

no doctor appears, and the Word of God reigns alone. Never has man

exalted himself like the Pope; never have men kept in the back-ground

like the Reformers.

A Romish historian maintains that the word _Protestant_ signifies

_enemy of the Emperor and of the Pope_.[164] If by this it is meant

that Protestantism, in matters of faith, rejects the intervention both

of the Empire and of the Papacy, it is well. Even this explanation,

however, does not exhaust the meaning of the word, for Protestantism

rejected the authority of man solely to place Jesus Christ on the

throne of the Church, and his Word in the pulpit. There has never been

anything more positive, and at the same time more aggressive, than the

position of the Protestants at Spire. By maintaining that their faith

is alone capable of saving the world, they defended with intrepid

courage the rights of Christian Proselytism. We cannot abandon this

Proselytism without deserting the Protestant principle.

[164] Perduelles in Pontificem ac Cæsarem.--(Pallavicini, C. T. I. p.

217.)

[Sidenote: FERDINAND REJECTS THE PROTEST.]

The Protestants of Spire were not content to exalt the truth; they

defended charity. Faber and the other Papal partizans had endeavoured

to separate the princes, who in general walked with Luther, from the

cities that ranged themselves rather on the side of Zwingle.

Œcolampadius had immediately written to Melancthon, and enlightened

him on the doctrines of the Zurich Reformer. He had indignantly

rejected the idea that Christ was banished into a corner of heaven,

and had energetically declared that, according to the Swiss

Christians, Christ was in every place upholding all things by the

Word of his power.[165] "With the visible symbols," he added, "we give

and we receive the invisible grace, like all the faithful."[166]

[165] Ubique ut et portet omnia verbo vertutis suæ.--(Hospin. Hist.

Sacr. ii. p. 112.)

[166] Χἁριν γἁρ τἡν δὁρατον μετἁ των

συμβὁλων ὁρἁτων.--(Ibid.)

These declarations were not useless. There were at Spire two men who

from different motives opposed the efforts of Faber, and seconded

those of Œcolampadius. The Landgrave, ever revolving projects of

alliance in his mind, felt clearly that if the Christians of Saxony

and of Hesse allowed the condemnation of the Churches of Switzerland

and of Upper Germany, they would by that very means deprive themselves

of powerful auxiliaries.[167] Melancthon, who was far from desiring,

as the Landgrave, a diplomatic alliance, for fear that it would hasten

on a war, defended the great principles of justice, and exclaimed: "To

what just reproaches should we not be exposed, were we to recognise in

our adversaries the right of condemning a doctrine without having

heard those who defend it!" The union of all evangelical Christians is

therefore a principle of primitive Protestantism.

[167] Omni studio laborabat ut illos uniret--(Seck. ii. p. 127.)

As Ferdinand had not heard the protest of the 19th April, a deputation

of the evangelical states went the next day to present it to him. The

brother of Charles the Fifth received it at first, but immediately

after desired to return it. Then was witnessed a strange scene--the

king refusing to keep the protest, and the deputies to take it back.

At last the latter, from respect, received it from Ferdinand's hands;

but they laid it boldly upon a table, and directly quitted the hall.

[Sidenote: JOY OF THE PROTESTANTS.]

The king and the imperial commissaries remained in presence of this

formidable writing. It was there--before their eyes--a significant

monument of the courage and faith of the Protestants. Irritated

against this silent but mighty witness, which accused his tyranny, and

left him the responsibility of all the evils that were about to burst

upon the Empire, the brother of Charles the Fifth called some of his

councillors, and ordered them instantly to carry back this important

document to the Protestants.

All this was unavailing; the protest had been enregistered in the

annals of the world, and nothing could erase it. Liberty of thought

and of conscience had been conquered for ages to come. Thus all

evangelical Germany, foreseeing these things, was moved at this

courageous act, and adopted it as the expression of its will and of

its faith. Men in every quarter beheld in it not a political event,

but a christian action, and the youthful electoral prince, John

Frederick, in this respect the organ of his age, cried to the

Protestants of Spire: "May the Almighty, who has given you grace to

confess energetically, freely, and fearlessly, preserve you in that

christian firmness until the day of eternity!"[168]

[168] In eo mansuros esse, nec passuros ut ulla hominum machinatione

ab ea sententia divellerentur.--(Seckend. ii. p. 121.)

While the christians were filled with joy, their enemies were

frightened at their own work. The very day on which Ferdinand had

declined to receive the protest, Tuesday, 20th April, at one in the

afternoon, Henry of Brunswick and Philip of Baden presented themselves

as mediators, announcing, however, that they were acting solely of

their own authority. They proposed that there should be no more

mention of the decree of Worms, and that the first decree of Spire

should be maintained, but with a few modifications; that the two

parties, while remaining free until the next council, should oppose

every new sect, and tolerate no doctrine contrary to the sacrament of

the Lord's body.[169]

[169] Vergleich artikel.--(Jung Beyträge, p. 55.)

[Sidenote: EXULTATION OF THE PAPISTS.]

On Wednesday, 21st April, the evangelical states did not appear

adverse to these propositions; and even those who had embraced the

doctrine of Zwingle declared boldly that such a proposal would not

compromise their existence. "Only let us call to mind," said they,

"that in such difficult matters we must act, not with the sword, but

with the sure Word of God.[170] For, as Saint Paul says: _What is not

of faith is_ _sin_. If therefore we constrain Christians to do what

they believe unjust, instead of leading them by God's Word to

acknowledge what is good, we force them to sin, and we incur a

terrible responsibility."

[170] In diesen Schweren Sachen, nichts mit Gewalt noch Schwerdt,

sondern mit Gottes gewissem wort.--(Ibid p. 59.) This document is from

the pen of Sturm.

The fanatics of the Roman party trembled as they saw the victory

nearly escaping from them; for they rejected all compromise, and

desired purely and simply the re-establishment of the Papacy. Their

zeal overcame everything, and the negotiations were broken off.

On Thursday, 22d April, the diet assembled at seven in the morning,

and the _Recess_ was read precisely as it had been drawn up before,

without even mentioning the attempt at conciliation which had just

failed.

Faber triumphed. Proud of having the ear of kings, he tossed himself

furiously about, and one would have said, to see him, relates an

eye-witness, that he was a Cyclops forging in his cavern the monstrous

chains with which he was about to bind the Reform and the

Reformers.[171] The Papist princes, carried away by the tumult, gave

the spur, says Melancthon, and flung themselves headlong into a path

filled with dangers.[172] Nothing was left for the evangelical

Christians but to fall on their knees and cry to the Lord. "All that

remains for us to do," repeated Melancthon, "is to call upon the Son

of God."[173]

[171] Cyclops ille nunc ferocem se fecit.--(Corp. Ref. i. p. 1062.)

[172] Ut ingrediantur lubricum isti iter, impingendo stimulis

calces.--(Ibid.)

[173] De quo reliquum est ut invocemus Filium Dei--(Ibid.)

The last sitting of the diet took place on the 24th April. The princes

renewed their protest, in which fourteen free and imperial cities

joined: and they next thought of giving their appeal a legal form.

[Sidenote: CHRISTIAN UNITY A REALITY.]

On Sunday, 25th April, two notaries, Leonard Stetner of Freysingen and

Pangrace Saltzmann of Bamberg, were seated before a small table in a

narrow chamber on the ground-floor of a house situated in St. John's

Lane, near the church of the same name in Spire, and around them were

the chancellors of the princes and of the evangelical cities, assisted

by several witnesses.[174]

[174] Unten in einem Kleinen Stüblein.--(Jung Beyträge, p. 78.

Instramentum Appellationis.)

This little house belonged to an humble pastor, Peter Muterstatt,

deacon of St. John's, who, taking the place of the Elector or of the

Landgrave, had offered a domicile for the important act that was

preparing. His name shall in consequence be transmitted to posterity.

The document having been definitively drawn up, one of the notaries

began reading it. "Since there is a natural communion between all

men," said the Protestants, "and since even persons condemned to death

are permitted to unite and appeal against their condemnation; how much

more are we, who are members of the same spiritual body, the Church of

the Son of God, children of the same heavenly Father, and consequently

brothers in the Spirit,[175] authorized to unite when our salvation

and eternal condemnation are concerned."

[175] Membra unius corporis spiritualis Jesu Christi et filii unius

patris cœlestis, ideoque fratres spirituales.--(Seckend. ii. p. 130.)

After reviewing all that had passed in the diet, and after

intercalating in their appeal the principal documents that had

reference to it, the Protestants ended by saying: "We therefore appeal

for ourselves, for our subjects, and for all who receive or who shall

hereafter receive the Word of God, from all past, present, or future

vexatious measures, to his Imperial Majesty, and to a free and

universal assembly of holy Christendom." This document filled twelve

sheets of parchment; the signatures and seals were affixed to the

thirteenth.

[Sidenote: ESCAPE OF GRYNÆUS.]

Thus in the obscure dwelling of the chaplain of St. John's was made

the first confession of the true Christian union. In presence of the

holy mechanical unity of the Pope, these confessors of Jesus raised

the banner of the living unity of Christ; and, as in the days of our

Saviour, if there were many synagogues in Israel, there was at least

but one single temple. The Christians of Electoral Saxony, of

Luneburg, of Anhalt, of Hesse and the Margravate, of Strasburg,

Nuremberg, Ulm, Constance, Lindau, Memmingen, Kempten, Nordlingen,

Heilbron, Reutlingen, Isny, Saint Gall, Weissenburg, and Windsheim,

clasped each other's hands on the 25th April, near the church of St.

John, in the face of threatening persecutions. Among them might be

found those who, like Zwingle, acknowledged in the Lord's Supper the

entirely spiritual presence of Jesus Christ, as well as those who,

like Luther, admitted his corporeal presence. There existed not at

that time in the evangelical body any sects, hatred, or schism;

christian unity was a reality. That upper chamber in which, during the

early days of Christianity, the apostles with the women and the

brethren "continued with one accord in prayer and supplication,"[176]

and that lower chamber where, in the first days of the Reformation,

the renewed disciples of Jesus Christ presented themselves to the Pope

and the Emperor, to the world and to the scaffold, as forming but one

body, are the two cradles of the Church; and it is in this its hour of

weakness and humiliation that it shines forth with the brightest

glory.

[176] Acts i. 14.

[Sidenote: MELANCTHON'S DEJECTION.]

After this appeal each one returned silently to his dwelling. Several

tokens excited alarm for the safety of the Protestants. A short time

previously Melancthon hastily conducted through the streets of Spire

towards the Rhine his friend Simon Grynæus, pressing him to cross the

river. The latter was astonished at such precipitation.[177] "An old

man of grave and solemn appearance, but who is unknown to me," said

Melancthon, "appeared before me and said: In a minute officers of

justice will be sent by Ferdinand to arrest Grynæus." As he was

intimate with Faber, and had been scandalized at one of his sermons,

Grynæus had gone to him, and begged him no longer to make war against

the truth. Faber had dissembled his anger, but immediately after

repaired to the king, from whom he had obtained an order against the

importunate professor of Heidelberg.[178] Melancthon doubted not that

God had saved his friend by sending one of His holy angels to forewarn

him. Motionless on the banks of the Rhine he waited until the waters

of that stream had rescued Grynæus from his persecutors. "At last,"

cried Melancthon, as he saw him on the opposite side, "he is torn from

the cruel teeth of those who drink innocent blood."[179] When he

returned to his house, Melancthon was informed that the officers in

search of Grynæus had ransacked it from top to bottom.[180]

[177] Miranti quæ esset tantæ festinationis causa.--(Camerarius Vita.

Mel. p. 113.)

[178] Faber qui valde offenderetur orationi tali, dissimulare tamen

omnia.--(Ibid.)

[179] Ereptus quasi e faucibus eorum qui sitiunt sanguinem

innocentium.--(Mel. ad Camer. 23d April, Corp. Ref. i. p. 1062.)

[180] Affluit armata quædam manus ad comprehendum Grynæum

missa.--(Camer. Vit. Mel. p. 113.)

Nothing could detain the Protestants longer in Spire. Accordingly, on

the morning after their appeal (Monday, 26th April), the Elector, the

Landgrave, and the Dukes of Luneburg, quitted the city, reached Worms,

and then returned by Hesse into their own states. The appeal of Spire

was published by the Landgrave on the 5th, and by the Elector on the

13th May.

Melancthon had returned to Wittemberg on the 6th May, persuaded that

the two parties were about to draw the sword. His friends were alarmed

at seeing him agitated, exhausted, and like one dead.[181] "It is a

great event that has just taken place at Spire," said he. "It is big

with dangers, not only to the Empire, but also to Religion

itself.[182] All the pains of hell oppress me."[183]

[181] Ita fuit perturbatus ut primis diebus pene extinctus

sit.--(Corp. Ref. i. p. 1067)

[182] Non enim tantum imperium, sed religio etiam

periclitantur.--(Ibid.)

[183] Omnes dolores inferni oppresserant me.--(Ibid, and p. 1069.)

[Sidenote: THE PRINCES, THE TRUE REFORMERS.]

It was Melancthon's greatest affliction, that all these evils were

attributed to him, as indeed he ascribed them himself. "One single

thing has injured us," said he; "our not having approved, as was

required of us, the edict against the Zwinglians." Luther did not

take this gloomy view of affairs; but he was far from comprehending

the force of the protest. "The diet," said he, "has come to an end

almost without results, except that those who scourge Jesus Christ

have not been able to satisfy their fury."[184]

[184] Christo mastiges et Psycho-tyranni suum furorem non potuerunt

explere.--(L. Epp. Linco, 6th May 1529.)

Posterity has not ratified this decision, and, on the contrary, dating

from this epoch the definitive formation of Protestantism, it has

hailed in the Protest of Spire one of the greatest movements recorded

in history.

Let us see to whom the chief glory of this act belongs. The part taken

by the princes, and especially by the Elector of Saxony, in the German

Reformation, must strike every impartial observer. These are the true

Reformers--the true Martyrs. The Holy Ghost, that bloweth where it

listeth, had inspired them with the courage of the ancient confessors

of the Church; and the God of Election was glorified in them. A little

later perhaps this great part played by the princes might have

produced deplorable consequences: there is no grace of God that man

may not pervert. But nothing should prevent us from rendering honour

to whom honour is due, and from adoring the work of the eternal Spirit

in these eminent men who, under God, were in the sixteenth century the

saviours of Christendom.

The Reformation had taken a bodily form. It was Luther alone who had

said No at the Diet of Worms: but Churches and ministers, princes and

people, said No at the Diet of Spire.

In no country had superstition, scholasticism, hierarchy, and popery,

been so powerful as among the Germanic nations. These simple and

candid people had humbly bent their neck to the yoke that came from

the banks of the Tiber. But, there was in them a depth, a life, a need

of interior liberty, which, sanctified by the Word of God, might

render them the most energetic organs of christian truth. It was from

them that was destined to emanate the reaction against that material,

external, and legal system, which had taken the place of Christianity;

it was they who were called to shatter in pieces the skeleton which

had been substituted for the spirit and the life, and restore to the

heart of Christendom, ossified by the hierarchy, the generous beatings

of which it had been deprived for so many ages. The Universal Church

will never forget the debt it owes to the Princes of Spire and to

Luther.

[Sidenote: GERMANY AND REFORM.]

VII. The protest of Spire had still further increased the indignation

of the Papal adherents; and Charles the Fifth, according to the oath

he had made at Barcelona, set about preparing "a suitable antidote for

the pestilential disease with which the Germans were attacked, and to

avenge in a striking manner the insult offered to Jesus Christ."[185]

The Pope, on his part, endeavoured to combine all the other princes of

Christendom in this crusade; and the peace of Cambray, concluded on

the 5th August, tended to the accomplishment of his cruel designs. It

left the Emperor's hands free against the heretics. After having

entered their protest at Spire, it was necessary for the Evangelicals

to think of maintaining it.

[185] Illatamque Christo injuriam pro viribus ulciscentur.--(Dumont,

Corp. Univ. Diplomatique, iv. p. 1, 5.)

The Protestant states that had already laid the foundations of an

evangelical alliance at Spire, had agreed to send deputies to Rothach;

but the Elector, staggered by the representations of Luther, who was

continually saying to him, "It is by keeping yourselves tranquil and

in quietness that you will be saved,"[186] ordered his deputies to

listen to the propositions of his allies, but to decide upon nothing.

They adjourned to a new conference, which never took place. Luther

triumphed; for human alliances failed. "Christ the Lord will know how

to deliver us without the Landgrave, and even against the Landgrave,"

said he to his friends.[187]

[186] Isaiah xxx. 15. L. Epp. iii. p. 454.

[187] Unser Her. Christus, &c.--(Ibid.) This confidence of Luther

shocks a Lutheran historian--Plank, ii. p. 454.

[Sidenote: DIFFICULTY OF UNION.]

Philip of Hesse, who was vexed at Luther's obstinacy, was convinced

that it arose from a dispute about words. "They will hear no mention

of alliances because of the Zwinglians," said he; "well then, let us

put an end to the contradictions that separate them from Luther."

The union of all the disciples of the Word of God seemed in fact a

necessary condition to the success of the Reform. How could the

Protestants resist the power of Rome and of the Empire, if they were

divided? The Landgrave no doubt wished to unite their minds, that he

might afterwards be able to unite their arms; but the cause of Christ

was not to triumph by the sword. If they should succeed in uniting

their hearts and prayers, the Reform would then find such strength in

the faith of its children, that Philip's spearmen would no longer be

necessary.

Unfortunately this union of minds, that was now to be sought after

above all things, was a very difficult task. Luther in 1519 had at

first appeared not only to reform, but entirely renovate the doctrine

of the Lord's Supper, as the Swiss did somewhat later. "I go to the

sacrament of the Lord's Supper," he had said, "and I there receive a

sign from God that Christ's righteousness and passion justify me; such

is the use of the Sacrament."[188] This discourse, which had gone

through several impressions in the cities of Upper Germany, had

prepared men's minds for the doctrine of Zwingle. Accordingly Luther,

astonished at the reputation he had gained, published this solemn

declaration in 1527: "I protest before God and before the whole world

that I have never walked with the Sacramentarians."

[188] In the writing entitled, _Dass diese Worte noch feste

Stehen_.--(L. Opp. xix.)

[Sidenote: A LUTHERAN WARNING.]

Luther in fact was never Zwinglian as regards the Communion. Far from

that, in 1519, he still believed in Transubstantiation. Why then

should he speak of a sign? It was for this reason. While, according to

Zwingle, the bread and wine are signs of the body and blood of Christ,

according to Luther, the very body and blood of Jesus Christ are

signs of God's grace. These opinions are widely different from one

another.

Erelong this disagreement declared itself. In 1527 Zwingle in his

_Friendly Exposition_[189] repeated Luther's opinion with mildness and

respect. Unfortunately the pamphlet of the Saxon Reformer "against the

enthusiasts" was then issuing from the press, and in it Luther

expressed his indignation that his adversaries should dare to speak of

christian unity and peace. "Well!" exclaimed he, "since they thus

insult all reason, I will give them a Lutheran warning.[190] Cursed be

this concord! cursed be this charity! down, down with it, to the

bottomless pit of hell! If I should murder your father, your mother,

your wife, your child, and then, wishing to murder you, I should say

to you, Let us be at peace, my dear friend! what answer would you

make?--It is thus that the enthusiasts who murder Jesus Christ my

Lord, God the Father, and Christendom my mother, wish to murder me

also; and then they say, Let us be friends!"

[189] _Amica exegesis_, id est, Expositio Eucharistæ negotii ad M.

Lutherum.--(Zw. Opp.)

[190] Eine Lutherische Warnung.--(L. Opp. xix. p. 391. Wider die

Schwärmgeister.)

Zwingle wrote two replies "to the excellent Martin Luther," in a cold

tone and with a haughty calmness more difficult to pardon than the

invectives of the Saxon doctor. "We ought to esteem you a vessel of

honour, and we do so with joy," said he, "notwithstanding your

faults." Pamphlet followed pamphlet, Luther always writing with the

same impetuosity, and Zwingle with the same coolness and irony.

[Sidenote: PROPOSED CONFERENCE AT MARBURG.]

Such were the doctors whom the Landgrave undertook to reconcile.

Already, during the sitting of the Diet of Spire, Philip of Hesse, who

was afflicted at hearing the Papists continually repeating, "You boast

of your attachment to the pure Word of God, and yet you are

nevertheless disunited,"[191] had made overtures to Zwingle in

writing. He now went farther, and invited the theologians of the

different parties to meet at Marburg. These invitations met with

various receptions. Zwingle, whose heart was large and fraternal,

answered the Landgrave's call; but Luther, who discovered leagues and

battles behind this pretended concord, rejected it.

[191] Inter nos ipsos de religionis doctrina non consentire.--(Zw.

Epp. ii. p. 287.)

It seemed, however, that great difficulties would detain Zwingle. To

travel from Zurich to Marburg, it was necessary to pass through the

territories of the Emperor and of other enemies to the Reformation;

the Landgrave himself did not conceal the dangers of the journey;[192]

but in order to obviate these difficulties, he promised an escort from

Strasburg to Hesse, and for the rest "the protection of God."[193]

These precautions were not of a nature to reassure the Zurichers.

[192] Viam Francofurdi capias, quam autem hac periculosiorem esse

putamus.--(Ibid. p. 312.)

[193] Juvante Deo tuti.--(Zw. Epp. ii. p. 329.)

Reasons of another kind detained Luther and Melancthon. "It is not

right," said they, "that the Landgrave has so much to do with the

Zwinglians. Their error is of such a nature that people of acute minds

are easily tainted by it. Reason loves what it understands,

particularly when learned men clothe their ideas in a scriptural

dress."

Melancthon did not stop here, but put forth the very extraordinary

notion of selecting Papists as judges of the discussion. "If there

were no impartial judges," said he, "the Zwinglians would have a good

chance of boasting of victory."[194] Thus, according to Melancthon,

Papists would be impartial judges when the real presence was the

subject of discussion! He went still farther. "Let the Elector," he

wrote on the 14th May to the Prince Electoral, "refuse to permit our

journey to Marburg, so that we may allege this excuse." The Elector

would not lend himself to so disgraceful a proceeding; and the

Reformers of Wittemberg found themselves compelled to accede to the

request of Philip of Hesse. But they did so with these words: "If the

Swiss do not yield to us, all your trouble will be lost;" and they

wrote to the theologians among their friends who were convoked by the

Prince: "Stay away if you can; your absence will be very useful to

us."[195]

[194] Papistische als unparteische.--(Corp. Ref. i. p. 1066.)

[195] Si potes, noli adesse.--(L. Epp. iii. p. 501.)

[Sidenote: ZWINGLE'S DEPARTURE.]

Zwingle, on the contrary, who would have gone to the end of the world,

made every exertion to obtain from the magistrates of Zurich

permission to visit Marburg. "I am convinced," said he to the secret

council, "that if we doctors meet face to face, the splendour of truth

will illuminate our eyes."[196] But the council that had only just

signed the first religious peace,[197] and who feared to see war burst

out afresh, positively refused to allow the departure of the Reformer.

[196] Ut veritatis splendor oculos nostros feriat.--(Zw. Epp. ii. p.

321.)

[197] See below, Book xvi. chap. ii. anno 1529.

Upon this Zwingle decided for himself. He felt that his presence was

necessary for the maintenance of peace in Zurich; but it was the

welfare of all Christendom that summoned him to Marburg. Accordingly,

raising his eyes towards heaven, he resolved to depart, exclaiming, "O

God! Thou hast never abandoned us; Thou wilt perform thy will for

thine own glory."[198] During the night of the 31st August, Zwingle,

who was unwilling to wait for the Landgrave's safe-conduct, prepared

for his journey. Rodolph Collin, the Greek professor, was alone to

accompany him. The Reformer wrote to the Smaller and to the Great

Council: "If I leave without informing you, it is not because I

despise your authority, most wise lords; but because, knowing the love

you bear towards me, I foresee that your anxiety will oppose my

going."

[198] Dei nunquam fallentis, qui nos nunquam deseruit, gratiam

reputavi.--(Zw. Epp. ii. p. 356.)

[Sidenote: RUMOURS IN ZURICH.]

As he was writing these words, a fourth message arrived from the

Landgrave, more pressing still than the preceding ones. The Reformer

sent the prince's letter to the burgomaster with his own; he then

quitted his house privily by night,[199] concealing his departure both

from his friends, whose importunity he feared, and from his enemies,

whose snares he had good cause to dread. He did not even tell his wife

where he was going, lest it should distress her. He and Collin then

mounted two horses that had been hired for the purpose,[200] and rode

off rapidly in the direction of Basle.

[199] Sabbati die, mane ante lucem, 1 Septembris.--(Ibid.)

[200] Equis conductoriis.--(Zw. Epp. ii. p. 361.)

During the day the rumour of Zwingle's absence spread through Zurich,

and his enemies were elated. "He has fled the country," said they; "he

has run away with a pack of scoundrels!" "As he was crossing the river

at Bruck," said others, "the boat upset and he was drowned." "The

devil," affirmed many with a malicious smile, "appeared to him bodily

and carried him off."[201]--"There was no end to their stories," says

Bullinger. But the council immediately resolved on acceding to the

wish of the Reformer. On the very day of his departure they appointed

one of the councillors, Ulric Funck, to accompany him to Marburg, who

forthwith set out with a domestic and one arquebusier. Strasburg and

Basle in like manner sent statesmen in company with their theologians,

under the idea that this conference would doubtless have also a

political object.

[201] Der Tufel vere by imm gesin.--(Bulling. ii. p. 224.)

Zwingle arrived safe and sound at Basle,[202] and embarked on the

river on the 6th September with Œcolampadius and several

merchants.[203] In thirteen hours they reached Strasburg, where the

two Reformers lodged in the house of Matthew Zell, the cathedral

preacher. Catherine, the pastor's wife, prepared the dishes in the

kitchen, waited at table, according to the ancient German

manners,[204] and then sitting down near Zwingle, listened

attentively, and spoke with so much piety and knowledge, that the

latter soon ranked her above many doctors.

[202] Integer et sanus Basiliam pervenit.--(Zw. Epp. ii. p. 361.)

[203] Aliquos mercatorum fide dignos, comites.--(Ibid.)

[204] Ich bin 14 Tag magd und Köchin gewesen.--(Fussl. Beytr. v. p.

313.) See her remarkable correspondence with the superintendent

Rabus.--(Ibid. p. 191-354.)

[Sidenote: THE REFORMERS AT MARBURG.]

Zwingle, after discussing with the Strasburg magistrates the means of

resisting the Romish league, and the organization to be given to the

christian confederacy,[205] quitted Strasburg; and he and his friends,

conducted along by-roads, through forests, over mountains and valleys,

by secret but sure paths, at last arrived at Marburg, escorted by

forty Hessian cavaliers.[206]

[205] De jure præsidendi conciliis civitatum christianarum.--(Ibid. v.

p. 364.) See book xvi. of this History.

[206] Per devia et sylvas, montes et valles, tutissimos et

occultos.--(Ibid. p. 368.)

Luther, on his side, accompanied by Melancthon, Cruciger, and Jonas,

had stopped on the Hessian frontier, declaring that nothing should

induce him to cross it until he had a safe-conduct from the Landgrave.

This document being obtained, Luther arrived at Alsfeld, where the

scholars, kneeling under the Reformer's windows, chanted their pious

hymns. He entered Marburg on the 30th September, a day after the

arrival of the Swiss. Both parties went to inns; but they had scarcely

alighted, before the Landgrave invited them to come and lodge in the

castle, thinking by this means to bring the opposing parties closer

together. Philip entertained them in a manner truly royal.[207] "Ah!"

said the pious Jonas, as he wandered through the halls of the palace,

"it is not in honour of the Muses, but in honour of God and of his

Christ, that we are so munificently treated in these forests of

Hesse!" After dinner, on the first day, Œcolampadius, Hedio, and

Bucer, desirous of entering into the prince's views, went and saluted

Luther. The latter conversed affectionately with Œcolampadius in the

castle-court; but Bucer, with whom he had once been very intimate, and

who was now on Zwingle's side, having approached him, Luther said to

him, smiling, and making a sign with his hand: "As for you, you are a

good-for-nothing fellow and a knave!"[208]

[207] Excepit in arce hospitio et mensa regali.--(Corp. Ref. i. p.

1096.)

[208] Subridens aliquantulum respondit: _tu es nequam et

nebulo_.--(Sculteti Annal. ad 1529.)

[Sidenote: PRELIMINARY DISCUSSIONS.]

The unhappy Carlstadt, who had begun all this dispute, was at that

time in Friesland, preaching the spiritual presence of Christ, and

living in such destitution that he had been forced to sell his Hebrew

Bible to procure bread. The trial had crushed his pride, and he wrote

to the Landgrave: "We are but one body, one house, one people, one

sacerdotal race; we live and die by one and the same Saviour.[209] For

this reason, I, poor and in exile, humbly pray your highness, by the

blood of Jesus Christ, to allow me to be present at this disputation."

[209] State Papers of Cassel.

But how bring Luther and Carlstadt face to face? and yet how repel the

unhappy man? The Landgrave, to extricate himself from this difficulty,

referred him to the Saxon Reformer. Carlstadt did not appear.

Philip of Hesse desired that, previously to the public conference, the

theologians should have a private interview. It was however considered

dangerous, says a contemporary, for Zwingle and Luther, who were both

naturally violent, to contend with one another at the very beginning;

and as Œcolampadius and Melancthon were the mildest, they were

apportioned to the roughest.[210] On Friday the 1st October, after

divine service, Luther and Œcolampadius were conducted into one

chamber, and Zwingle and Melancthon into another. The combatants were

then left to struggle two and two.

[210] Abgetheilt zu den rühren.--(Bull. ii. p. 225.)

[Sidenote: MELANCTHON AND ZWINGLE.]

The principal contest took place in the room of Zwingle and

Melancthon. "It is affirmed," said Melancthon to Zwingle, "that some

among you speak of God after the manner of the Jews, as if Christ was

not essentially God." "I think on the Holy Trinity," replied Zwingle,

"with the Council of Nice and the Athanasian creed." "Councils!

creeds! What does that mean?" asked Melancthon. "Have you not

continually repeated that you recognise no other authority than that

of Scripture?" "We have never rejected the councils," replied the

Swiss Reformer, "when they are based on the authority of the Word of

God.[211] The four first councils are truly sacred as regards

doctrine, and none of the faithful have ever rejected them." This

important declaration, handed down to us by Œcolampadius,

characterizes the Reformed theology.[212]

[211] Ubi unquam concilia rejicimus, verbi divini auctoritati

suffulta?--(Zw. Opp. iv. p. 191.)

[212] The word _Reformed_ is used to distinguish the doctrine and the

church of Zwingle and Calvin from those of Luther.

"But you teach," resumed Melancthon, "like Thomas Munster, that the

Holy Ghost acts quite alone, independently of the sacraments and of

the Word of God." "The Holy Ghost," replied Zwingle, "works in us

justification by the Word, but by the Word preached and understood, by

the soul and the marrow of the Word, by the mind and will of God

clothed in human language."[213]

[213] Mens et medulla verbi, mens et voluntas Dei amicta tamen humanis

verbis.--(Zw. Epp. iv. p. 173.)

"At least," continued Melancthon, "you deny original sin, and make sin

to consist only in actual and external works, like the Pelagians, the

philosophers, and the Papists."

This was the principal difficulty. "Since man naturally loves

himself," replied Zwingle, "instead of loving God; in that there is a

crime, a sin that condemns him."[214] He had more than once before

expressed the same opinion;[215] and yet Melancthon exulted on hearing

him: "Our adversaries," said he afterwards, "have given way on all

these points!"

[214] Malum, peccatum.--(Ibid. p. 172.)

[215] De peccato originali ad Urb. Rhegium.--(Ibid. iii. p. 632.)

Luther had pursued the same method with Œcolampadius as Melancthon

with Zwingle. The discussion had in particular turned on baptism.

Luther complained that they would not acknowledge that by this simple

sign a man became a member of the Church. "It is true," said

Œcolampadius, "that we require faith--either an actual or a future

faith. Why should we deny it? Who is a Christian, if it be not he who

believes in Christ? However, I should be unwilling to deny that the

water of baptism is in a certain sense a water of regeneration; for by

it he whom the Church knew not becomes its child."[216]

[216] Atque adeo ipse non negarim, aquam baptismi esse aquam

regenerantem: fit enim puer ecclesiæ, qui dudum ab ecclesia non

agnoscebatur.--(Zw. Opp. iv. p. 193.)

These four theologians were in the very heat of their discussions,

when domestics came to inform them that the prince's dinner was on the

table. They immediately rose, and Zwingle and Melancthon meeting

Luther and Œcolampadius, who were also quitting their chamber, the

latter approached Zwingle, and whispered mournfully in his ear: "I

have fallen a second time into the hands of Dr. Eck."[217] In the

language of the Reformers nothing stronger could be said.

[217] Lutherum Œcolampadem ita excepit, ut ad me veniens clam

queratur, se denuo in Eccium incidisse.--(Zw. Epp. ii. p. 369.)

It does not appear that the conference between Luther and Œcolampadius

was resumed after dinner. Luther's manner held out little hope; but

Melancthon and Zwingle returned to the discussion, and the Zurich

doctor finding the Wittemberg professor escape him like an eel, as he

said, and take "like Proteus a thousand different forms," seized a pen

in order to fix his antagonist. Zwingle committed to writing whatever

Melancthon dictated, and then wrote his reply, giving it to the other

to read.[218] In this manner they spent six hours, three in the

morning and three in the afternoon.[219] They prepared for the general

conference.

[218] At Melancthon, cum nimis lubricus esset et Protei in morem se in

omnia transformaret, me compulit, ut sumpto calamo manu

armarem.--(Ibid.)

[219] Istud colloquium sex in horas traximus.--(Ibid. 370.)

Zwingle requested that it should be an open one; Luther opposed this.

It was resolved that the princes, nobles, deputies, and theologians

should be admitted; but a great crowd of citizens, and even many

scholars and gentlemen, who had come from Frankfort, from the Rhine

districts, from Strasburg, from Basle and other Swiss towns, were

excluded. Brenz speaks of fifty or sixty hearers; Zwingle of

twenty-four only.[220]

[220] Quinquaginta aut sexaginta colloquio præsentes.--(Zw. Opp. iv.

p. 201.) Pauci arbitrii ad summum quatuor et viginti.--(Epp. ii. p.

370.)

[Sidenote: OPENING OF THE CONFERENCE.]

On a gentle elevation, watered by the Lahn, is situated an old castle,

overlooking the city of Marburg; in the distance is seen the beautiful

valley of the Lahn, and beyond, the mountain-tops rising one above

another, until they are lost in the horizon. It was beneath the vaults

and Gothic arches of an ancient hall in this castle, called the

Knights' Hall, that the conference was to take place.

On Saturday morning (2d October) the Landgrave took his seat in the

hall, surrounded by his court, but so plainly dressed that no one

would have taken him for a prince. He wished to avoid the appearance

of playing the part of a Constantine in the affairs of the Church.

Before him was a table which Luther, Zwingle, Melancthon, and

Œcolampadius approached. Luther, taking a piece of chalk, bent over

the velvet cloth which covered it, and steadily wrote four words in

large characters. All eyes followed the movement of his hand, and soon

they read HOC EST CORPUS MEUM.[221] Luther wished to have this

declaration continually before him, that it might strengthen his

faith, and be a sign to his adversaries.

[221] This is my body.--(Zw. Opp. iv. p. 175.)

Behind these four theologians were seated their friends,--Hedio,

Sturm, Funck, Frey, Eberard, Than, Jonas, Cruigerc, and others

besides. Jonas cast an inquiring glance upon the Swiss: "Zwingle,"

said he, "has a certain rusticity and arrogance;[222] if he is well

versed in letters, it is in spite of Minerva and of the Muses. In

Œcolampadius there is a natural goodness and admirable meekness. Hedio

seems to have as much liberality as kindness; but I find in Bucer the

cunning of a fox, that knows how to give himself an air of sense and

prudence." Men of moderate sentiments often meet with worse treatment

than those of the extreme parties.

[222] In Zwinglio agreste quiddam est et arrogantulum.--(Corp. Ref. i.

p. 1097.)

[Sidenote: ADDRESS OF CORDUE.]

Other sentiments animated those who contemplated this assembly from a

distance. The great men who had led the people in their footsteps on

the plains of Saxony, on the banks of the Rhine, and in the lofty

valleys of Switzerland, were there met face to face: the Chiefs of

Christendom, separated from Rome, were come together to see if they

could remain one. Accordingly, from all parts of Germany, prayers and

anxious looks were directed towards Marburg. "Illustrious princes of

the Word,"[223] cried the evangelical Church through the mouth of the

poet Cordus, "penetrating Luther, mild Œcolampadius, magnanimous

Zwingle, pious Snepf, eloquent Melancthon, courageous Bucer, candid

Hedio, excellent Osiander, valiant Brenz, amiable Jonas, fiery Craton,

Mænus, whose soul is stronger than his body, great Dionysius, and you

Myconius--all you whom Prince Philip, that illustrious hero, has

summoned, ministers and bishops, whom the christian cities have sent

to terminate the schism, and to show us the way of truth; the

suppliant Church falls weeping at your feet, and begs you by the

bowels of Jesus Christ to bring this matter to a happy issue, so that

the world may acknowledge in your resolution the work of the Holy

Ghost himself."[224]

[223] Insignes verbi proceres.--(Bull. ii. p. 236.)

[224] Et cupido supplex vobis Ecclesia voto Vestros cadit flens ad

pedes.--(Bull. ii p. 236.)

The Landgrave's chancellor, John Feige, having reminded them in the

prince's name that the object of this colloquy was the re-establishment

of union, "I protest," said Luther, "that I differ from my adversaries

with regard to the doctrine of the Lord's Supper, and that I shall

always differ from them. Christ has said, _This is my body_. Let them

show me that a body is not a body. I reject reason, common sense,

carnal arguments, and mathematical proofs. God is above

mathematics.[225] We have the Word of God; we must adore it and

perform it!"

[225] Deum esse supra mathematicam.--(Zw. Opp. iv. p. 175.)

[Sidenote: THE DISCUSSION--FIGURES.]

"It cannot be denied," said Œcolampadius, "that there are figures of

speech in the Word of God; as _John is Elias, the rock was Christ, I

am the vine_. The expression _This is my body_, is a figure of the

same kind." Luther granted that there were figures in the Bible, but

he denied that this last expression was figurative.

All the various parties, however, of which the Christian Church is

composed see a figure in these words. In fact, the Romanists declare

that _This is my body_ signifies not only "my body," but also "my

blood," "my soul," and even "my Divinity," and "Christ wholly.[226]"

These words, therefore, according to Rome, are a synecdoche, a figure

by which a part is taken for the whole. And, as regards the Lutherans,

the figure is still more evident.[227] Whether it be synecdoche,

metaphor, or metonymy, there is still a figure. In order to prove it,

Œcolampadius employed this syllogism:--

[226] If any one denies that the body and blood of our Saviour Jesus

Christ, with his soul and his divinity, and consequently the whole

Jesus Christ (totum Christum), is contained in the sacrament of the

Eucharist, let him be anathema.--(Council of Trent, Sess. 13.)

[227] Tota Christi persona.--(Form. concord. viii.)

"What Christ rejected in the sixth chapter of St. John, he could not

admit in the words of the Eucharist.

"Now Christ, who said to the people of Capernaum, _The flesh profiteth

nothing_, rejected by those very words the oral manducation of his

body.

"Therefore he did not establish it at the institution of his Supper."

LUTHER.--"I deny the minor (the second of these propositions); Christ

has not rejected all oral manducation, but only a material

manducation, like that of the flesh of oxen or of swine."[228]

[228] Qualis est carnis bovillæ aut suillæ.--(Scult. p. 217.)

ŒCOLAMPADIUS.--"There is danger in attributing too much to mere

matter."

[Sidenote: SCRIPTURE EXPLAINED BY SCRIPTURE.]

LUTHER.--"Every thing that God commands becomes spirit and life. If it

is by the Lord's order that we lift up a straw, in that very action we

perform a spiritual work. We must pay attention to him who speaks, and

not to what he says. God speaks: Men, worms, listen!--God commands:

let the world obey! and let us all together fall down and humbly kiss

the Word."[229]

[229] Quum præcipit quid, pareat mundus; et omnes osculemur

verbum.--(Zw. Opp. iv. p. 176.)

ŒCOLAMPADIUS.--"But since we have the spiritual eating, what need of

the bodily one?"

LUTHER.--"I do not ask what need we have of it; but I see it written,

_Eat, this is my body_. We must therefore believe and do. We must

do--we must do![230]--If God should order me to eat dung, I would do

it, with the assurance that it would be salutary."[231]

[230] _Man mus es thun_ sæpe inculcabat.--(Ibid.)

[231] Si juberet fimum comedere, facerem.--(Ibid.)

At this point Zwingle interfered in the discussion. "We must explain

Scripture by Scripture," said he. "We cannot admit two kinds of

corporeal manducation, as if Jesus had spoken of eating, and the

Capernaites of tearing in pieces, for the same word is employed in

both cases. Jesus says that to eat his flesh corporeally profiteth

nothing (John vi. 63); whence it would result that he had given us in

the Supper a thing that would be useless to us.--Besides there are

certain words that seem to me rather childish,--the dung, for

instance. The oracles of the demons were obscure, not so are those of

Jesus Christ."

LUTHER.--"When Christ says the flesh profiteth nothing, he speaks not

of his own flesh, but of ours."

* * * * *

ZWINGLE.--"The soul is fed with the Spirit and not with the flesh."

LUTHER.--"It is with the mouth that we eat the body; the soul does not

eat it."[232]

[232] Anima non edit ipsum (corpus) corporaliter.--(Zw. Epp. ii. p.

370.)

ZWINGLE.--"Christ's body is therefore a corporeal nourishment, and not

a spiritual."

LUTHER.--"You are captious."

ZWINGLE.--"Not so; but you utter contradictory things."

LUTHER.--"If God should present me wild apples, I should eat them

spiritually. In the Eucharist, the mouth receives the body of Christ,

and the soul believes in his words."

[Sidenote: THE SPIRITUAL EATING.]

Zwingle then quoted a great number of passages from the Holy

Scripture, in which the sign is described by the very thing signified;

and thence concluded that, considering our Lord's declaration in St.

John, _The flesh profiteth nothing_, we must explain the words of the

Eucharist in a similar manner.

Many hearers were struck by these arguments. Among the Marburg

professors sat the Frenchman Lambert; his tall and spare frame was

violently agitated. He had been at first of Luther's opinion,[233] and

was then hesitating between the two Reformers. As he went to the

conference, he said: "I desire to be a sheet of blank paper, on which

the finger of God may write his truth." Ere long he exclaimed, after

hearing Zwingle and Œcolampadius: "Yes! the Spirit, that is what

vivifies!"[234] When this conversion was known, the Wittembergers,

shrugging their shoulders, said, "Gallic fickleness!" "What!" replied

Lambert, "was St. Paul fickle because he was converted from

Pharisaism? And have we ourselves been fickle in abandoning the lost

sects of Popery?"

[233] See his Commentary on St. Luke (xxii. 19, 20.)

[234] He added, that the body of Christ was in the Eucharist neither

mathematically or commensurably, nor really (neque mathematice seu

commensurative, neque re ipsa).--(Epist. Lamb. de Marb. col.)

Luther was, however, by no means shaken. "_This is my body_," repeated

he, pointing with his finger to the words written before him. "_This

is my body._ The devil himself shall not drive me from that. To seek

to understand it, is to fall away from the faith."[235]

[235] Si interrogo, excido a fide.--(Zw. Epp. ii. p. 177.)

"But, doctor," said Zwingle, "St. John explains how Christ's body is

eaten, and you will be obliged at last to leave off singing always the

same song."

[Sidenote: AGITATION IN THE CONFERENCE.]

"You make use of unmannerly expressions," replied Luther[236]. The

Wittembergers themselves called Zwingle's argument "his old

song."[237] Zwingle continued without being disconcerted: "I ask you,

doctor, whether Christ in the sixth chapter of St. John did not wish

to reply to the question that had been put to him?"

[236] Invidiose loqueris.--(Bull. ii. p. 228.)

[237] Veterem suam cantilenam.--(Zw. Opp. iv. p. 221.)

LUTHER.--"Mr. Zwingle, you wish to stop my mouth by the arrogancy of

your language. That passage has nothing to do here."

ZWINGLE, hastily.--"Pardon me, doctor, that passage breaks your neck."

LUTHER.--"Do not boast so much! You are in Hesse, and not in

Switzerland. In this country we do not break people's necks."

Then turning towards his friends, Luther complained bitterly of

Zwingle; as if the latter had really wished to break his neck. "He

makes use of soldier-like and blood-stained words," said he.[238]

Luther forgot that he had employed a similar expression in speaking of

Carlstadt.[239]

[238] Verbum istud, tanquam castrense et cruentum.--(Hospin. p. 131.)

[239] Vol. III. Book ix.

ZWINGLE resumed: "In Switzerland also there is strict justice, and we

break no man's neck without trial. That expression signifies merely

that your cause is lost and hopeless."

Great agitation prevailed in the Knights' Hall. The roughness of the

Swiss and the obstinacy of the Saxon had come into collision. The

Landgrave, fearing to behold the failure of his project of

conciliation, nodded assent to Zwingle's explanation. "Doctor," said

he to Luther, "you should not be offended at such common expressions."

It was in vain: the agitated sea could not again be calmed. The prince

therefore arose, and they all repaired to the banqueting hall. After

dinner they resumed their tasks.

"I believe," said Luther, "that Christ's body is in heaven, but I also

believe that it is in the sacrament. It concerns me little whether

that be against nature, provided that it is not against faith.[240]

Christ is substantially in the sacrament, such as he was born of the

Virgin."

[240] Non curo quod sit contra naturam, modo non contra fidem.--(Zw.

Opp. iv. p. 178.)

[Sidenote: METAPHOR.]

ŒCOLAMPADIUS, quoting a passage from St. Paul: "We know not Jesus

Christ after the flesh."[241]

[241] 2 Cor. v. 16.

LUTHER.--"After the flesh means, in this passage, after our carnal

affections."[242]

[242] Pro carnalibus affectibus.--(Zw. Opp. iv. p. 202.)

ŒCOLAMPADIUS.--"You will not allow that there is a metaphor in these

words, _This is my body_, and yet you admit a synecdoche."

LUTHER.--"Metaphor permits the existence of a sign only; but it is not

so with synecdoche. If a man says he wishes to drink a bottle, we

understand that he means the beer in the bottle. Christ's body is in

the bread, as a sword in the scabbard,[243] or as the Holy Ghost in

the dove."

[243] Corpus est in pane sicut gladius in vagina.--(Ibid.)

The discussion was proceeding in this manner, when Osiander, pastor of

Nuremberg, Stephen Agricola, pastor of Augsburg, and Brenz, pastor of

Halle in Swabia, author of the famous Syngramma, entered the hall.

These also had been invited by the Landgrave. But Brenz, to whom

Luther had written that he should take care not to appear, had no

doubt by his indecision retarded his own departure as well as that of

his friends. Places were assigned them near Luther and Melancthon.

"Listen, and speak if necessary," they were told. They took but little

advantage of this permission. "All of us, except Luther," said

Melancthon, "were silent personages."[244]

[244] Fuimus κὡφα πρὁσωπα.--(Corp. Ref. i. p. 1098.)

The struggle continued.

When Zwingle saw that exegesis was not sufficient for Luther, he added

dogmatical theology to it, and, subsidiarily, natural philosophy.

[Sidenote: CHRIST'S HUMANITY FINITE.]

"I oppose you," said he, "with this article of our faith: _Ascendit in

cælum_--he ascended into heaven. If Christ is in heaven as regards his

body, how can he be in the bread? The Word of God teaches us that he

was like his brethren in all things (Heb. ii. 17). He therefore

cannot be in several places at once."

LUTHER.--"Were I desirous of reasoning thus, I would undertake to

prove that Jesus Christ had a wife; that he had black eyes,[245] and

lived in our good country of Germany.[246] I care little about

mathematics."

[245] Quod uxorem et nigros oculos habuisset.--(Scultet. p. 225.)

[246] In Germania diuturnum contubernium egisse.--(Zw. Opp. iv. p.

202.)

"There is no question of mathematics here," said Zwingle, "but of St.

Paul, who writes to the Philippians, μορφἡν δοὑλου λαβὡν."

[247]

[247] Having taken the form of a servant.--(Phil. ii. 7.)

LUTHER, interrupting him.--"Read it to us in Latin or in German, not

in Greek."

ZWINGLE (in Latin).--"Pardon me: for twelve years past I have made use

of the Greek Testament only." Then continuing to read the passage, he

concluded from it that Christ's humanity is of a finite nature like

our own.

LUTHER, pointing to the words written before him.--"Most dear sirs,

since my Lord Jesus Christ says, _Hoc est corpus meum_, I believe that

his body is really there."

Here the scene grew animated. Zwingle started from his chair, sprung

towards Luther, and striking the table before him, said to him:[248]

[248] Ibi Zwinglius illico prosiliens.--(Scultet. p. 225.)

"You maintain then, doctor, that Christ's body is locally in the Eucharist;

for you say Christ's body is really _there_--_there_--_there_," repeated

Zwingle. "_There_ is an adverb of place.[249] Christ's body is then of

such a nature as to exist in a place. If it is in a place, it is in

heaven, whence it follows that it is not in the bread."

[249] Da, da, da. _Ibi_ est adverbium loci.--(Scultet. p. 225.)

LUTHER.--"I repeat that I have nothing to do with mathematical proofs.

As soon as the words of consecration are pronounced over the bread,

the body is there, however wicked be the priest who pronounces them."

[Sidenote: PRESENCE OF CHRIST'S BODY.]

ZWINGLE.--"You are thus re-establishing Popery.[250]"

[250] Damit richtend ir das papstum uf.--(Zw. Opp. iii. p. 57.)

LUTHER.--"This is not done through the priest's merits, but because of

Christ's ordinance. I will not, when Christ's body is in question,

hear speak of a particular place. I absolutely will not."

ZWINGLE.--"Must every thing, then, exist precisely as you will it?"

The Landgrave perceived that the discussion was growing hot; and as

the repast was waiting, he broke off the contest.[251]

[251] Cœna instabat et diremit certamen.--(Ibid. iv. p. 179.)

The next day was Sunday, the 3d October. The conference was continued,

perhaps because of an epidemic (the Sweating Sickness) that had just

broken out at Marburg, and did not allow of the conference being

prolonged. Luther, returning to the discussion of the previous

evening, said:

"Christ's body is in the sacrament, but it is not there as in a

place."

ZWINGLE.--"Then it is not there at all."

LUTHER.--"Sophists say that a body may very well be in several places

at once. The universe is a body, and yet we cannot assert that it is

in a particular place."

ZWINGLE.--"Ah! you speak of sophists, doctor: really you are, after

all, obliged to return to the onions and flesh-pots of Egypt.[252] As

for what you say, that the universe is in no particular place, I beg

all intelligent men to weigh this proof." Then Zwingle, who, whatever

Luther said, had more than one arrow in his quiver, after having

established his proposition by exegesis and philosophy, resolved on

confirming it by the testimony of the Fathers of the Church.

[252] Ad cæpas at ollas Ægyptiacas.--(Zw. Opp. ii. part 3, p. 57.)

[Sidenote: TESTIMONY OF AUGUSTIN.]

"Listen," said he, "to what Fulgentius, bishop of Ruspa, in Numidia,

said, in the fifth century, to Trasamond, king of the Vandals: 'The

Son of God took the attributes of true humanity, and did not lose

those of true Divinity. Born in time, according to his mother, he

lives in eternity according to the Divinity that he holds from the

Father: coming from man, he is man, and consequently in a place;

proceeding from the Father, he is God, and consequently present in

every place. According to his human nature, he was absent from heaven

while he was upon earth, and he quitted the earth when he ascended

into heaven; but, according to his Divine nature, he remained in

heaven when he came down thence, and he did not abandon the earth when

he returned thither.'"[253]

[253] Secundum humanam substantiam, absens cœlo, cum esset in terra,

et derelinquens terram cum ascendisset in cœlum.--(Fulgentius to King

Trasamond, lib. ii.)

But Luther still replied: "It is written, _This is my body_." Zwingle,

becoming impatient, said, "All that is idle wrangling. An obstinate

disputant might also maintain this expression of our Saviour to his

mother, _Behold thy son_, pointing to St. John. Vain would be all

explanation; he would not cease to cry, No, no! He said, _Ecce filius

tuus_, Behold thy son, behold thy son! Listen to a new testimony; it

is from the great Augustin: 'Let us not think,' says he, 'that Christ,

according to his human form, is present in every place; let us beware,

in our endeavour to establish his Divinity, of taking away his truth

from his body. Christ is now every where present like God; and yet, in

consequence of his real body, he is in a definite part of

heaven.'"[254]

[254] In loco aliquo cœli propter veri corporis modum.--(Aug. Ep. p.

57.)

"St. Augustin," replied Luther, "is not here speaking of the

Eucharist. Christ's body is not in the Eucharist as in a place."

Œcolampadius saw that he might take advantage of this assertion of

Luther's. "The body of Christ," said he, "is not locally in the

Eucharist, therefore no real body is there; for every one knows that

the essence of a body is its existence in a place."

Here finished the morning's discussion.

[Sidenote: LUTHER'S VIOLENCE.]

Œcolampadius, upon reflection, felt convinced that Luther's assertion

might be looked upon as an approximation. "I remember," said he after

dinner, "that the doctor conceded this morning that Christ's body was

not in the sacrament as in a place. Let us therefore inquire amicably

what is the nature of Christ's bodily presence."

"You will not make me take a step further," exclaimed Luther, who saw

where they wished to drag him; "you have Fulgentius and Augustin on

your side, but all the other Fathers are on ours."

Œcolampadius, who seemed to the Wittembergers to be vexatiously

precise,[255] then said, "Name these doctors. We will take upon

ourselves to prove that they are of our opinion."

[255] Quem omnes sperassemus mitiorem, interdum videbatur paulo

morosior, sed citra contumeliam.--(Zw. Opp. iv. p. 201.)

"We will not name them to you,"[256] said Luther. "It was in his

youth," added he, "that Augustin wrote what you have quoted; and,

besides, he is an obscure author." Then, retreating to the ground

which he had resolved never to quit, he was no longer content to point

his finger at the inscription, _Hoc est corpus meum_, but seized the

velvet cover on which the words were written, pulled it off the table,

held it up in front of Zwingle and Œcolampadius, and placing it before

their eyes,[257] "See!" said he, "see! This is our text; you have not

yet driven us from it, as you had boasted, and we care for no other

proofs."

[256] Non nominabimus illos.--(Scultet. p. 228.)

[257] Da hub Luther die Sammaten deck auf, und Zeigt ihm den Spruch,

den er mit kreyden hett für sich geschrieben.--(Osiander; Niederer's

Nachrichten, ii. p. 114.)

"If this be the case," said Œcolampadius, "we had better leave off the

discussion. But I will first declare, that, if we quote the Fathers,

it is only to free our doctrine from the reproach of novelty, and not

to support our cause by their authority." No better definition can be

given of the legitimate use of the Doctors of the Church.

[Sidenote: END OF THE CONFERENCE.]

There was no reason, in fact, for prolonging the conference. "As

Luther was of an intractable and imperious disposition," says even his

great apologist Seckendorf, "he did not cease from calling upon the

Swiss to submit simply to his opinion."[258]

[258] Lutherus vero ut erat fero et imperioso ingenio.--(Seck. p.

136.)

The Chancellor, alarmed at this termination of the colloquy, exhorted

the theologians to come to an understanding. "I know but one means for

that," said Luther; "and this it is: Let our adversaries believe as we

do." "We cannot," replied the Swiss. "Well then," replied Luther, "I

abandon you to God's judgment, and pray that he will enlighten you."

"We will do the same," added Œcolampadius.

While these words were passing, Zwingle was silent, motionless, and

deeply moved; and the liveliness of his affections, of which he had

given more than one proof during the conference, was then manifested

in a very different manner. He burst into tears in the presence of

all.

The conference was ended. It had been in reality more tranquil than

the documents seem to show, or perhaps the chroniclers appreciated

such matters differently from ourselves. "With the exception of a few

sallies, all had passed off quietly, in a courteous manner, and with

very great gentleness," says an eye-witness.[259] "During the colloquy

no other words than these were heard: 'Sir, and very dear friend, your

charity,' or other similar expressions. Not a word of schism or of

heresy. It might have been said that Luther and Zwingle were brothers,

and not adversaries."[260] This is the testimony of Brenz. But these

flowers concealed an abyss, and Jonas, also an eye-witness, styles the

conference "a very sharp contest."[261]

[259] Omnia humanissime et summa cum mansuetudine

transigebantur.--(Zw. Opp. iv. p. 201.)

[260] Amicissime Domine, Vestra charitas, et id genus......Dixisses

Lutherum et Zwinglium non adversarios.--(Zw. Opp. iv. p. 201.)

[261] Acerrimo certamine.--(Corp. Ref. i. p. 1096.)

[Sidenote: THE LANDGRAVE MEDIATES.]

The contagion that had suddenly broken out in Marburg was creating

frightful ravages, and filled everybody with alarm.[262] Each one was

anxious to leave the city. "Sirs," remarked the Landgrave, "you

cannot separate thus." And desirous of giving the doctors an

opportunity of meeting one another with minds unoccupied by

theological debates, he invited them all to his table. This was Sunday

night.

[262] Nisi _Sudor Anglicus_ subito Marburgum invasisset et terrore

omnium animos percutisset.--(Hospin. p. 131.)

Philip of Hesse had all along shown the most constant attention, and

each one imagined him to be on his side. "I would rather place my

trust in the simple words of Christ, than in the subtle thoughts of

man," was a remark he made, according to Jonas;[263] but Zwingle

affirmed that this prince thought now as he did, although with regard

to certain persons he dissembled his opinions. Luther, sensible of the

weakness of his defence as to the declarations of the Fathers,

transmitted a note to Philip, in which several passages were pointed

out from Hilary, Chrysostom, Cyprian, Irenæus, and Ambrose, which he

thought were in his favour.

[263] Dicitur palam proclamasse.--(Corp. Ref. p. 1097.)

The time of departure drew near, and nothing had been done. The

Landgrave toiled earnestly at the union, as Luther wrote to his

wife.[264] He invited the theologians one after another into his

closet;[265] he pressed, entreated, warned, exhorted, and conjured

them. "Think," said he, "of the salvation of the christian republic,

and remove all discord from its bosom."[266] Never had general at the

head of an army taken such pains to win a battle.

[264] Da arbeit der Landgraf heftig.--(L. Epp. iii. p. 512.)

[265] Unumquemque nostrum seorsim absque arbitris.--(Zw. Opp. iv. p.

203.)

[266] Compellans, rogans, monens, exhortans, postulans ut Reipublicæ

Christianæ rationem haberemus, et discordiam e medio

tolleremus.--(Ibid.)

[Sidenote: ZWINGLE'S EMOTION.]

A final general meeting took place and undoubtedly the Church has

seldom witnessed one of greater solemnity. Luther and Zwingle, Saxony

and Switzerland, met for the last time. The Sweating Sickness was

carrying off men around them by thousands;[267] Charles the Fifth and

the Pope were uniting in Italy; Ferdinand and the Roman-catholic

princes were preparing to tear in pieces the Protest of Spire; the

thunder-cloud became more threatening every day; union alone seemed

capable of saving the Protestants, and the hour of departure was about

to strike--an hour that would separate them perhaps for ever.

[267] Multa perierunt millia.--(Hospin. p. 131.)

"Let us confess our union in all things in which we agree," said

Zwingle; "and as for the rest, let us remember that we are brothers.

There will never be peace between the Churches if, while we maintain

the grand doctrine of salvation by faith, we cannot differ on

secondary points."[268] Such is, in fact, the true principle of

christian union. The sixteenth century was still too deeply sunk in

scholasticism to understand this: let us hope that the nineteenth

century will comprehend it better.

[268] Quod nulla unquam Ecclesiarum pax constituta sit, si non in

multis aliis dissentiendi a se facultatem faciant.--(Scultet. p. 207.)

"Yes, yes!" exclaimed the Landgrave; "you agree! Give then a testimony

of your unity, and recognise one another as brothers."--"There is no

one upon earth with whom I more desire to be united, than with you,"

said Zwingle, approaching the Wittemberg doctors.[269] Œcolampadius,

Bucer, and Hedio said the same.

[269] Es werendt keine lüth uff Erden.--(Bull. ii. p. 225.)

"Acknowledge them! acknowledge them as brothers!" continued the

Landgrave.[270] Their hearts were moved; they were on the eve of

unity: Zwingle, bursting into tears, in the presence of the Prince,

the courtiers, and divines (it is Luther himself who records

this),[271] approaches Luther, and holds out his hand. The two

families of the Reformation were about to be united: long quarrels

were about to be stifled in their cradle; but Luther rejects the hand

that is offered him: "You have a different spirit from ours," said he.

These words communicate to the Swiss, as it were, an electrical shock.

Their hearts sunk each time Luther repeated them, and he did so

frequently. It is he himself who is our informant.

[270] Idque Princeps valde urgebat.--(L. Epp. iii. p. 513.)

[271] Swinglius palam lacrymans coram Langravio et omnibus.--(Hospin.

p. 136.)

[Sidenote: SECTARIAN SPIRIT OF THE GERMAN.]

A brief consultation took place among the Wittemberg doctors. Luther,

Melancthon, Agricola, Brenz, Jonas, and Osiander, conferred together.

Convinced that their peculiar doctrine on the Eucharist was essential

to salvation, they considered all those who rejected it as without the

pale of the faith. "What folly!"[272] said Melancthon, who afterwards

almost coincided with Zwingle's sentiments: "they condemn us, and yet

they desire we should consider them as our brothers!" "What

versatility!" added Brenz: "they accused us but lately of worshipping

a bread-god, and they now ask for communion with us!"[273] Then,

turning towards Zwingle and his friends, the Wittembergers said: "You

do not belong to the communion of the Christian Church: we cannot

acknowledge you as brethren!"[274]

[272] Vide eorum stultitiam!--(Corp. Ref. i. p. 1108.)

[273] Nos tanquam adoratores panifici Dei traduxerant.--(Zw. Opp. iv.

p. 203.)

[274] Eos a communione Ecclesiæ Christianæ alienos esse.--(Ibid.)

The Swiss were far from partaking of this sectarian spirit. "We

think," said Bucer, "that your doctrine strikes at the glory of Jesus

Christ, who now reigns at the right hand of the Father. But seeing

that in all things you acknowledge your dependence on the Lord, we

look at your conscience, which compels you to receive the doctrine you

profess, and we do not doubt that you belong to Christ."

"And we," said Luther--"we declare to you once more that our

conscience opposes our receiving you as brethren."--"If such is the

case," replied Bucer, "it would be folly to ask it."

"I am exceedingly astonished that you wish to consider me as your

brother," pursued Luther. "It shows clearly that you do not attach

much importance to your own doctrine."

[Sidenote: BROTHERHOOD REJECTED.]

"Take your choice," said Bucer, proposing a dilemma to the Reformer:

"either you should not acknowledge as brethren those who differ from

you in any point--and if so, you will not find a single brother in

your own ranks[275]--or else you will receive some of those who

differ from you, and then you ought to receive us."

[275] Nemo alteri vel inter ipsos frater erit.--(Zw. Opp. iv. p. 194.)

The Swiss had exhausted their solicitations. "We are conscious," said

they, "of having acted as if in the presence of God. Posterity will be

our witness."[276] They were on the point of retiring: Luther remained

like a rock, to the Landgrave's great indignation.[277] The Hessian

divines, Kraft, Lambert, Snepf, Lonicer, and Melander, united their

exertions to those of the Prince.

[276] Id testabitur posteritas.--(Ibid.)

[277] Principi illud durum videbatur.--(Ibid. p. 203.)

Luther was staggered, and conferred anew with his colleagues. "Let us

beware," said he to his friends, "of wiping our noses too roughly,

lest blood should come."[278]

[278] Ne nimis mungendo, sanguinem eliceremus.--(L. Epp. in his letter

written to Gerbellius on the same day--Monday.)

Then turning to Zwingle and Œcolampadius, they said: "We acknowledge

you as friends; we do not consider you as brothers and members of

Christ's Church.[279] But we do not exclude you from that universal

charity which we owe even to our enemies."[280]

[279] Agnoscere quidem velimus tanquam amicos, sed non tanquam

fratres.--(Zw. Opp. iv. p. 203.)

[280] Charitate quæ etiam hosti debetur.--(Ibid. p. 190.)

The hearts of Zwingle, Œcolampadius, and Bucer, were ready to

burst,[281] for this concession was almost a new insult. Nevertheless

they resolved to accept what was offered them. "Let us carefully avoid

all harsh and violent words and writings," said they; "and let each

one defend himself without railing."[282]

[281] Indignissime affecti sunt.--(Ibid.)

[282] Quisque suam sententiam doceat absque invectivis.--(L. Epp. iii.

p. 514.)

Luther then advanced towards the Swiss, and said: "We consent, and I

offer you the hand of peace and charity." The Swiss rushed in great

emotion towards the Wittembergers, and all shook hands.[283] Luther

himself was softened: christian charity resumed her rights in his

heart. "Assuredly," said he, "a great portion of the scandal is taken

away by the suppression of our fierce debates; we could not have hoped

for so much. May Christ's hand remove the last obstacle that separates

us.[284] There is now a friendly concord between us, and if we

persevere in prayer, brotherhood will come."

[283] Dedimus tamen manus pacis et caritatis.--(Ibid. p. 513.)

[284] Utinam et ille reliquus scrupulus per Christum tandem

tollatur,--in his letter written to Gerbellius after leaving this

meeting.

[Sidenote: LUTHER'S REPORT OF THE CONFERENCE.]

It was desirable to confirm this important result by a report. "We

must let the christian world know," said the Landgrave, "that, except

the manner of the presence of the body and blood in the Eucharist, you

are agreed in all the articles of faith."[285] This was resolved on;

but who should be charged with drawing up the paper? All eyes were

turned upon Luther. The Swiss themselves appealed to his impartiality.

[285] Ut orbi Christiano notum fieret eos in omnibus fidei capitibus

consentire.--(Hospin. p. 127.)

Luther retired to his closet, lost in thought, uneasy, and finding the

task very difficult. "On the one hand," said he, "I should like to

spare their weakness;[286] but, on the other, I would not in the least

degree strike at the holy doctrine of Christ." He did not know how to

set about it, and his anguish increased. He got free at last. "I will

draw up the articles," said he, "in the most accurate manner. Do I not

know that whatever I write, they will never sign them?"[287] Erelong

fifteen articles were committed to paper, and Luther, holding them in

his hand, repaired to the theologians of the two parties.

[286] Het gern ihrer Schwachheit verschont.--(Niederer Nachr. ii. p.

120.)

[287] Doch zuletz sprach er Ich will die artikel aufaller pesste

stellen, sy werdens doch nicht annemen.--(Ibid.)

[Sidenote: UNITY OF DOCTRINE.]

These articles are of importance. The two doctrines that were evolved

in Switzerland and in Saxony, independently of each other, were

brought together and compared. If they were of man, there would be

found in them a servile uniformity, or a remarkable opposition. This

was not the case. A great unity was found between the German and the

Swiss Reformations, for they both proceeded from the same Divine

teaching; and a diversity on secondary points, for it was by man's

instrumentality that God had effected them.

Luther took his paper, and reading the first article, said:

"First, we believe that there is one sole, true, and natural God,

Creator of heaven and earth and of all creatures; and that this same

God, one in essence and in nature, is threefold in person, that is to

say, Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, as was declared in the Nicene

Council, and as all the Christian Church professes."

To this the Swiss gave their assent.

They were agreed also on the divinity and humanity of Jesus Christ; on

his death and resurrection, on original sin, justification by faith,

the operation of the Holy Ghost and of the Word of God, baptism, good

works, confession, civil order, and tradition.

Thus far all were united. The Wittembergers could not recover from

their astonishment.[288] The two parties had rejected, on the one

hand, the errors of the Papists, who make religion little more than an

outward form; and, on the other, those of the Enthusiasts, who speak

exclusively of internal feelings; and they were found drawn up under

the same banners between these two camps. But the moment was come that

would separate them. Luther had kept till the last the article on the

Eucharist.

[288] Quod mirari non satis potuimus.--(Brentius, Zw. Opp. iv. p.

203.)

The Reformer resumed:

"We all believe with regard to the Lord's Supper, that it ought to be

celebrated in both kinds, according to the primitive institution; that

the Mass is not a work by which a Christian obtains pardon for another

man, whether dead or alive; that the sacrament of the altar is the

sacrament of the very body and very blood of Jesus Christ; and that

the spiritual manducation of this body and blood is specially

necessary to every true Christian."[289]

[289] Quod spiritualis manducatio hujus corporis et sanguinis

unicuique Christiano præcipue necessaria sit.--(Scultet. p. 232.)

[Sidenote: UNITY AMONG DIVERSITY.]

It was now the turn of the Swiss to be astonished. Luther continued:

"In like manner, as to the use of the sacrament, we are agreed that,

like the Word, it was ordained of Almighty God, in order that weak

consciences might be excited by the Holy Ghost to faith and charity."

The joy of the Swiss was redoubled. Luther continued: "And although at

present we are not agreed on the question whether the real body and

blood of Christ are corporeally present in the bread and wine, yet

both the interested parties shall cherish more and more a truly

christian charity for one another, so far as conscience permits; and

we will all earnestly implore the Lord to condescend by his Spirit to

confirm us in the sound doctrine."[290]

[290] Osiander (a Lutheran) employs the accusative, "in _den_ rechten

Verstand," which would indicate a movement towards an object that we

do not possess: Bullinger and Scultet (both Reformed divines) have the

dative.

The Swiss obtained what they had asked: unity in diversity. It was

immediately resolved to hold a solemn meeting for the signature of the

articles.

They were read over again. Œcolampadius, Zwingle, Bucer, and Hedio,

signed them first on one copy; while Luther, Melancthon, Jonas,

Osiander, Brentz, and Agricola, wrote their names on the other; both

parties then signed the copy of their adversaries, and this important

document was sent to the press.[291]

[291] Bullinger and others indicate the 3d October as the day on which

the articles were signed; Osiander, an eye-witness, and whose

narrative is very exact, says it was the 4th, which agrees with all

the other data.

[Sidenote: REMARKS.]

Thus the Reformation had made a sensible step at Marburg. The opinion

of Zwingle on the spiritual presence, and of Luther on the bodily

presence, are both found in christian antiquity; but both the extreme

doctrines have been always rejected: that of the Rationalists, on the

one hand, who behold in the Eucharist nothing but a simple

commemoration; and of the Papists, on the other, who adore in it a

transubstantiation. These are both errors; while the doctrines of

Luther and Zwingle, and the medium taken by Calvin, already maintained

by some of the Fathers, were considered in ancient times as different

views of the same truth. If Luther had yielded, it might have been

feared that the Church would fall into the extreme of Rationalism; if

Zwingle, that it would rush into the extreme of Popery. It is a

salutary thing for the Church that these different views should be

entertained; but it is a pernicious thing for individuals to attach

themselves to one of them, in such a manner as to anathematize the

others. "There is only this little stumbling-block," wrote Melancthon,

"that embarrasses the Church of our Lord."[292] All,--Romanists and

Evangelicals, Saxons and Swiss, admitted the presence, and even the

real presence of Christ; but here was the essential point of

separation: Is this presence effected by the faith of the communicant,

or by the _opus operatum_ of the priest? The germs of Popery,

Sacerdotalism, Puseyism, are inevitably contained in this latter

thesis. If it is maintained that a wicked priest (as has been said)

operates this real presence of Christ by three words, we enter the

Church of the Pope. Luther appeared sometimes to admit this doctrine,

but he has often spoken in a more spiritual manner; and taking this

great man in his best moments, we behold no more than an essential

unity and a secondary diversity in the two parties of the Reformation.

Undoubtedly the Lord has left his Church outward seals of his grace;

but he has not attached salvation to these signs. The essential point

is the connexion of the faithful with the Word, with the Holy Ghost,

with the Head of the Church. This is the great truth which the Reform

proclaims, and which Lutheranism itself recognises. After the Marburg

conference, the controversy became more moderate.

[292] Hic unus in Ecclesia hæret scrupulus.--(Corp. Ref. i. p. 1106.)

There was another advantage. The evangelical divines at Marburg marked

with one accord their separation from the Papacy. Zwingle was not

without fear (unfounded, no doubt) with regard to Luther: these fears

were dispersed. "Now that we are agreed," said he, "the Papists will

no longer hope that Luther will ever be one of them."[293] The Marburg

articles are the first bulwark erected in common by the Reformers

against Rome.

[293] Pontifici non ultra possunt sperare Lutherum suum fore.--(Zw.

Opp. ii. p. 370.)

It was not, then, in vain that, after the protest of Spire, Philip of

Hesse endeavoured, at Marburg, to bring together the friends of the

Gospel. But, if the religious object was partially attained, the

political object almost entirely failed. They could not arrive at a

confederation of Switzerland and Germany. Nevertheless, Philip of

Hesse and Zwingle, with a view to this, had numerous secret

conversations, which made the Saxons uneasy, as they were not less

opposed to Zwingle's politics than to his theology. "When you have

reformed the peasant's cap," said Jonas to him, "you will also claim

to reform the sable hat of princes."

The Landgrave, having collected all the doctors at his table on the

last day, they shook hands in a friendly manner,[294] and each one

thought of leaving the town.

[294] Die Händ einander früntlich gebotten.--(Bull. ii. p. 236.)

[Sidenote: LUTHER'S DEJECTION.]

On Tuesday the 5th October, the Landgrave quitted Marburg early, and

in the afternoon of the same day Luther departed, accompanied by his

colleagues; but he did not go forth as a conqueror. A spirit of

dejection and alarm had taken possession of his mind.[295] He writhed

in the dust, like a worm, according to his own expression. He fancied

he should never see his wife and children again, and cried out that

he, "the consoler of so many tortured souls, was now without any

consolation!"[296]

[295] Ego vix et ægre domum reversus sum.--(L. Epp. iii. p. 520.)

[296] Sic me vexante Angelo Satanæ, ut desperarim me vivum et salvum

visurum meos.--(Ibid.)

[Sidenote: STATE OF POLITICAL AFFAIRS.]

This state might partly arise from Luther's want of brotherly feeling;

but it had other causes also. Soliman had come to fulfil a promise

made to King Ferdinand. The latter having demanded, in 1528, the

surrender of Belgrade, the Sultan had haughtily replied, that he

would bring the keys himself to Vienna. In fact, the Grand Turk,

crossing the frontiers of Germany, had invaded countries "on which the

hoofs of the Mussulman war-horses had never trod," and eight days

before the conference at Marburg, he had covered with his innumerable

tents the plain and the fertile hills in the midst of which rise the

walls of Vienna. The struggle had begun under ground, the two parties

having dug deep galleries beneath the ramparts. Three different times

the Turkish mines were sprung; the walls were thrown down;[297] "the

balls flew through the air like a flight of small birds," says a

Turkish historian; "and there was a horrible banquet, at which the

genii of death joyously drained their glasses."[298]

[297] Ipsam urbem in tribus locis, suffoso solo et pulvere supposito

disjicit et patefecit.--(L. Epp. iii. p. 518.)

[298] Dschelalsade, quoted by Ranke.

Luther did not keep in the background. He had already written against

the Turks, and now he published a _Battle Sermon_. "Mahomet," said he,

"exalts Christ as being without sin; but he denies that he was the

true God; therefore he is his enemy. Alas! to this hour the world is

such that it seems everywhere to rain disciples of Mahomet. Two men

ought to oppose the Turks: the first is Christian, that is to say,

Prayer; the second is Charles, that is to say, The sword." And in

another place, "I know my dear Germans well, fat and well-fed swine;

as soon as the danger is removed, they think only of eating and

sleeping. Wretched man! if thou dost not take up arms the Turk will

come; he will carry thee away into his Turkey; he will there sell thee

like a dog; and thou shalt serve him night and day, under the rod and

the cudgel, for a glass of water and a morsel of bread. Think on this;

be converted, and implore the Lord not to give thee the Turk for thy

schoolmaster."[299]

[299] Heer predigt wider die Türken.--(L. Opp. (W.) xx. p. 2691.)

[Sidenote: VARIETY OF CHARACTER.]

The two arms pointed out by Luther were, in reality, vigorously

employed; and Soliman, perceiving at last that he was not the "soul of

the universe," as his poets had styled him, but that there was a

strength in the world superior to his own, raised the siege of Vienna

on the 16th October; and "the shadow of God over the two worlds," as

he called himself, "disappeared and vanished in the Bosphorus."

But Luther imagined that, when retiring from before the walls of

Vienna, "the Turk, or at least his god, who is the devil," had rushed

upon him; and that it was this enemy of Christ and of Christ's

servants that he was destined to combat and vanquish in his frightful

agony.[300] There is an immediate reaction of the violated law upon

him who violates it. Now Luther had transgressed the royal law, which

is charity, and he suffered the penalty. At last he re-entered

Wittemberg, and flung himself into the arms of his friends, "tormented

by the angel of death."[301]

[300] Forte ipsum Turcam partim in isto agone cogor ferre et vincere,

saltem ejus Deum, diabolum.--(L. Epp. iii. p. 520.)

[301] Angelus Satanæ, vel quisquis est diabolus mortis ita me

fatigat.--(L. Epp. iii. p. 515.)

Without, however, overlooking the essential qualities of a Reformer

that Luther manifested at Marburg, there are in God's work, as in a

drama, different parts. What various characters we see among the

Apostles and among the Reformers! It has been said that the same

characters and the same parts were assigned to St. Peter and to

Luther, at the time of the Formation and of the Reformation of the

Church.[302] They were both in fact men of the initiative, who start

forward quite alone, but around whom an army soon collects at the

sight of the standard which they wave.

[302] Dr. Vinet.

But there was perhaps in the Reformer a characteristic that was not

found to the same degree in the Apostle; this is firmness.

[Sidenote: EXASPERATION OF THE PAPISTS.]

As for Zwingle, he quitted Marburg in alarm at Luther's intolerance.

"Lutheranism," wrote he to the Landgrave, "will lie as heavy upon us

as Popery."[303] He reached Zurich on the 19th October. "The truth,"

said he to his friends, "has prevailed so manifestly, that if ever

any one has been defeated before all the world, it is Luther, although

he constantly exclaimed that he was invincible."[304] On his side,

Luther spoke in a similar strain. "It is through fear of their

fellow-citizens," added he, "that the Swiss, although vanquished, are

unwilling to retract."[305]

[303] Das Lutherthum werde so schwer, als das Papsthum.--(Zw. Epp. p.

374.)

[304] Lutherus impudens et contumax aperte est victus.--(Zw. Epp. p.

370.)

[305] Metuebant plebem suam ad quam non licuisset reverti.--(Zw. Opp.

ii. p. 19.)

If it should be asked on which side the victory really was, perhaps we

ought to say that Luther assumed the air of a conqueror, but Zwingle

was so in reality. The conference propagated through all Germany the

doctrine of the Swiss, which had been little known there till that

time, and it was adopted by an immense number of persons. Among these

were Laffards, first rector of St. Martin's School at Brunswick,

Dionysius Melander, Justus Lening, Hartmann, Ibach, and many more. The

Landgrave himself, a short time before his death, declared that this

conference had induced him to renounce the oral manducation of

Christ.[306]

[306] Rommels Anmerkungen, p. 227-229.

Still the dominant principle at this celebrated epoch was unity. The

adversaries are the best judges. The Roman-catholics were exasperated

that the Lutherans and Zwinglians had agreed on all the essential

points of faith. "They have a fellow-feeling against the Catholic

Church," said they, "as Herod and Pilate against Jesus Christ." The

enthusiastic sects said the same,[307] and the extreme hierarchial as

well as the extreme radical party deprecated equally the unity of

Marburg.

[307] Pontificiis et catabaptistis multum displicuit consensus

Marpurgi.--(Scultet. p. 208.)

[Sidenote: THREATENING PROSPECTS.]

Erelong a greater agitation eclipsed all these rumours, and events

which threatened the whole evangelical body, proclaimed its great and

intimate union with new force. The Emperor, it was everywhere said,

exasperated by the Protest of Spire, has landed at Genoa with the pomp

of a conqueror. After having sworn at Barcelona to reduce the

heretics under the power of the Pope, he is going to visit this

pontiff, humbly to bend the knee before him; and he will rise up only

to cross the Alps and accomplish his terrible designs. "The Emperor

Charles," said Luther, a few days after the landing of this prince,

"has determined to show himself more cruel against us than the Turk

himself, and he has already uttered the most horrible threats. Behold

the hour of Christ's agony and weakness. Let us pray for all those who

will soon have to endure captivity and death."[308]

[308] Carolus Caesar multo atrocius minatur et sævire statuit in nos,

quam Turca.--(L. Epp. iii. p. 324.)

Such was the news that then agitated all Germany. The grand question

was, whether the Protest of Spire could be maintained against the

power of the Emperor and of the Pope. This was seen in the year 1530.