BOOK XIII.

[Illustration: J. H. MERLE D'AUBIGNÉ]

[Illustration: MARTIN LUTHER BEFORE THE DIET AT WORMS

NEW YORK

R CARTER 58 CANAL STREET.]

HISTORY

OF THE

GREAT REFORMATION

OF THE

SIXTEENTH CENTURY

IN

GERMANY, SWITZERLAND, &c.

BY J. H. MERLE D'AUBIGNE,

PRESIDENT OF THE THEOLOGICAL SCHOOL OF GENEVA, AND MEMBER OF

THE "SOCIETE EVANGELIQUE."

ASSISTED IN THE PREPARATION OF THE ENGLISH ORIGINAL

BY H. WHITE,

B.A. TRIN. COLL. CAMBRIDGE, M.A. AND PH. DR. HEIDELBERG.

VOL. IV.

NEW YORK:

ROBERT CARTER, 58 CANAL STREET;

AND PITTSBURG, 56 MARKET STREET.

1846.

PREFACE.

When a foreigner visits certain countries, as England, Scotland, or

America, he is sometimes presented with the rights of citizenship.

Such has been the privilege of the "History of the Reformation of the

Sixteenth Century." From 150,000 to 200,000 copies are in circulation,

in the English language, in the countries I have just mentioned; while

in France the number hardly exceeds 4000. This is a real

adoption,--naturalizing this Work in the countries that have received

it with so much favour.

I accept this honour. Accordingly, while the former Volumes of my

History were originally published in France; now that, after a lapse

of five years, I think of issuing a continuation of it, I do so in

Great Britain.

This is not the only change in the mode of publication. I did not

think it right to leave to translators, as in the cases of the former

Volumes, the task of expressing my ideas in English. The best

translations are always faulty; and the Author alone can have the

certainty of conveying his idea, his whole idea, and nothing but his

idea. Without overlooking the merit that the several existing

translations may possess, even the best of them is not free from

inaccuracies, more or less important. Of these I have given specimens

in the Preface to the New Translation of the former Volumes by Dr.

WHITE, which has been revised by me, and which will shortly be

published by Messrs. OLIVER and BOYD. These inaccuracies, no doubt

most involuntary, contributed in giving rise to a very severe contest

that took place in America, on the subject of this Work, between the

Episcopalians and the Baptists on the one hand, and the Presbyterians

on the other,--a contest that I hope is now terminated, but in which

(as a New York correspondent informed me) one of the most beneficial

and powerful Christian Societies of the United States had been on the

brink of dissolution.

With such facts before me, I could no longer hesitate. It became

necessary for me to publish, myself, in English; and this I

accordingly do. But although that language is familiar to me, I was

desirous of securing, to a certain extent, the co-operation of an

English literary gentleman. Dr. HENRY WHITE, a Graduate of Cambridge,

and Member of a Continental University, has had the great kindness to

visit Switzerland for this purpose, although such a step exposed him

to much inconvenience, and to pass with me at Geneva the time

necessary for this labour. I could not have had a more enlightened

coadjutor; and I here express my obligations to him for his very able

assistance.

I therefore publish in English this Continuation of the History of the

Reformation. I do not think that, as I publish, myself, in this

language, any one will have the power, or will entertain the idea, of

attempting another publication. It would be a very bad speculation on

the part of any bookseller; for where is the reader that would not

prefer the original text, as published by the Author himself, to a

translation made by a stranger?

But there is a higher question--a question of morality. Of all

property that a man can possess, there is none so essentially his own

as the labours of his mind. Man acquires the fruits of his fields by

the sweat of his servants and of his beasts of burden; and the produce

of his manufactures by the labour of his workmen and the movement of

his machines; but it is by his own toils, by the exercise of his most

exalted faculties, that he creates the productions of his mind.

Accordingly, in putting this History under the protection of the laws,

I place it at the same time under a no less secure safeguard,--that of

justice. I know that it is written in the consciences on the other

side of the Channel and of the Atlantic: _Ye shall have one manner of

law, as well for the stranger as for one of your own country: for I am

the Lord your God._[1] To English honour I confide this Work.

[1] Levit. xxiv. 22.

* * * * *

The first two Books of this Volume contain the most important epochs

of the Reformation--the Protest of Spire, and the Confession of

Augsburg. The last two describe the establishment of the Reform in

most of the Swiss cantons, and the instructive and deplorable events

that are connected with the catastrophe of Cappel.

It was my desire to narrate also the beginnings of the English

Reformation; but my Volume is filled, and I am compelled to defer this

subject to the next. It is true I might have omitted some matters here

treated of, but I had strong reasons for doing the contrary. The

Reformation in Great Britain is not very important before the period

described in this volume; the order of time compelled me, therefore,

to remain on the Continent; for whatever may be the historian's

desire, he cannot change dates and the order that God has assigned to

the events of the world. Besides, before turning more especially

towards England, Scotland, France, and other countries, I determined

on bringing the Reformation of Germany and German Switzerland to the

decisive epochs of 1530 and 1531. The History of the Reformation,

properly so called, is then, in my opinion, almost complete in those

countries. The work of Faith has there attained its apogee: that of

conferences, of interims, of diplomacy begins. I do not, however,

entirely abandon Germany and German Switzerland, but henceforward they

will occupy me less: the movement of the sixteenth century has there

made its effort. I said, from the very first: It is the History of the

Reformation and not of Protestantism that I am relating.

It is not, however, without some portion of fear that I approach the

History of the Reformation in England; it is perhaps more difficult

than elsewhere. I have received communications from some of the most

respectable men of the different ecclesiastical parties, who, each

feeling convinced that their own point of view is the true one, desire

me to present the history in this light. I hope to execute my task

with impartiality and truth. But I thought it would be advantageous to

study for some time longer the principles and the facts. I am at

present occupied in this task, and shall consecrate to it, with God's

assistance, the first part of my next Volume.

Should it be thought that I might have described the Reformation in

Switzerland with greater brevity, I beg my readers will call to mind

that, independently of the intrinsic importance of this history,

Switzerland is the Author's birthplace.

I had at first thought of making arrangements for the present

publication with the English and Scotch booksellers who had translated

the former portions. Relations that I had maintained with some of

these publishers, and which had gained my esteem for them, induced me

to adopt this course. They were consequently informed by letter of my

purpose, and several months later I had an interview with some of them

at Glasgow. I told them of my intentions, and desired to know theirs.

They replied, that they could not communicate them immediately, since

they would first have to come to an arrangement with their colleagues,

in order to make me a proposal in common. It would appear that they

did not succeed. However that may be, and although I allowed a

sufficient period of time to elapse, I received no communication from

the associated publishers. But at the same time, one of the first

houses in Great Britain, Messrs. OLIVER and BOYD of Edinburgh, who

were introduced to me by my highly respected friend Dr. CHALMERS, made

me a suitable and precise offer. I could wait no longer; and on the

very eve of my departure from London for the Continent, after a

sojourn of three months in Scotland and in England, I made

arrangements with them, which have since been definitively settled,

and the Work is now their property.

The French laws are positive to protect literary property in France,

even if it belongs to a foreigner. I am less familiar with the English

laws; but I will not do England the injustice of believing that its

legislation is surpassed by that of France in justice and in morality.

J. H. MERLE D'AUBIGNE.

EAUX-VIVES, GENEVA, _January 1846_.

CONTENTS.

BOOK XIII.--PAGE 11.

THE PROTEST AND THE CONFERENCE.

1526-1529.

Twofold Movement of Reform--Reform, the Work of God--First Diet

of Spire--Palladium of Reform--Proceedings of the Diet--Report of

the Commissioners--The Papacy described--Destruction of Jerusalem--

Instructions of Seville--Change of Policy--The Holy League--Religious

Liberty proposed--Crisis of the Reformation--Italian War--Emperor's

Manifesto--Italian Campaign--March on Rome--Revolt of the Troops--Papal

Army--The Assault--The Sack--German Humours--Violence of the

Spaniards--Profitable Calm--Constitution of the Church--Philip of

Hesse--The Monk of Marburg--Lambert's Paradoxes--Friar Boniface--

Disputation at Homburg--Triumph of the Gospel in Hesse--Constitution

of the Church--Synods--Two Elements in the Church--Luther on the

Ministry--Organization of the Church--Evils of State Interference--

Luther's Letter to the Elector--German Mass--Melancthon's Instructions--

Disaffection--Visitation of the Reformed Churches--Important Results--

The Reformation Advances--Elizabeth of Brandenburg--A Pious Princess--

Edict of Ofen--Persecutions--Winckler and Carpenter--Persecutions--

Keyser--Alarm in Germany--Pack's Forgery--League of the Reformed

Princes--Advice of the Reformers--Luther's pacific Counsel--Surprise

of the Papist Princes--Pack's Scheme not improbable--Vigour of the

Reformation--Alliance between Charles and Clement--Omens--Hostility of

the Papists--Arbitrary Proposition of Charles--The Schism completed--

The Protest--Principles of the Protest--The Supremacy of the Gospel--

Union of Truth and Charity--Ferdinand rejects the Protest--Joy of the

Protestants--Exultation of the Papists--Peter Muterstatt--Christian

Unity a Reality--Escape of Grynæus--Melancthon's Dejection--The

Princes, the true Reformers--Germany and Reform--Union necessary to

Reform--Difficulty of Union--A Lutheran Warning--Proposed Conference at

Marburg--Melancthon and Zwingle--Zwingle's Departure--Rumours in

Zurich--Hoc est Corpus Meum--The Discussion--Figures--Scripture

explained by Scripture--The Spiritual Eating--Zwingle's Old Song--

Agitation in the Conference--Metaphor--Christ's Humanity Finite--

Testimony of Augustin--Luther's Violence--End of the Conference--The

Landgrave mediates--Their Last Meeting--Zwingle's Emotion--Sectarian

Spirit of the Germans--Brotherhood Rejected--Christian Charity

Prevails--The Real Presence--Luther's Dejection--State of Political

Affairs--Luther's Battle Sermon.

BOOK XIV.--PAGE 113.

THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION.

1530.

Two Striking Lessons--Charles V.--The German Envoys--Boldness of

the Envoys--The Landgrave's Present--The Envoys under Arrest--Their

Release and Departure--Meeting of Charles and Clement--Gattinara's

Proposition--Clement's Objection--War Imminent--Luther's

Objections--The Saviour is Coming--Charles's Conciliatory Language--The

Emperor's Motives--The Coronation--Alarm of the Protestants--Luther

advocates Passive Resistance--Brüch's Noble Advice--Spiritual

Armour--Luther remains at Coburg--Charles at Innspruck--Two

Parties at Court--Sentiments of Gattinara--The King of

Denmark--Piety of the Elector--Wiles of the Romanists--Augsburg--The

Gospel Preached--The Emperor's Message--The Sermons

Prohibited--Firmness of the Elector--The Elector's Reply--Preparation

of the Confession--The Church, the Judge--The Landgrave's

Catholic Spirit--Augsburg--Violence of the Imperialists--Charles at

Munich--Charles and the Princes--The Procession--Enters Augsburg--The

Benediction--Charles and the Landgrave--The Margrave of

Brandenburg--The Emperor's Silence--Failure of the Interview--Agitation

of Charles--Refusal of the Princes--Procession of Corpus

Christi--Exasperation of Charles--The Sermons prohibited--A Compromise

proposed--A Compromise--Curiosity of the Citizens--The

New Preachers--The Medley of Popery--Luther Encourages the

Princes--Veni Spiritus--Mass of the Holy Ghost--The Sermon--Opening

the Diet--The Elector's Prayer--Insidious Plan of the Romanists--Valdez

and Melancthon--Evangelical Firmness Prevails--Zeal of the Elector--

The Signing of the Confession--Luther's Anxiety--Luther's

Texts--Luther to Melancthon--The Palatine Chapel--Recollections

and Contrast--The Confession--Prologue--The Confession--Justification--

Free Will and Works--Faith--Luther on the Confession--Abuses--Church and

State--Duty of the Bishops--Epilogue--Remarks on the Confession--Church

and State Distinct--Remarks--Moderate Tone of the Confession--Defects--A

New Baptism--Effect on the Romanists--Luther demands Religious Liberty--

Luther's Dominant Idea--Song of Triumph--An Ingenuous Confession--Hopes

of the Protestants--Failure of the Popish Intrigues--The

Emperor's Council--Luther opposes Concession--Infatuation of

the Papists--Scheme of the Romish Doctors--Melancthon's Explanation--

Refutation--Charles's Dissatisfaction--Interview with the Princes--The

Swiss at Augsburg--Zwingle's Confession--Afflicting Divisions--The

Elector's Faith--The Lion's Skin--The Refutation--Imperial

Commands--Melancthon's Prescience--Policy of Charles--Stormy

Meeting--Resolutions of the Consistory--The Prayers of the Saints--Two

Miracles--The Emperor's Menace--The Mask--Omens--Tumult

in Augsburg--Philip of Hesse--Temptation--Union Resisted--The

Landgrave--Protestant Firmness--Philip of Hesse--Flight

from Augsburg--Alarm in Augsburg--Metamorphoses--Unusual Moderation--

Peace, Peace--The Mixed Commission--The Three Points--Romish

Dissimulation--The Main Question--Church Government--Danger

of Concession--Pretended Concord--Luther's Letters--The

Word above the Church--Melancthon's Blindness--Papist Infatuation--A

New Commission--The Landgrave's Firmness--The Two Phantoms--Concessions--

Rome and Christianity--Irritation--The Gordian Knot--The Council

Granted--Alarm in Rome--Menaces--Altercations--Fresh Negotiations--

Protestantism Resists--Luther's Exhortation--The Elector of Saxony--The

Recess of Augsburg--Irritating Language--Apology of the Confession--

Intimidation--Final Interview--Messages of Peace--Exasperation of the

Papists--Restoration of Popery--Tumult in the Church--Union of the

Churches--The Pope and the Emperor--Close of the Diet--Attack of

Geneva--Joy of the Evangelicals--Establishment of Protestantism.

BOOK XV.--PAGE 265.

SWITZERLAND--CONQUESTS.

1526-1530.

Three Periods of Reform--Two Movements in the Church--The Two

Movements--Aggressive Spirit--The Schoolmaster--Farel's New

Baptism--Farel's Studies--The Door is Opened--Opposition--Lausanne--

Picture of the Clergy--Farel at Lausanne--Farel and the

Monk--Opposition to the Gospel--The Converted Monk--Christian

Unity--State-Religion--A Resolution of Berne--Almanack of Heretics--

Haller--Zwingle's Exhortation--Anabaptists at Berne--Victory

of the Gospel--Papist Provocations--Proposed Disputation--Objections

of the Forest Cantons--Important Question--Unequal Contest--A

Christian Band--The Cordeliers' Church--Opening of the Conference--

Christ the Sole Head--Remarkable Conversion--St. Vincent's Day--A

Strange Argument--Papist Bitterness--Necessity of Reform--Zwingle's

Sermon--Charity--Edict of Reform--The Reformation Reproached--The

Reform Accepted--Faith and Charity--First Evangelical

Communion--Faith shown by Works--Head of Beatus--Threatening

Storm--Revolt--Christ in Danger--A Revolt--Energy

of Berne--Victory--Political Advantages--Romish Relics--Nuns of

St. Catherine--Contests--Spread of Reform--A Popish Miracle--Obstacles

in Basle--Zeal of the Citizens--Witticisms of Erasmus--Half

Measures--The Petition--Commotion in Basle--Half Measures Rejected--

Reformed Propositions--A Night of Terror--The Idols Broken--The

Hour of Madness--The Reform Legalized--Erasmus in Basle--Objections--

Principles of the Reformation--Farel's Commission--Farel

at Lausanne--Farel at Morat--Neufchâtel--Farel's Labours--Farel's

Preaching--Popery in Neufchâtel--Resistance of the Monks--The

Hospital Chapel--Civil Power Invoked--Guillemette de Vugy--The

Feast of Assumption--The Mass Interrupted--Farel's Danger--Ill

Treatment of Farel--Apostles and Reformers Compared--Farel

in the Cathedral--The Idols Destroyed--Interposition of the Governor--

Reflections--Plans of the Romanists--The Governor's Difficulties--

Preliminaries--Hatred and Division--Proposed Delay--The Romanist

Protest--The Voting--Majority for Reform--Protestantism Perpetual--The

Image of St. John--A Miracle--Popery and the Gospel--Reaction

Preparing--Failure of the Plot--Farel's Labours--De Bely at

Fontaine--The Pastor Marcourt--Disgraceful Expedient--The Reform

Established--Remarks.

BOOK XVI.--PAGE 361.

SWITZERLAND--CATASTROPHE.

1528-1531.

Christian Warfare--Zwingle--Persecutions--Austrian Alliance--Animosity--

Christian Exhortation--Keyser's Martyrdom--Zwingle and

War--Zwingle's Error--Zwingle's Advice--War of Religion--Zwingle

joins the Army--War--The Landamman Æbli--Bernese Interposition--Swiss

Cordiality--The Zurich Camp--A Conference--Peace

Restored--Austrian Treaty Torn--Zwingle's Hymn--Nuns of St.

Catherine--Conquests of Reform--The Priest of Zurzack--The Reform

in Glaris--Italian Bailiwicks--The Monk of Como--The Monk

of Locarno--Letter to the German Church--The Monks of Wettingen--Abbé

of St. Gaul--Kiliankouffi--Soleure--A New Miracle--Popery

Triumphs--The Grisons Invaded--Forebodings to Berne--Mutual

Errors--Failure of the Diet--Political Reformation--Activity

of Zurich--Diet Arau--Blockade of the Waldsleddtes--Indignation--France

Conciliates--Diet at Bremgarten--The Five Cantons Inflexible--Zurich--

Zwingle's False Position--The Great Council--Zwingle

at Bremgarten--The Apparition--Zwingle's Agony--Frightful

Omens--The Comet--Zwingle's Tranquillity--New Mediations--Deceitful

Calm--Fatal Inactivity--Zurich Forewarned--Manifesto

of the Cantons--The Abbot Wolfgang--Infatuation of Zurich--The

War Begins--A Fearful Night--The War--Army of Zurich--Zwingle's

Departure--Anna Zwingle--Army of Zurich--Battle of Cappel--The

March--Ambuscade--The Banner in Danger--The Banner

Saved--Terrible Slaughter--Slaughter of the Pastors--Zwingle's Last

Moments--Barbarity of the Victors--The Furnace of Trial--Distress--Zwingle

is Dead--Funeral Oration--Army of Zurich--Another Reverse--Inactivity

of the Bernese--Joy of the Romanists--End of the

War--Death of Œcolampadius--Conclusion.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION.

BOOK XIII.

THE PROTEST AND THE CONFERENCE. 1526-1529.

I. We have witnessed the commencement, the struggles, the reverses,

and the progress of the Reformation; but the conflicts that we have

hitherto described have been but partial; we are entering upon a new

period,--that of general battles. Spire (1529) and Augsburg (1530) are

two names that shine forth with more immortal glory than Marathon,

Pavia, or Marengo. Forces that up to the present time were separate,

are now uniting into one energetic band; and the power of God is

working in these brilliant actions, which open a new era in the

history of nations, and communicate an irresistible impulse to

mankind. The passage from the middle ages to modern times has arrived.

A great protest is about to be accomplished; and although there have

been protestants in the Church from the very beginning of

Christianity, since liberty and truth could not be maintained here

below, save by protesting continually against despotism and error,

Protestantism is about to take a new step. It is about to become a

body, and thus attack with greater energy that "mystery of iniquity"

which for ages has taken a bodily shape at Rome, in the very temple of

God.[2]

[2] 2 Thess. ii.

[Sidenote: TWOFOLD MOVEMENT OF REFORM.]

But although we have to treat of protests, it must not however be

imagined that the Reformation is a negative work. In every sphere in

which anything great is evolved, whether in nature or society, there

is a principle of life at work,--a seed that God fertilizes. The

Reformation, when it appeared in the sixteenth century, did not, it is

true, perform a new work, for a reformation is not a formation; but it

turned its face toward the beginnings of Christianity, thither were

its steps directed; it seized upon them with adoration, and embraced

them with affection. Yet it was not satisfied with this return to

primitive times. Laden with its precious burden, it again crossed the

interval of ages, and brought back to fallen and lifeless Christendom

the sacred fire that was destined to restore it to light and life. In

this twofold movement consisted its action and its strength.

Afterwards, no doubt, it rejected superannuated forms, and combated

error; but this was, so to speak, only the least of its works, and its

third movement. Even the protest of which we have to speak had for its

end and aim the re-establishment of truth and of life, and was

essentially a positive act.

[Sidenote: REFORM THE WORK OF GOD.]

This powerful and rapid twofold action of reform, by which the

apostolic times were re-established at the opening of modern history,

proceeded not from man. A reformation is not arbitrarily made, as

charters and revolutions are in some countries. A real reformation,

prepared during many ages, is the work of the Spirit of God. Before

the appointed hour, the greatest geniuses and even the most faithful

of God's servants cannot produce it; but when the reforming time is

come, when it is God's pleasure to intervene in the affairs of the

world, the divine life must clear a passage, and it is able to create

of itself the humble instruments by which this life is communicated to

the human race. Then, if men are silent, the very stones will cry

out.[3]

[3] Luke xix. 40.

It is to the protest of Spire (1529) that we are now about to turn our

eyes; but the way to this protest was prepared by years of peace, and

followed by attempts at concord that we shall have also to describe.

Nevertheless the formal establishment of Protestantism remains the

great fact that prevails in the history of the Reformation from 1526

to 1529.

* * * * *

The Duke of Brunswick had brought into Germany the threatening message

of Charles the Fifth. The Emperor was about to repair from Spain to

Rome to come to an understanding with the Pope, and from thence to

pass into Germany to constrain the heretics. The last summons was to

be addressed to them by the Diet of Spire, 1526.[4] The decisive hour

for the Reformation was about to strike.

[4] See Vol. III. book x. chap. xiv. The Diet of Spire, held in 1526,

must not be confounded with that of 1529, at which the protest took

place.

On the 25th June, 1526, the diet opened. In the instructions, dated at

Seville, 23d March, the Emperor ordered that the Church customs should

be maintained entire, and called upon the diet to punish those who

refused to carry out the edict of Worms,[5] Ferdinand himself was at

Spire, and his presence rendered these orders more formidable. Never

had the hostility which the Romish partisans entertained against the

evangelical princes, appeared in so striking a manner. "The

Pharisees," said Spalatin, "pursue Jesus Christ with violent

hatred."[6]

[5] Sleidan, Hist Ref. book vi.

[6] Christum pharisæis vehementer fuisse invisum.--(Seckend. ii. p.

46.)

[Sidenote: PALLADIUM OF REFORM.]

Never also had the evangelical princes showed so much hope. Instead of

presenting themselves frightened and trembling, like guilty men, they

were seen advancing, surrounded by the ministers of the Word, with

uplifted heads and cheerful looks. Their first step was to ask for a

place of worship. The Bishop of Spire, count-palatine of the Rhine,

having indignantly refused this strange request,[7] the princes

complained of it as of an injustice, and ordered their ministers to

preach daily in the halls of their palaces. An immense crowd from the

city and the country, which amounted to many thousands, immediately

filled them.[8] In vain on the feast days did Ferdinand, the

ultra-montane princes, and the bishops assist in the pomps of the

Roman worship in the beautiful cathedral of Spire; the unadorned Word

of God, preached in the Protestant vestibules, engrossed the hearers,

and the Mass was celebrated in an empty church.[9]

[7] Fortiter interdixit.--(Cochlœs, p. 138.)

[8] Ingens concursus plebis et rusticorum.--(Cochlœus.) Multis

millibus hominum accurrentibus.--(Seckend. ii. p. 48.)

[9] Populum a sacris avertebant.--(Cochlœus, p. 138.)

It was not only the ministers, but the knights and the grooms, "mere

idiots," who, unable to control their zeal, everywhere extolled the

Word of the Lord.[10] All the followers of the evangelical princes

wore these letters braided on their right sleeves: V. D. M. I. Æ.,

that is to say, "The word of the Lord endureth for ever."[11] The same

inscription might be read on the escutcheons of the princes, suspended

over their hotels. The Word of God--such from this moment was the

palladium of the Reform.

[10] Ministri eorum, equites et stabularii, idiotæ, petulanter

jactabant verbum Domini.--(Cochlœus, p. 138.)

[11] Verbum Domini Manet in Æternum.--(Ibid.)

This was not all. The Protestants knew that the mere worship was not

sufficient: the Landgrave had therefore called upon the Elector to

abolish certain "court customs" which dishonoured the Gospel. These

two princes had consequently drawn up an order of living which forbade

drunkenness, debauchery, and other vicious customs prevalent during a

diet.[12]

[12] Adversus inveteratos illos et impios usus nitendum esse.--(Seck.

ii. p. 46.)

[Sidenote: FIRMNESS OF THE REFORMERS.]

Perhaps the Protestant princes sometimes put forward their dissent

beyond what prudence would have required. Not only they did not go to

Mass, and did not observe the prescribed fasts, but still further, on

the meagre days, their attendants were seen publicly bearing dishes of

meat and game, destined for their masters' tables, and crossing, says

Cochlœus, in the presence of the whole auditory, the halls in which

the worship was celebrating. "It was," says this writer, "with the

intent of attracting the Catholics by the savour of the meats and of

the wines."[13]

[13] Ut complures allicerentur ad eorum sectam, in ferculis

portabantur carnes coctae in diebus jejunii, aperte in conspec

nitotius auditorii.--(Cochlœus, p. 138.)

The Elector in effect had a numerous court: seven hundred persons

formed his retinue. One day he gave a banquet at which twenty-six

princes with their gentlemen and councillors were present. They

continued playing until a very late hour--ten at night. Everything in

Duke John announced the most powerful prince of the empire. The

youthful Landgrave of Hesse, full of zeal and knowledge, and in the

strength of a first Christian love, made a still deeper impression on

those who approached him. He would frequently dispute with the

bishops, and thanks to his acquaintance with the Holy Scriptures, he

easily stopped their mouths.[14]

[14] Annales Spalatini.

This firmness in the friends of the Reformation produced fruits that

surpassed their expectation. It was no longer possible to be deceived:

the spirit that was manifested in these men was the spirit of the

Bible. Everywhere the sceptre was falling from the hands of Rome. "The

leaven of Luther," said a zealous Papist, "sets all the people of

Germany in a ferment, and foreign nations themselves are agitated by

formidable movements."[15]

[15] Germaniae populi Lutherico fermento inescati, et in externis

quoque nationibus, gravissimi erant motus.--(Cochlœus, p. 138.)

It was immediately seen how great is the strength of deep convictions.

The states that were well disposed towards the Reform, but which had

not ventured to give their adhesion publicly, became emboldened. The

neutral states, which demanded the repose of the empire, formed the

resolution of opposing the edict of Worms, the execution of which

would have spread trouble through all Germany, and the Papist states

lost their boldness. The bow of the mighty was broken.[16]

[16] 1 Samuel ii. 4.

[Sidenote: PROCEEDINGS OF THE DIET.]

Ferdinand did not think proper, at so critical a moment, to

communicate to the diet the severe instructions he had received from

Seville.[17] He substituted a proposition of a nature to satisfy both

parties.

[17] Some historians appear to think that these instructions were

communicated in reality at the very opening of the diet. Ranke shows

that this was not the case; but adds, that he sees no reason why the

commissaries should have thought themselves authorized to make any

other proposition. The motives that I have assigned appear to me the

true ones. I shall state below why the commissaries returned

afterwards to the imperial instructions.

The laymen immediately recovered the influence of which the clergy had

dispossessed them. The ecclesiastics resisted a proposal in the

college of princes that the diet should occupy itself with church

abuses, but their exertions were unavailing. Undoubtedly a

non-political assembly would have been preferable to the diet, but it

was already something that religious matters were no longer to be

regulated solely by the priests.

The deputies from the cities having received communication of this

resolution, called for the abolition of every usage contrary to the

faith in Jesus Christ. In vain did the bishops exclaim that, instead

of abolishing pretended abuses, they would do much better to burn all

the books with which Germany had been inundated during the last eight

years. "You desire," was the reply, "to bury all wisdom and

knowledge."[18] The request of the cities was agreed to,[19] and the

diet was divided into committees for the abolition of abuses.

[18] Omnes libros esse comburendos. Sed rejectum est quia sic omnis

doctrina et eruditio theologica interitura esset.--(Seckend. ii. p.

45.)

[19] Civitatum suffragia multum valuerunt.--(Ibid.)

Then was manifested the profound disgust inspired by the priests of

Rome. "The clergy," said the deputy from Frankfort, "make a jest of

the public good, and look after their own interests only." "The

laymen," said the deputy from Duke George, "have the salvation of

Christendom much more at heart than the clergy."

[Sidenote: THE PAPACY DESCRIBED.]

The commissions made their report: people were astonished at it. Never

had men spoken out so freely against the pope and the bishops. The

commission of the princes, in which the ecclesiastics and the laymen

were in equal numbers, proposed a fusion of Popery and Reform. "The

Priests would do better to marry," said they, "than to keep women of

ill-fame in their houses; every man should be at liberty to

communicate under one or both forms; German and Latin may be equally

employed in the Lord's Supper and in Baptism; as for the other

sacraments, let them be preserved, but let them be administered

gratuitously. Finally, let the Word of God be preached according to

the interpretation of the Church (this was the demand of Rome), but

always explaining Scripture by Scripture" (this was the great

principle of the Reformation). Thus the first step was taken towards a

national union. Still a few more efforts, and the whole German race

would be walking in the direction of the Gospel.

The evangelical Christians, at the sight of this glorious prospect,

redoubled their exertions. "Stand fast in the doctrine," said the

Elector of Saxony to his councillors.[20] At the same time hawkers in

every part of the city were selling Christian pamphlets, short and

easy to read, written in Latin and in German, and ornamented with

engravings, in which the errors of Rome were vigorously attacked.[21]

One of these books was entitled, _The Papacy with its Members painted

and described by Doctor Luther_. In it figured the pope, the cardinal,

and then all the religious orders, exceeding sixty, each with their

costumes and description in verse. Under the picture of one of these

orders were the following lines:

Greedy priests, see, roll in gold

Forgetful of the humble Jesu:

under another:

We forbid you to behold

The Bible, lest it should mislead you![22]

and under a third:

We can fast and pray the harder

With an overflowing larder.[23]

[20] Elector Saxoniæ conciliarios suos exhortatus est, in doctrina

evangelica firmi.--(Seckend. ii. p. 48.)

[21] Circumferebantur item libri Lutherani venales per totam

civitatem.--(Cochlœus, p. 138.)

[22] Dass die Schrift sie nicht verführe,

Durft ihr keinen nich studir.--(L. Opp. xix. p. 536.)

[23] Doch war ihr küch nimmer leer.--(Ibid.)

"Not one of these orders," said Luther to the reader, "thinks either

of faith or charity. This one wears the tonsure, the other a hood;

this a cloak, that a robe. One is white, another black, a third gray,

and a fourth blue. Here is one holding a looking-glass, there one with

a pair of scissors. Each has his playthings......Ah! these are the

palmer worms, the locusts, the canker-worms, and the caterpillars

which, as Joel saith, have eaten up all the earth."[24]

[24] L. Opp. xix. p. 535. Joel i. 4.

[Sidenote: THE DESTRUCTION OF JERUSALEM.]

But if Luther employed the scourges of sarcasm, he also blew the

trumpet of the prophets; and this he did in a work entitled _The

Destruction of Jerusalem_. Shedding tears like Jeremiah, he denounced

to the German people a ruin like that of the Holy City, if like it

they rejected the Gospel.[25] "God has imparted to us all his

treasures," exclaimed he; "he became man, he has served us,[26] he

died for us, he has risen again, and he has so opened the gates of

heaven, that all may enter......The hour of grace is come......The

glad tidings are proclaimed......But where is the city, where is the

prince that has received them? They insult the Gospel: they draw the

sword, and daringly seize God by the beard.[27]......But wait......He

will turn round; with one blow will he break their jaws, and all

Germany will be but one wide ruin."

[25] Libelli, parvuli quidem mole, sed virulentia perquam grandes,

sermo Lutheri Teuthonicus de destructione Jerusalem.--(Cochlœus, p.

138.)

[26] Wird Mensch, dienet uns, stirbt fur uns.--(Luth. Opp. xiv. (L.)

p. 226.)

[27] Greiffen Gott zu frech in den Bart.--(Ibid.) Deo nimis ferociter

barbam vallicant.--(Cochlœus.)

These works had a very great sale.[28] It was not only the peasants

and townspeople who read them, but nobles also and princes. Leaving

the priests alone at the foot of the altar, they threw themselves into

the arms of the new Gospel.[29] The necessity of a reform of abuses

was proclaimed on the 1st of August by a general committee.

[28] Perquam plurima vendebantur exemplaria.--(Cochlœus, p. 139.)

[29] Non solum plebs et rustica turba, verum etiam plerique optimatum

et nobilium trahebantur in favorem novi Evangelii, atque in odium

antiquæ religionis.--(Cochlœus, p. 160.)

[Sidenote: THE INSTRUCTIONS OF SEVILLE.]

Then Rome, which had appeared to slumber, awoke. Fanatical priests,

monks, ecclesiastical princes, all beset Ferdinand. Cunning, bribery,

nothing was spared. Did not Ferdinand possess the instructions of

Seville? To refuse their publication was to effect the ruin of the

Church and of the empire. Let the voice of Charles oppose its powerful

_veto_ to the dizziness that is hurrying Germany along, said they, and

Germany will be saved! Ferdinand made up his mind, and at length, on

the 3d August, published the decree, drawn up more than four months

previously in favour of the edict of Worms.[30]

[30] Sleidan, Hist. de la Ref. liv. vi. p. 229.

The persecution was about to begin; the reformers would be thrown into

dungeons, and the sword drawn on the banks of the Guadalquivir would

pierce at last the bosom of Reform.

The effect of the imperial ordinance was immense. The breaking of an

axle-tree does not more violently check the velocity of a railway

train. The Elector and the Landgrave announced that they were about to

quit the diet, and ordered their attendants to prepare for their

departure. At the same time the deputies from the cities drew towards

these two princes, and the Reformation appeared on the brink of

entering immediately upon a contest with the Pope and Charles the

Fifth.

But it was not yet prepared for a general struggle. It was necessary

for the tree to send out its roots deeper, before the Almighty

unchained the stormy winds against it. A spirit of blindness, similar

to that which in former times was sent out upon Saul and Herod,[31]

then seized upon the great enemy of the Gospel; and thus was it that

Divine Providence saved the reform in its cradle.

[31] 1 Sam. xvi. 14-23; Matt. ii.

[Sidenote: CHANGE OF POLICY.]

The first movement of trouble was over. The friends of the Gospel

began to consider the date of the imperial instructions, and to weigh

the new political combinations which seemed to announce to the world

the most unlooked-for events. "When the Emperor wrote these letters,"

said the cities of Upper Germany, "he was on good terms with the Pope,

but now everything is changed. It is even asserted that he had told

Margaret, his deputy in the Low Countries, to proceed _gently_ with

respect to the Gospel. Let us send him a deputation." That was not

necessary. Charles had not waited until now to form a different

resolution. The course of public affairs, taking a sudden turn, had

rushed into an entirely new path. Years of peace were about to be

granted to the Reform.

[Sidenote: RELIGIOUS LIBERTY PROPOSED.]

Clement VII., whom Charles was about to visit, according to the

instructions of Seville, in order to receive in Rome itself and from

his sacred hands the imperial crown, and in return to give up to the

pontiff the Gospel and the Reformation,--Clement VII, seized with a

strange infatuation, had suddenly turned against this powerful

monarch. The Emperor, unwilling to favour his ambition in every point,

had opposed his claims on the states of the Duke of Ferrara. Clement

immediately became exasperated, and cried out that Charles wished to

enslave the peninsula, but that the time was come for re-establishing

the independence of Italy. This great idea of Italian independence,

entertained at that period by a few literary men, had not, as now,

penetrated the mass of the nation. Clement therefore hastened to have

recourse to political combinations. The Pope, the Venetians, and the

King of France, who had scarcely recovered his liberty, formed a _holy

league_, of which the King of England was by a bull proclaimed the

preserver and protector.[32] In June 1526, the Emperor caused the most

favourable propositions to be presented to the Pope; but these

advances were ineffectual, and the Duke of Sessa, Charles's

ambassador at Rome, returning on horseback from his last audience,

placed a court-fool behind him, who, by a thousand monkey tricks, gave

the Roman people to understand how they laughed at the projects of the

Pope. The latter responded to these bravadoes by a brief, in which he

threatened the Emperor with excommunication, and without loss of time

pushed his troops into Lombardy, whilst Milan, Florence, and Piedmont

declared for the Holy League. Thus was Europe preparing to be avenged

for the triumph of Pavia.

[32] Sleidan, Hist. de la Ref. liv. vi.; Bullar. Mag. roman. x.

Charles did not hesitate. He wheeled to the right as quickly as the

Pope had done to the left, and turned abruptly towards the evangelical

princes. "Let us suspend the Edict of Worms," wrote he to his brother;

"let us bring back Luther's partisans by mildness, and by a good

council cause the evangelical truth to triumph." At the same time he

demanded that the Elector, the Landgrave, and their allies should

march with him against the Turks--or against Italy, for the common

good of Christendom.

Ferdinand hesitated. To gain the friendship of the Lutherans was to

forfeit that of the other princes. The latter were already beginning

to utter violent threats.[33] The Protestants themselves were not very

eager to grasp the Emperor's hand. "It is God, God himself, who will

save his churches."[34]

[33] Ferdinandus, ut audio, graviter minatur.--(Corp. Ref. i. p. 801.)

[34] Imperator pollicetur......sed nemo his promissis movetur. Spero

Deum defensurum esse suas Ecclesias.--(Ibid.)

What was to be done? The edict of Worms could neither be repealed nor

carried into execution.

[Sidenote: CRISIS OF THE REFORMATION.]

This strange situation led of necessity to the desired solution:

religious liberty. The first idea of this occurred to the deputies of

the cities. "In one place," said they, "the ancient ceremonies have

been preserved; in another they have been abolished; and both think

they are right. Let us allow each one to do as he thinks fit, until a

council shall re-establish the desired unity by the Word of God." This

idea gained favour, and the _recess_ of the diet, dated the 27th

August, decreed that a universal, or at least a national free council

should be convoked within a year, that they should request the Emperor

to return speedily to Germany, and that, until then, each state should

behave in its own territory in a manner so as to be able to render an

account to God and to the Emperor.[35]

[35] Unusquisque in sua ditione ita se gereret ut rationem Deo et

imperatori reddere posset.--(Seckend. ii. p. 41.)

Thus they escaped from their difficulty by a middle course; and this

time it was really the true one. Each one maintained his rights, while

recognising another's. The diet of 1526 forms an important epoch in

history: an ancient power, that of the middle ages, is shaken; a new

power, that of modern times, is advancing; religious liberty boldly

takes its stand in front of Romish despotism; a lay spirit prevails

over the sacerdotal spirit. In this single step there is a complete

victory: the cause of the Reform is won.

Yet it was little suspected. Luther, on the morrow of the day on which

the _recess_ was published, wrote to a friend: "The diet is sitting at

Spire in the German fashion. They drink and gamble, and there is

nothing done except that."[36] "Le congrès danse et ne marche

pas,"[37] has been said in our days. It is because great things are

often transacted under an appearance of frivolity, and because God

accomplishes his designs unknown even to those whom he employs as his

instruments. In this diet a gravity and love of liberty of conscience

were manifested, which are the fruits of Christianity, and which in

the sixteenth century had its earliest, if not its most energetic

development among the German nations.

[36] Potatur et luditur, præterea nihil.--(L. Epp. iii. p. 126.)

[37] The congress dances but does not move forward.

Yet Ferdinand still hesitated. Mahomet himself came to the aid of the

Gospel. Louis, king of Hungary and Bohemia, drowned at Mohacz on the

29th August, 1526, as he was fleeing from before Soliman II., had

bequeathed the crown of these two kingdoms to Ferdinand. But the Duke

of Bavaria, the Waywode of Transylvania, and, above all, the terrible

Soliman, contested it against him. This was sufficient to occupy

Charles's brother: he left Luther, and hastened to dispute the two

thrones.

[Sidenote: ITALIAN WAR.]

II. The Emperor immediately reaped the fruits of his new policy. No

longer having his hands tied by Germany, he turned them against Rome.

The Reformation had been exalted and the Papacy was to be abased. The

blows aimed at its pitiless enemy were about to open a new career to

the evangelical work.

Ferdinand, who was detained by his Hungarian affairs, gave the charge

of the Italian expedition to Freundsberg, that old general who had

patted Luther in a friendly manner on the shoulder as the reformer was

about to appear before the diet of Worms.[38] This veteran, observed a

contemporary,[39] who "bore in his chivalrous heart God's holy Gospel,

well fortified and flanked by a strong wall," pledged his wife's

jewels, sent recruiting parties into all the towns of Upper Germany,

and owing to the magic idea of a war against the Pope, soon witnessed

crowds of soldiers flocking to his standard. "Announce," Charles had

said to his brother,--"announce that the army is to march against the

Turks; every one will know what Turks are meant."

[38] See Vol. II. book vii. chap. viii.

[39] Haug mars chalk, surnamed Zeller.

Thus the mighty Charles, instead of marching with the Pope against the

Reform, as he had threatened at Seville, marches with the Reform

against the Pope. A few days had sufficed to produce this change of

direction: there are few such in history in which the hand of God is

more plainly manifested. Charles immediately assumed all the airs of a

reformer. On the 17th September, he addressed a manifesto to the

Pope,[40] in which he reproaches him for behaving not like the father

of the faithful, but like an insolent and haughty man;[41] and

declares his astonishment that, being Christ's vicar, he should dare

to shed blood to acquire earthly possessions, "which," added he, "is

quite contrary to the evangelical doctrine."[42] Luther could not have

spoken better. "Let your holiness," continued Charles the Fifth,

"return the sword of St. Peter into the scabbard, and convoke a holy

and universal council." But the sword was much more to the pontiff's

taste than the council. Is not the Papacy, according to the Romish

doctors, the source of the two powers? Can it not depose kings, and

consequently fight against them?[43] Charles prepared to requite "eye

for eye, and tooth for tooth."[44]

[40] Caroli Imperat. Rescriptum ad Clementis Septimi

criminationes.--(Goldasti, Constitut. Imperiales, i. p. 479.)

[41] Non jam pastoris seu communis patris laudem, sed superbi et

insolentis nomen.--(Ibid. p. 487.)

[42] Cum id ab evangelica doctrina, prorsus alienum videtur.--(Ibid.

p. 489.)

[43] Utriusque potestatis apicem Papa tenet--(Turrecremata de

Potestate Papali.)

[44] Exod. xxi. 24.

[Sidenote: ITALIAN CAMPAIGN.]

Now began that terrible campaign during which the storm burst on Rome

and on the Papacy that had been destined to fall on Germany and the

Gospel. By the violence of the blows inflicted on the pontifical city,

we may judge of the severity of those that would have dashed in pieces

the reformed churches. While we retrace so many scenes of horror, we

have constant need of calling to mind that the chastisement of the

seven-hilled city had been predicted by the Divine Scriptures.[45]

[45] Revel. xviii. We should not, however, restrict this prediction to

the incomplete sack of 1527, and from which the city soon recovered.

[Sidenote: MARCH ON ROME.]

In the month of November, Freundsberg, at the head of fifteen thousand

men, was at the foot of the Alps. The old general, avoiding the

military roads, that were well guarded by the enemy, flung himself

into a narrow path, over frightful precipices, that a few blows of the

mattock would have rendered impassable. The soldiers are forbidden to

look behind them; nevertheless their heads turn, their feet slip, and

horse and foot fall from time to time down the abyss. In the most

difficult passes, the most sure-footed of the infantry lower their

long pikes to the right and left of their aged chief, by way of

barrier, and Freundsberg advances, clinging to the lansquenet in

front, and pushed on by the one behind. In three days the Alps are

crossed, and on the 19th November the army reaches the territory of

Brescia.

The Constable of Bourbon, who since the death of Pescara was

commander-in-chief of the imperial army, had just taken possession of

the duchy of Milan. The Emperor having promised him this conquest for

a recompense, Bourbon was compelled to remain there some time to

consolidate his power. At length, on the 12th February, he and his

Spanish troops joined the army of Freundsberg, which was becoming

impatient at his delays. The Constable had many men, but no money: he

resolved therefore to follow the advice of the Duke of Ferrara, that

inveterate enemy of the princes of the Church, and proceed straight to

Rome.[46] The whole army received this news with a shout of joy. The

Spaniards were filled with a desire of avenging Charles the Fifth, and

the Germans were overflowing with hatred against the Pope: all exulted

in the hope of receiving their pay and of having their labours richly

recompensed at last by the treasures of Christendom that Rome had been

accumulating for ages. Their shouts re-echoed beyond the Alps. Every

man in Germany thought that the last hour of the Papacy had now come,

and prepared to contemplate its fall. "The Emperor's forces are

triumphing in Italy," wrote Luther; "the Pope is visited from every

quarter. His destruction draweth nigh; his hour and his end are

come."[47]

[46] Guicciardini, History of the Wars in Italy, book xviii. p. 698.

[47] Papa ubique visitatur, ut destruatur; venit enim finis et hora

ejus.--(Luther to Haussmann, 10th January, 1527. Epp. iii. p. 156.)

[Sidenote: REVOLT OF THE TROOPS.]

A few slight advantages gained by the papal soldiers in the kingdom of

Naples, led to the conclusion of a truce that was to be ratified by

the Pope and by the Emperor. At this news a frightful tumult broke out

in the Constable's army. The Spanish troops revolted, compelled him to

flee, and pillaged his tent. Then approaching the lansquenets, they

began to shout as loudly as they could, the only German words they

knew: _Lance!_ _lance!_ _money!_ _money!_[48] These words found an

echo in the bosoms of the Imperialists; they were moved in their turn,

and also began to cry with all their might: _Lance!_ _lance!_ _money!_

_money!_ Freundsberg beat to muster, and having drawn up the soldiers

around him and his principal officers, calmly demanded if he had ever

deserted them. All was useless. The old affection which the

lansquenets bore to their leader seemed extinct. One chord alone

vibrated in their hearts: they must have pay and war. Accordingly,

lowering their lances, they presented them, as if they would slay

their officers, and again began to shout, "Lance! lance! money!

money!"--Freundsberg, whom no army however large had ever frightened!

Freundsberg, who was accustomed to say, "the more enemies, the greater

the honour," seeing these lansquenets, at whose head he had grown

gray, aiming their murderous steel against him, lost all power of

utterance, and fell senseless upon a drum, as if struck with a

thunderbolt.[49] The strength of the veteran general was broken for

ever. But the sight of their dying captain produced on the lansquenets

an effect that no speech could have made. All the lances were

upraised, and the agitated soldiers retired with downcast eyes. Four

days later, Freundsberg recovered his speech. "Forward," said he to

the Constable; "God himself will bring us to the mark." Forward!

forward! repeated the lansquenets. Bourbon had no other alternative:

besides, neither Charles nor Clement would listen to any propositions

of peace. Freundsberg was carried to Ferrara, and afterwards to his

castle of Mindelheim, where he died after an illness of eighteen

months; and on the 18th April, Bourbon took the highroad to Rome,

which so many formidable armies coming from the north had already

trodden.

[48] Lanz, lanz, gelt, gelt.

[49] Cum vero hastas ducibus obverterent indignatione et ægritudine

animi oppressus, Fronsbergius subito in deliquium incidit, ita ut in

tympano quod adstabat desidere cogeretur, nullumque verbum proloqui

amplius posset.--(Seckend. ii. p. 79.)

[Sidenote: THE ASSAULT.]

Whilst the storm descending from the Alps was approaching the eternal

city, the Pope lost his presence of mind, sent away his troops, and

kept only his body-guard. More than thirty thousand Romans, it is

true, capable of bearing arms, paraded their bravery in the streets,

dragging their long-swords after them, quarrelling and fighting; but

these citizens, eager in the pursuit of gain, had little thought of

defending the Pope, and desired on the contrary that the magnificent

Charles would come and settle in Rome, hoping to derive great profit

from his stay.

On the evening of the 5th May Bourbon arrived under the walls of the

capital; and he would have begun the assault at that very moment if he

had had ladders. On the morning of the 6th the army, concealed by a

thick fog which hid their movements,[50] was put in motion, the

Spaniards marching to their station above the gate of the Holy Ghost,

and the Germans below.[51] The Constable, wishing to encourage his

soldiers, seized a scaling-ladder, mounted the wall, and called on

them to follow him. At this moment a ball struck him: he fell, and

expired an hour after. Such was the end of this unhappy man, a traitor

to his king and to his country, and suspected even by his new friends.

[50] Guicciardini, vol. ii. p. 721.

[51] Since the new wall built by Urban VIII. on the top of the

Janiculum, the gates of the Holy Ghost and of Seltimiana have become

useless.

His death, far from checking, served only to excite the army. Claudius

Seidenstucker, grasping his long sword, first cleared the wall; he was

followed by Michael Hartmann, and these two reformed Germans exclaimed

that God himself marched before them in the clouds. The gates were

opened, the army poured in, the suburbs were taken, and the Pope,

surrounded by thirteen cardinals, fled to the Castle of St. Angelo.

The Imperialists, at whose head was now the Prince of Orange, offered

him peace on condition of his paying three hundred thousand crowns.

But Clement, who thought that the Holy League was on the point of

delivering him, and who fancied he already saw their leading horsemen,

rejected every proposition. After four hours' repose, the attack was

renewed, and by an hour after sunset the army was master of all the

city. It remained under arms and in good order until midnight, the

Spaniards in the Piazza Navona, and the Germans in the Campofiore. At

last, seeing no demonstrations either of war or of peace, the soldiers

disbanded and ran to pillage.

[Sidenote: THE SACK.]

Then began the famous "Sack of Rome." The Papacy had for centuries put

Christendom in the press. Prebends, annates, jubilees, pilgrimages,

ecclesiastical graces,--she had made money of them all. These greedy

troops, that for months had lived in wretchedness, determined to make

her disgorge. No one was spared, the imperial not more than the

ultramontane party, the Ghibellines not more than the Guelfs.

Churches, palaces, convents, private houses, basilics, banks,

tombs--every thing was pillaged, even to the golden ring that the

corpse of Julius II. still wore on its finger. The Spaniards displayed

the greatest skill; they scented out and discovered treasures in the

most mysterious hiding-places; but the Neapolitans were still more

outrageous.[52] "On every side were heard," says Guicciardini, "the

piteous shrieks of the Roman women and of the nuns whom the soldiers

dragged away by companies to satiate their lust."[53]

[52] Jovius Vita Pompeii Colonnæ, p. 191; Ranke, Deutsche Gesch. ii.

p. 398.

[53] Guicciardini, ii. p. 724.

[Sidenote: GERMAN HUMOURS.]

At first the Germans found a certain pleasure in making the Papists

feel the weight of their swords. But ere long, happy at finding food

and drink, they were more pacific than their allies. It was upon those

things which the Romans called "holy" that the anger of the Lutherans

was especially discharged. They took away the chalices, the pyxes, the

silver remonstrances, and clothed their servants and camp-boys with

the sacerdotal garments.[54] The Campofiore was changed into an

immense gambling-house. The soldiers brought thither golden vessels

and bags full of crowns, staked them upon one throw of the dice, and

after losing them, they went in search of others. A certain Simon

Baptista, who had foretold the sack of the city, had been thrown into

prison by the Pope; the Germans liberated him, and made him drink with

them. But, like Jeremiah, he prophesied against all. "Rob, plunder,"

cried he to his liberators; "you shall however give back all; the

money of the soldiers and the gold of the priests will follow the same

road."

[54] Sacras vestes profanis induebant lixis.--(Cochlœus, p. 156.)

Nothing pleased the Germans more than to mock the papal court. "Many

prelates," says Guicciardini, "were paraded on asses through all the

city of Rome."[55] After this procession, the bishops paid their

ransom; but they fell into the hands of the Spaniards, who made them

pay it a second time.[56]

[55] Wars of Italy, ii. p. 723.

[56] Eundem civem seu curialem haud raro, nunc ab Hispanis, nunc a

Germanis ære mutuato redimi.--(Cochlœus, p. 156.)

One day a lansquenet named Guillaume de Sainte Celle, robes, and

placed the triple crown upon his head; others, adorning themselves

with the red hats and long robes of the cardinals, surrounded him; and

all going in procession upon asses through the streets of the city,

arrived at last before the castle of Saint Angelo, where Clement VII.

had retired. Here the soldier-cardinals alighted, and lifting up the

front of their robes, kissed the feet of the pretended pontiff. The

latter drank to the health of Clement VII., the cardinals kneeling did

the same, and exclaimed that henceforward they would be pious popes

and good cardinals, who would have a care not to excite wars, as all

their predecessors had done. They then formed a conclave, and the Pope

having announced to his consistory that it was his intention to resign

the Papacy, all hands were immediately raised for the election, and

they cried out "Luther is Pope! Luther is Pope!"[57] Never had pontiff

been proclaimed with such perfect unanimity. Such were the humours of

the Germans.

[57] Milites itaque levasse manum ac exclamasse: Lutherus Papa!

Lutherus Papa!--(Cochlœus, p. 156.)

[Sidenote: VIOLENCE OF THE SPANIARDS.]

The Spaniards did not let them off so easily. Clement VII. had called

them "Moors," and had published a plenary, indulgence for whoever

should kill any of them. Nothing, therefore, could restrain their

fury. These faithful Catholics put the prelates to death in the midst

of horrible tortures, destined to extort their treasures from them:

they spared neither rank, sex, nor age. It was not until after the

sack had lasted ten days, and a booty of ten million golden crowns had

been collected, and from five to eight thousand victims had perished,

that quiet began to be in some degree restored.

Thus did the pontifical city expire in the midst of a long and cruel

pillage, and that splendour with which Rome from the beginning of the

sixteenth century had filled the world faded in a few hours. Nothing

could preserve this haughty city from chastisement, not even the

prayers of its enemies. "I would not have Rome burnt," Luther had

exclaimed; "it would be a monstrous deed."[58] The fears of Melancthon

were still keener: "I tremble for the libraries," said he, "we know

how hateful books are to Mars."[59] But in despite of these wishes of

the reformers, the city of Leo X. fell under the judgment of God.

[58] Romam nollem exustam, magnum enim portentum esset.--(Epp. iii. p.

221.)

[59] Metuo bibliothecis.--(Corp. Ref. i. p. 869.)

Clement VII., besieged in the castle of Saint Angelo, and fearful that

the enemy would blow his asylum into the air with their mines, at last

capitulated. He renounced every alliance against Charles the Fifth,

and bound himself to remain a prisoner until he had paid the army four

hundred thousand ducats. The evangelical Christians gazed with

astonishment on this judgment of the Lord. "Such," said they, "is the

empire of Jesus Christ, that the Emperor, pursuing Luther on account

of the Pope, is constrained to ruin the Pope instead of Luther. All

things minister unto the Lord, and turn against his adversaries."[60]

[60] Ut Cæsar pro Papa Lutherum persequens, pro Luthero papam cogatur

vastare.--(L. Epp. iii. p. 188.)

[Sidenote: PROFITABLE CALM.]

III. And in truth the Reform needed some years of repose that it might

increase and gain strength; and it could not enjoy peace, unless its

great enemies were at war with each other. The madness of Clement VII.

was as it were the _lightning-conductor_ of the Reformation, and the

ruin of Rome built up the Gospel. It was not only a few months' gain;

from 1526 to 1529 there was a calm in Germany by which the Reformation

profited to organize and extend itself. A constitution was now to be

given to the renovated Church.

The papal yoke having been broken, the ecclesiastical order required

to be reestablished. It was impossible to restore their ancient

jurisdiction to the bishops; for these continental prelates maintained

that they were, in an especial manner, the Pope's servants. A new

state of things was therefore called for, under pain of seeing the

Church fall into anarchy. Provision was made for it. It was then that

the evangelic nations separated definitely from that despotic dominion

which had for ages kept all the West in bondage.

Already on two occasions the diet had wished to make the reform of the

Church a national work; the Emperor, the Pope, and a few princes were

opposed to it; the Diet of Spire had therefore resigned to each state

the task that it could not accomplish itself.

But what constitution were they about to substitute for the papal

hierarchy?

They could, while suppressing the Pope, preserve the Episcopal order:

it was the form most approximate to that which was on the point of

being destroyed.

They might, on the contrary, reconstruct the ecclesiastical order, by

having recourse to the sovereignty of God's Word, and by

re-establishing the rights of the christian people. This form was the

most remote from the Roman hierarchy. Between these two extremes there

were several middle courses.

[Sidenote: PHILIP OF HESSE.]

The latter plan was Zwingle's; but the reformer of Zurich had not

fully carried it out. He had not called upon the christian people to

exercise the sovereignty, and had stopped at the council of two

hundred as representing the Church.[61]

[61] _Supra_, Vol. III. b. xi. ch. x.

The step before which Zwingle had hesitated might be taken, and it was

so. A prince did not shrink from what had alarmed even republics.

Evangelical Germany, at the moment in which she began to try her hand

on ecclesiastical constitutions, began with that which trenched the

deepest on the papal monarchy.

It was not, however, from Germany that such a system could proceed. If

the aristocratic England was destined to cling to the episcopal form,

the docile Germany was destined the rather to stop in a governmental

medium. The democratic extreme issued from Switzerland and France. One

of Calvin's predecessors then hoisted that flag which the powerful arm

of the Genevese Reformer was to lift again in after-years and plant in

France, Switzerland, Holland, Scotland, and even in England, whence it

was a century later to cross the Atlantic and summon North America to

take its rank among the nations.

None of the evangelical princes was so enterprising as Philip of

Hesse, who has been compared to Philip of Macedon in subtlety, and to

his son Alexander in courage. Philip comprehended that religion was at

length acquiring its due importance; and far from opposing the great

development that was agitating the people, he put himself in harmony

with the new ideas.

The morning-star had risen for Hesse almost at the same time as for

Saxony. In 1517, when Luther was preaching in Wittemberg the

gratuitous remission of sins, men and women were seen in Marburg

repairing secretly to one of the ditches of the city, and there, near

a solitary loophole, listening to the words that issued from within,

and that preached doctrines of consolation through the bars. It was

the voice of the Franciscan, James Limburg, who having declared that,

for fifteen centuries, the priests had falsified the Gospel of Christ,

had been thrown into this gloomy dungeon. These mysterious assemblies

lasted a fortnight. On a sudden the voice ceased; these lonely

meetings had been discovered, and the Franciscan, torn from his cell,

had been hurried away across the Lahnberg towards some unknown spot.

Not far from the Ziegenberg, some weeping citizens of Marburg came up

with him, and hastily snatching aside the canvass that covered his

car, they asked him, "Whither are you going?" "Where God wills,"

calmly replied the friar.[62] There was no more talk of him, and it is

not known what became of him. These disappearances are usual in the

Papacy.

[62] Rommel, Phil. von Hesse, i. p. 128.

Scarcely had Philip prevailed in the Diet of Spire, when he resolved

on devoting himself to the Reformation of his hereditary states.

[Sidenote: Lambert's Paradoxes.]

His resolute character made him incline towards the Swiss reform: it

was not therefore one of the moderates that he required. He had formed

a connexion at Spire with James Sturm, the deputy from Strasburg, who

spoke to him of Francis Lambert of Avignon, who was then at Strasburg.

Of a pleasing exterior and decided character, Lambert added to the

fire of the South the perseverance of the North. He was the first in

France to throw off the cowl, and he had never since then ceased to

call for a radical reform in the Church. "Formerly," said he, "when I

was a hypocrite, I lived in abundance; now I consume frugally my daily

bread with my small family;[63] but I had rather be poor in Christ's

kingdom, than possess abundance of gold in the dissolute dwellings of

the Pope." The Landgrave saw that Lambert was such a man as he

required, and invited him to his court.

[63] Nunc cum familiola mea panem manduco et potum capio in

mensura.--(Lamberti Commentarii de Sacro Conjugio.)

Lambert, desiring to prepare the reform of Hesse, drew up one hundred

and fifty-eight theses, which he entitled "paradoxes," and posted

them, according to the custom of the times, on the church doors.

Friends and enemies immediately crowded round them. Some Roman

catholics would have torn them down, but the reformed townspeople

kept watch, and holding a synod in the public square, discussed,

developed, proved these propositions, and ridiculed the anger of the

Papists.

[Sidenote: FRIAR BONIFACE.]

A young priest, Boniface Dornemann, full of self-conceit, whom the

bishop, on the day of his consecration, had extolled above Paul for

his learning, and above the Virgin for his chastity, finding himself

too short to reach Lambert's placard, had borrowed a stool, and

surrounded by a numerous audience, had begun to read the propositions

aloud.[64]

[64] Cum statura homines hujusmodi esset ut inter Pygmæos internosci

difficulter posset, scabellum sibi dari postulabat, eoque conscenso,

cœpit, &c.--(Othon. Melandri Jocorum Cent.)

"All that is deformed, ought to be reformed. The Word of God alone

teaches us what ought to be so, and all reform that is effected

otherwise is vain."[65]

[65] Vana est omnis Reformatio quæ alioqui fit.--(Paradoxa Lamberti:

Sculteti Annal.)

This was the first thesis. "Hem!" said the young priest, "I shall not

attack that." He continued.

"It belongs to the Church to judge on matters of faith. Now the Church

is the congregation of those who are united by the same spirit, the

same faith, the same God, the same Mediator, the same Word, by which

alone they are governed, and in which alone they have life."[66]

[66] Ecclesia est congregatio eorum quos unit idem

spiritus.--(Paradoxa Lamberti: Sculteti Annal.)

"I cannot attack that proposition," said the priest.[67] He continued

reading from his stool.

[67] Hanc equidem haud impugnaverim. Illam ne quidem

attigerim.--(Othon. Mel. Joc. Cent.)

"The Word is the true key. The kingdom of heaven is open to him who

believes the Word, and shut against him who believes it not. Whoever,

therefore, truly possesses the Word of God, has the power of the keys.

All other keys, all the decrees of the councils and popes, and all the

rules of the monks, are valueless."

Friar Boniface shook his head and continued.

[Sidenote: DISPUTATION AT HOMBURG.]

"Since the priesthood of the Law has been abolished, Christ is the

only immortal and eternal priest, and he does not, like men, need a

successor. Neither the Bishop of Rome nor any other person in the

world is his representative here below. But all Christians, since the

commencement of the Church, have been and are participators in his

priesthood."

This proposition smelt of heresy. Dornemann, however, was not

discouraged; and whether it was from weakness of mind, or from the

dawning of light, at each proposition that did not too much shock his

prejudices, he failed not to repeat: "Certainly, I shall not attack

that one!" The people listened in astonishment, when one of

them,--whether he was a fanatical Romanist, a fanatical Reformer, or a

mischievous wag, I cannot tell--tired of these continual repetitions,

exclaimed: "Get down, you knave, who cannot find a word to impugn."

Then rudely pulling the stool from under him, he threw the unfortunate

clerk flat in the mud.[68]

[68] Apagesis, nebulo! qui quod impugnes infirmesque invenire haud

possis! hisque dictis scabellum ei mox subtrahit, ut miser ille

præceps in lutum ageretur.--(Oth. Mel. Joc. Cent.)

On the 21st October, at seven in the morning, the gates of the

principal church of Homburg were thrown open, and the prelates,

abbots, priests, counts, knights, and deputies of the towns, entered

in succession, and in the midst of them was Philip, in his quality of

first member of the Church.

After Lambert had explained and proved his theses, he added: "Let him

stand forth who has anything to say against them." There was at first

a profound silence; but at length Nicholas Ferber, superior of the

Franciscans of Marburg, who in 1524, applying to Rome's favourite

argument, had entreated the Landgrave to employ the sword against the

heretics, began to speak with drooping head, and downcast eyes; but as

he invoked Augustin, Peter Lombard, and other doctors to his

assistance, the Landgrave observed to him: "Do not put forward the

wavering opinions of men, but the Word of God, which alone fortifies

and strengthens our hearts." The Franciscan sat down in confusion,

saying: "This is not the place for replying." The disputation,

however, recommenced, and Lambert, showing all the fire of the South,

so astonished his adversary, that the superior, alarmed at what he

called "thunders of blasphemy and lightnings of impiety,"[69] sat down

again, observing a second time, "This is not the place for replying."

[69] Fulgura impietatum, tonitrua blasphemiarum.

[Sidenote: TRIUMPH OF THE GOSPEL IN HESSE.]

In vain did the Chancellor Feige declare to him that each man had the

right of maintaining his opinion with full liberty; in vain did the

Landgrave himself exclaim that the Church was sighing after truth:

silence had become Rome's refuge. "I will defend the doctrine of

purgatory," a priest had said prior to the discussion; "I will attack

the paradoxes under the sixth head (on the true priesthood)," had said

another;[70] and a third had exclaimed, "I will overthrow those under

the tenth head (on images);" but now they were all dumb.

[70] Erant enim prius qui dicerent: Ego asseram purgatorium; alius,

Ego impugnabo paradoxa tituli sexti, etc.--(Lamberti Epistola ad

Colon.)

Upon this Lambert, clasping his hands, exclaimed with Zacharias:

_Blessed be the Lord God of Israel; for he hath visited and redeemed

his people_.

After three days of discussion, which had been a continual triumph for

the evangelical doctrine, men were selected and commissioned to

constitute the churches of Hesse in accordance with the Word of God.

They were more than three days occupied in the task, and then their

new constitution was published in the name of the synod.

The first ecclesiastical constitution produced by the Reformation

should have a place in history, so much the more as it was then set

forward as a model for the new Churches of Christendom.[71]

[71] This constitution will be found in Schminke, Monumenta Hassiaca,

vol. ii. p. 588: "Pro Hassiæ Ecclesiis, et si deinde nonnullæ _aliæ_

ad idem _nostro exemplo_ provocarentur."

[Sidenote: CONSTITUTION OF THE CHURCH.]

The autonomy or self-government of the Church is its fundamental

principle: it is from the Church, from its representatives assembled

in the name of the Lord, that this legislation emanates; there is no

mention in the prologue either of state or of Landgrave.[72] Philip,

content with having broken for himself and for his people the yoke of

a foreign priest, had no desire to put himself in his place, and was

satisfied with an external superintendence, necessary for the

maintenance of order.

[72] Synodus _in nomine Domini congregata_.--(Ibid.)

A second distinctive feature in this constitution is its simplicity

both of government and worship. The assembly conjures all future

synods not to load the Churches with a multitude of ordinances,

"seeing that where orders abound, disorder superabounds." They would

not even continue the organs in the churches, because, said they, "men

should understand what they hear."[73] The more the human mind has

been bent in one direction, the more violent is the reaction in the

contrary direction when it is unbent. The Church passed at that time

from the extreme of symbols to that of simplicity. These are the

principal features of this constitution:--

[73] Ne homines non intelligant.--(Ibid. cap. 3.)

"The Church can only be taught and governed by the Word of its

Sovereign Pastor. Whoever has recourse to any other word shall be

deposed and excommunicated.[74]

[74] Non admittimus verbum aliud quam ipsius pastoris

nostri.--(Schminke, Monumenta Hassiaca, cap. 2.)

"Every pious man, learned in the Word of God, whatever be his

condition, may be elected bishop if he desire it, for he is called

inwardly of God.[75]

[75] Si quis pius, in verbo sancto et exercitatus, docere petit verbum

sanctum, non repellatur, a Deo enim interne mittitur.--(Ibid. cap.

23.)

"Let no one believe that by a bishop we understand anything else than

a simple minister of the Word of God.[76]

[76] Ne quis putet, nos hic per episcopos, alios intelligere, quam

ministros Dei verbi.--(Ibid.)

"The ministers are servants, and consequently they ought not to be

lords, princes, or governors.

[Sidenote: CONSTITUTION OF THE CHURCH--BISHOPS.]

"Let the faithful assemble and choose their bishops and deacons. Each

church should elect its own pastor.[77]

[77] Eligat quævis ecclesia episcopum suum.--(Ibid. cap. 23.)

"Let those who are elected bishops be consecrated to their office by

the imposition of the hands of three bishops; and as for the deacons,

if there are no ministers present, let them receive the laying on of

hands from the elders of the Church.[78]

[78] Manus imponant duo ex senioribus, nisi alii episcopi

intersint.--(Ibid. cap. 21.)

"If a bishop causes any scandal to the Church by his effeminacy, or by

the splendour of his garments, or by the levity of his conduct, and

if, on being warned, he persists, let him be deposed by the

Church.[79]

[79] Deponat ecclesia episcopum suum, quod ad eam spectet judicare de

voce pastorum.--(Ibid. cap. 23.)

"Let each church place its bishop in a condition to live with his

family, and to be hospitable, as St. Paul enjoins; but let the bishops

exact nothing for their casual duties.[80]

[80] Alat quævis ecclesia episcopum suum sicque illi administret ut

cum sua familia vivere possit.--(Schminke, Monumenta Hassiaca, cap.

23.)

"On every Sunday let there be in some suitable place an assembly of

all the men who are in the number of the saints, to regulate with the

bishop, according to God's Word, all the affairs of the Church, and to

excommunicate whoever gives occasion of scandal to the Church; for the

Church of Christ has never existed without exercising the power of

excommunication.[81]

[81] Fiat conventus fidelium in congruo loco, ad quem quotquot ex

viris in sanctorum numero habentur......Christi ecclesiam nunquam

fuisse sine excommunicatione.--(Ibid. cap. 15.)

"As a weekly assembly is necessary for the direction of the particular

churches, so a general synod should be held annually for the direction

of all the churches in the country.[82]

[82] Ut semel pro toto Hessia celebretur synodus apud Marpurgum tertia

dominica post pascha.--(Ibid. cap. 18.)

[Sidenote: TWO ELEMENTS IN THE CHURCH.]

"All the pastors are its natural members; but each church shall

further elect from its body a man full of the Spirit and of faith, to

whom it shall intrust powers for all that is in the jurisdiction of

the synod.[83]

[83] Universi episcopi......Quælibet ecclesia congregetur et eligat ex

se ipsa unum plenum fide et Spiritu Dei.--(Ibid.)

"Three visiters shall be elected yearly, with commission to go through

all the churches, to examine those who have been elected bishops, to

confirm those who have been approved of, and to provide for the

execution of the decrees of the synod."

It will no doubt be found that this first evangelical constitution

went in some points to the extreme of ecclesiastical democracy; but

certain institutions had crept in that were capable of increase and of

changing its nature. Six superintendents for life were afterwards

substituted for these annual visiters (who, according to the primitive

institution, might be simple members of the church); and, as has been

remarked,[84] the encroachments, whether of these superintendents or

of the state, gradually paralyzed the activity and independence of the

churches of Hesse. This constitution fared as did that of the Abbé

Sièyes, in the year 8, which, being destined to be republican, served

through the influence of Napoleon Bonaparte to establish the despotism

of the Empire.

[84] Rettig, Die Freie Kirche.

It was not the less a remarkable work. Romish doctors have reproached

the Reformation for making the Church a too interior institution.[85]

In effect, the Reformation and Popery recognise two elements in the

Church,--the one exterior, the other interior; but while Popery gives

precedence to the former, the Reformation assigns it to the latter. If

however it be a reproach against the Reformation for having an inward

Church only, and for not creating an external one, the remarkable

constitution of which we have just exhibited a few features, will save

us the trouble of reply. The exterior ecclesiastical order, which then

sprung from the very heart of the Reformation, is far more perfect

than that of Popery.

[85] This is the opinion set forth in the _Symbolik_ of Dr. Möhler,

the most celebrated defender of the Romish doctrine among our

contemporaries.

[Sidenote: LUTHER ON THE MINISTRY.]

One great question presented itself: Will these principles be adopted

by all the Churches of the Reformation?

Everything seemed to indicate as much. The most pious men thought at

that time that the ecclesiastical power proceeded from the members of

the Church. By withdrawing from the hierarchical extreme, they flung

themselves into a democratical one. Luther himself had professed this

doctrine as early as 1523. The Calixtins of Bohemia, on seeing the

bishops of their country refuse them ministers, had gone so far as to

take the first vagabond priest. "If you have no other means of

procuring pastors," wrote Luther to them, "rather do without them, and

let each head of a family read the Gospel in his own house, and

baptise his children, sighing after the sacrament of the altar as the

Jews at Babylon did for Jerusalem.[86] The consecration of the Pope

creates priests--not of God, but of the devil, ordained solely to

trample Jesus Christ under foot, to bring his sacrifice to naught, and

to sell imaginary holocausts to the world in his name.[87] Men become

ministers only by election and calling, and that ought to be effected

in the following manner:--

"First, seek God by prayer;[88] then being assembled together with all

those whose hearts God has touched, choose in the Lord's name him or

them whom you shall have acknowledged to be fitted for this ministry.

After that, let the chief men among you lay their hands on them, and

recommend them to the people and to the Church."[89]

[86] Tutius enim et salubrius esset, quemlibet patrem-familias suæ

domui legere Evangelium.--(L. Opp. lat. ii. p. 363.)

[87] Per ordines papisticos non sacerdotes Dei sed sacerdotes Satanæ,

tantum ut Christum conculcent.--(Ibid. p. 364.)

[88] Orationibus tum privatis tum publicis.--(Ibid. p. 370.)

[89] Eligite quem et quos volueritis. Tum impositis super eos manibus,

sint hoc ipso vestri episcopi, vestri ministri, seu pastores.--(L.

Opp. lat. ii. p. 370.)

[Sidenote: ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH.]

Luther, in thus calling upon the people alone to nominate their

pastors, submitted to the necessities of the times. It was requisite

to constitute the ministry; but the ministry having no existence, it

could not then have the legitimate part that belongs to it in the

choice of God's ministers.

But another necessity, proceeding in like manner from the state of

affairs, was to incline Luther to deviate from the principles he had

laid down.

The German Reformation can hardly be said to have begun with the lower

classes, as in Switzerland and France; and Luther could scarcely find

anywhere that christian people, which should have played so great a

part in his new constitution. Ignorant men, conceited townspeople, who

would not even maintain their ministers--these were the members of the

Church. Now what could be done with such elements?

But if the people were indifferent, the princes were not so. They

stood in the foremost rank of the battle, and sat on the first bench

in the council. The democratic organization was therefore compelled to

give way to an organization conformable to the civil government. The

Church is composed of Christians, and they are taken wherever they are

found--high or low. It was particularly in high stations that Luther

found them. He admitted the princes as representatives of the people;

and henceforward the influence of the state became one of the

principal elements in the constitution of the evangelical Church.

In the mind of the Reformer, this guardianship of the princes was only

to be provisional. The faithful being then in minority, they had need

of a guardian; but the era of the Church's majority might arrive, and

with it would come its emancipation.

[Sidenote: LUTHER'S LETTER TO THE ELECTOR.]

We may admit that this recourse to the civil power was at that time

necessary, but we cannot deny that it was also a source of

difficulties. We will point out only one. When Protestantism became an

affair of governments and nations, it ceased to be universal. The new

spirit was capable of creating a new earth. But instead of opening new

roads, and of purposing the regeneration of all Christendom, and the

conversion of the whole world, the Protestants sought to settle

themselves as comfortably as possible in a few German duchies. This

timidity, which has been called prudence, did immense injury to the

Reformation.

The organizing power being once discovered, the Reformers thought of

organization, and Luther applied to the task; for although he was in

an especial manner an assailant and Calvin an organizer, these two

qualities, as necessary to the reformers of the Church as to the

founders of empires, were not wanting in either of these great

servants of God.

It was necessary to compose a new ministry, for most of the priests

who had quitted the Papacy were content to receive the watchword of

Reform without having personally experienced the sanctifying virtue of

the Truth. There was even one parish in which the priest preached the

Gospel in his principal church, and sang mass in its succursal.[90]

But something more was wanting: a Christian people had to be created.

"Alas!" said Luther of some of the adherents of the Reform, "they have

abandoned their Romish doctrines and rites, and they scoff at

ours."[91]

[90] In æde parochiali evangelico more docebat, in filiali missi

fiabat.--(Seck. p. 102.)

[91] Sic enim sua papistica neglexerunt, et nostra contemnunt.--(L.

Epp. iii. p. 224.)

[Sidenote: GERMAN MASS.]

Luther did not shrink from before this double necessity; and he made

provision for it. Understanding that a general visitation of the

churches was necessary, he addressed the Elector on this subject, on

the 22d October 1526. "Your highness, in your quality of guardian of

youth, and of all those who know not how to take care of themselves,"

said he, "should compel the inhabitants, who desire neither pastors

nor schools, to receive these means of grace, as they are compelled to

work on the roads, on bridges, and such like services.[92] The papal

order being abolished, it is your duty to regulate these things; no

other person cares about them, no other can, and no other ought to do

so. Commission, therefore, four persons to visit all the country; let

two of them inquire into the tithes and church property; and let two

take charge of the doctrine, schools, churches, and pastors." We

naturally ask, on reading these words, if the church which was formed

in the first century, without the support of princes, could not in the

sixteenth be reformed without them?

[92] Als oberster vormund der Jugend und aller die es bedurfen, sall

sie mit Gewalt dazu halten.--(L. Epp. iii. p. 136.)

Luther was not content with soliciting in writing the intervention of

the prince. He was indignant at seeing the courtiers, who in the time

of the Elector Frederick had shown themselves the inveterate enemies

of the Reformation, rushing now, "sporting, laughing, skipping," as he

said, on the spoils of the Church. Accordingly, at the end of this

year, the Elector having come to Wittemberg, the Reformer repaired

immediately to the palace, made his complaint to the prince-electoral,

whom he met at the gate, then without caring about those who stopped

him, made his way by force into his father's bedchamber, and

addressing this prince, who was surprised at so unexpected a visit,

begged him to remedy the evils of the Church. The visitation of the

churches was resolved upon, and Melancthon was commissioned to draw up

the necessary instructions.

In 1526, Luther had published his "German Mass," by which he signified

the order of church service in general. "The real evangelical

assemblies," he said, "do not take place publicly, pellmell, admitting

people of every sort;[93] but they are formed of serious Christians,

who confess the Gospel by their words and by their lives,[94] and in

the midst of whom we may reprove and excommunicate, according to the

rule of Christ Jesus.[95] I cannot institute such assemblies, for I

have no one to place in them;[96] but if the thing becomes possible, I

shall not be wanting in this duty."

[93] Non publice, sive promiscue et admissa omnis generis plebe.--(De

Missa Germ.)

[94] Qui nomina sua in catalogum referrent, adds he.--(Ibid.)

[95] Excommunicari qui Christiano more se non gererent.--(De Missa

Germ.)

[96] Neque enim habeo qui sint idonei.--(Ibid.)

[Sidenote: MELANCTHON'S INSTRUCTIONS.]

It was also with a conviction that he must give the Church, not the

best form of worship imaginable, but the best possible, that

Melancthon laboured at his Instructions.

The German Reformation at that time tacked about, as it were. If

Lambert in Hesse had gone to the extreme of a democratical system,

Melancthon in Saxony was approximating the contrary extreme of

traditional principles. A conservative principle was substituted for a

reforming one. Melancthon wrote to one of the inspectors:[97] "All the

old ceremonies that you can preserve, pray do so.[98] Do not innovate

much, for every innovation is injurious to the people."[99]

[97] Dr. Dewette thinks this letter is Luther's (L. Epp. iii. p. 352).

It appears clear to me, as also to Dr. Bretschneider, that it is

Melancthon's. Luther never went so far in the way of concession.

[98] Observo quantum ex veteribus cæremoniis retineri potest,

retineas.--(Corp. Ref. ii. p. 990.)

[99] Omnis novitas nocet in vulgo.--(Ibid.)

They retained, therefore, the Latin liturgy, a few German hymns being

mingled with it;[100] the communion in one kind for those only who

scrupled from habit to take it in both; a confession made to the

priest without being in any way obligatory; many saints' days, the

sacred vestments,[101] and other rites, "in which," said Melancthon,

"there is no harm, whatever Zwingle may say."[102] And at the same

time they set forth with reserve the doctrines of the Reformation.

[100] Non aboleas eam totam (the Latin mass): satis est alicubi

miscere Germanicas cantationes.--(Ibid.)

[101] Ut retineantur vestes usitatæ in sacris.--(Corp. Ref. ad Jonam,

20th December 1527.)

[102] Vel si Zwinglius ipse prædicaturus sit.--(Corp. Ref. ii. p.

910.)

It is but right to confess the dominion of facts and circumstances

upon these ecclesiastical organizations; but there is a dominion which

rises higher still--that of the Word of God.

Perhaps what Melancthon did was all that could be effected at that

time: but it was necessary for the work to be one day resumed and

re-established on its primitive plan, and this was Calvin's glory.

[Sidenote: DISAFFECTION.]

A cry of astonishment was heard both from the camp of Rome and from

that of the Reformation. "Our cause is betrayed," exclaimed some of

the evangelical Christians: "the liberty is taken away that Jesus

Christ had given us."[103]

[103] Alii dicerent prodi causam.--(Camer. Vita Melancthon, p. 107.)

On their part the Ultramontanists triumphed in Melancthon's

moderation: they called it a retractation, and took advantage of it to

insult the Reform. Cochlœus published a "horrible" engraving, as he

styles it himself, in which, from beneath the same hood was seen

issuing a seven-headed monster representing Luther. Each of these

heads had different features, and all, uttering together the most

frightful and contradictory words, kept disputing, tearing, and

devouring each other.[104]

[104] Monstrosus ille Germaniæ partus, Lutherus septiceps.--(Cochlœus,

p. 169.)

The astonished Elector resolved to communicate Melancthon's paper to

Luther. But never did the Reformer's respect for his friend show

itself in a more striking manner. He only made one or two unimportant

additions to this plan, and sent it back accompanied with the highest

eulogiums. The Romanists said that the tiger caught in a net was

licking the hands that clipped his talons. But it was not so. Luther

knew that the aim of Melancthon's labours was to strengthen the very

soul of the Reformation in all the churches of Saxony. That was

sufficient for him. He thought besides, that in every thing there must

be a transition; and being justly convinced that his friend was more

than himself a man of transition, he frankly accepted his views.

The general visitation began. Luther in Saxony, Spalatin in the

districts of Altenburg and Zwickau, Melancthon in Thuringia, and

Thuring in Franconia, with ecclesiastical deputies and several lay

colleagues, commenced the work in October and November 1528.

[Sidenote: IMPORTANT RESULTS.]

They purified the clergy by dismissing every priest of scandalous

life;[105] they assigned a portion of the church property to the

maintenance of public worship, and they placed the remainder beyond

the reach of plunder; they continued the suppression of the convents;

they established everywhere unity of instruction; and "Luther's

greater and smaller catechisms," which appeared in 1529, contributed

more perhaps than any other writings to propagate throughout the new

churches the ancient faith of the Apostles; they commissioned the

pastors of the great towns, under the title of superintendents, to

watch over the churches and the schools; they maintained the abolition

of celibacy; and the ministers of the Word, become husbands and

fathers, formed the germ of a third estate, whence in after-years were

diffused in all ranks of society learning, activity, and light. This

is one of the truest causes of the intellectual and moral superiority

that indisputably distinguishes the evangelical nations.

[105] Viginti fere rudes et inepti, multique concubinarii et potatores

deprehensi sunt.--(Seckend. p. 102.)

The organization of the churches in Saxony, notwithstanding its

imperfections, produced for that time at least the most important

results. This was because the Word of God prevailed; and because,

wherever this Word exercises its power, secondary errors and abuses

are paralyzed. The very discretion that was employed proceeded in

reality from a good principle. The reformers, unlike the enthusiasts,

did not utterly reject an institution because it was corrupted. They

did not say, for example: "The sacraments are disfigured, let us do

without them! the ministry is corrupt, let us reject it!"--but they

rejected the abuse, and restored the use. This prudence is the mark of

a work of God; and if Luther sometimes permitted the chaff to remain

along with the wheat, Calvin appeared later, and more thoroughly

purged the Christian threshing-floor.

[Sidenote: THE REFORMATION ADVANCES.]

The organization which was at that time accomplishing in Saxony,

exerted a strong reaction on all the German empire, and the doctrine

of the Gospel advanced with gigantic strides. The design of God in

turning aside from the reformed states of Germany, the thunderbolt

that he caused to fall upon the seven-hilled city, was clearly

manifest. Never were years more usefully employed; and it was not only

to framing a constitution that the Reformation devoted itself, it was

also to extend its doctrine.

The duchies of Luneburg and Brunswick, many of the most important

imperial cities, as Nuremberg, Augsburg, Ulm, Strasburg, Gottingen,

Gosslar, Nordhausen, Lubeck, Bremen, and Hamburg, removed the tapers

from the chapels, and substituted in their place the brighter torch of

the Word of God.

In vain did the frightened canons allege the authority of the Church.

"The authority of the Church," replied Kempe and Zechenhagen, the

reformer of Hamburg, "cannot be acknowledged unless the Church herself

obeys her pastor Jesus Christ."[106] Pomeranus visited many places to

put a finishing hand to the Reform.

[106] Evangelici auctoritatem Ecclesiæ non aliter agnoscendam esse

contendebant quam si vocem pastoris Christi sequeretur.--(Seckend. i.

p. 245.)

In Franconia, the Margrave George of Brandenburg, having reformed

Anspach and Bayreuth, wrote to his ancient protector, Ferdinand of

Austria, who had knit his brows on hearing of his reforming

proceedings: "I have done this by God's order; for he commands princes

to take care not only of the bodies of their subjects, but also of

their souls."[107]

[107] Non modo quoad corpus, sed etiam quoad animam.--(Seckend. ii. p.

121.)

In East Friesland, on new-year's day, 1527, a Dominican named Resius,

having put on his hood,[108] ascended the pulpit at Noorden, and

declared himself ready to maintain certain theses according to the

tenor of the Gospel. Having silenced the Abbot of Noorden by the

soundness of his arguments, Resius took off his cowl, laid it on the

pulpit, and was received in the nave by the acclamations of the

faithful. Ere long the whole of Friesland laid aside the uniform of

Popery, as Resius had done.

[108] Resius, cucullum indutus, suggestum ascendit.--(Scultet. Ann. p.

93.)

[Sidenote: A PIOUS PRINCESS.]

At Berlin, Elizabeth, electress of Brandenburg, having read Luther's

works, felt a desire to receive the Lord's supper in conformity with

Christ's institution: a minister secretly administered it at the

festival of Easter, 1528; but one of her children informed the

Elector. Joachim was greatly exasperated, and ordered his wife to keep

her room for several days;[109] it was even said that he intended to

shut her up.[110] This princess, being deprived of all religious

support, and mistrusting the perfidious manœuvres of the Romish

priests, resolved to escape by flight; and she claimed the assistance

of her brother, Christian II. of Denmark, who was then residing at

Torgau. Taking advantage of a dark night, she quitted the castle in a

peasant's dress, and got into a rude country-waggon that was waiting

for her at the gate of the city. Elizabeth urged on the driver, when,

in a bad road, the wain broke down. The electress, hastily unfastening

a handkerchief she wore round her head, flung it to the man, who

employed it in repairing the damage, and ere long Elizabeth arrived at

Torgau. "If I should expose you to any risk," said she to her uncle,

the Elector of Saxony, "I am ready to go wherever Providence may guide

me." But John assigned her a residence in the castle of Lichtenberg,

on the Elbe, near Wittemberg. Without taking upon us to approve of

Elizabeth's flight, let us acknowledge the good that God's Providence

drew from it. This amiable lady, who lived at Lichtenberg, in the

study of His word, seldom appearing at court, frequently going to hear

Luther's sermons, and exercising a salutary influence over her

children, who sometimes had permission to see her, was the first of

those pious princesses whom the house of Brandenburg has counted, and

even still counts, among its members.

[109] Aliquot diebus a marito in cubiculo detenta fuisse.--(Seckend.

ii. p. 122.)

[110] Marehio statuerat eam immurare.--(L. Epp. ad Lenkium, iii. p.

296.)

At the same time, Holstein, Sleswick, and Silesia decided in favour of

the Reformation: and Hungary, as well as Bohemia, saw the number of

its adherents increase.

[Sidenote: EDICT OF OFEN.]

In every place, instead of a hierarchy seeking its righteousness in

the works of man, its glory in external pomp, its strength in a

material power, the Church of the Apostles reappeared, humble as in

primitive times, and like the ancient Christians, looking for its

righteousness, its glory, and its power solely in the blood of Christ

and in the Word of God.[111]

[111] Revelation xii. 11.

IV. All these triumphs of the Gospel could not pass unperceived; there

was a powerful reaction, and until political circumstances should

permit a grand attack upon the Reformation on the very soil where it

was established, and of persecuting it by means of diets, and if

necessary by armies, they began to persecute in detail in the Romish

countries with tortures and the scaffold.

On the 20th August, 1527, King Ferdinand, by the Edict of Ofen in

Hungary, published a tariff of crimes and penalties, in which he

threatened death by the sword, by fire, or by water,[112] against

whoever should say that Mary was a woman like other women; or partake

of the sacrament in an heretical manner; or consecrate the bread and

wine, not being a Romish priest; and further, in the second case, the

house in which the sacrament should have been administered was to be

confiscated or rased to the ground.

[112] Die sollen mit den Feuer Schwerdt oder Wasser gestraft

werden.--(Ferd. Mandat. L. Opp. xix. p. 596.)

Such was not the legislation of Luther. Link having asked him if it

were lawful for the magistrate to put the false prophets to death,

meaning the Sacramentarians, whose doctrines Luther attacked with so

much force,[113] the Reformer replied: "I am slow whenever life is

concerned, even if the offender is exceedingly guilty.[114] I can by

no means admit that the false teachers should be put to death;[115] it

is sufficient to remove them." For ages the Romish Church has bathed

in blood. Luther was the first to profess the great principles of

humanity and religious liberty.

[113] Contra hostes sacramentarios strenue nobiscum certare.--(Epp. to

Lenk, July 14, 1528.)

[114] Ego ad judicium sanguinis tardus sum, etiam ubi meritum

abundat.--(Ibid.)

[115] Nullo modo possum admittere falsos doctores occidi.--(Epp. to

Lenk, July 14, 1528.)

[Sidenote: PERSECUTIONS--WINKLER AND CARPENTER.]

They sometimes had recourse to more expeditious proceedings than the

scaffold itself. George Winkler, pastor of Halle, having been summoned

before Archbishop Albert in the spring of 1527, for having

administered the sacrament in both kinds, had been acquitted. As this

minister was returning home along an unfrequented road in the midst of

the woods, he was suddenly attacked by a number of horsemen, who

murdered him, and immediately fled through the thickets without taking

anything from his person.[116] "The world," exclaimed Luther, "is a

cavern of assassins under the command of the devil; an inn, whose

landlord is a brigand, and which bears this sign, _Lies and Murder_;

and none are more readily murdered therein than those who proclaim

Jesus Christ."

[116] Mox enim ut interfecerunt, aufugerunt per avia loca, nihil prædæ

aut pecuniæ capientes.--(Cochl. p. 152.)

At Munich George Carpenter was led to the scaffold for having denied

that the baptism of water is able by its own virtue to save a man.

"When you are thrown into the fire," said some of his brethren, "give

us a sign by which we may know that you persevere in the faith."--"As

long as I can open my mouth, I will confess the name of the Lord

Jesus."[117] The executioner stretched him on a ladder, tied a small

bag of gunpowder round his neck, and then flung him into the flames.

Carpenter immediately cried out, "Jesus! Jesus!" and the executioner

having turned him again and again with his hooks, the martyr several

times repeated the word Jesus, and expired.

[117] Dum os aperire licebit, servatoris nostri nomen profiteri

nunquam intermittam.--(Scultet. ii. p. 110.)

[Sidenote: PERSECUTIONS--KEYSER.]

At Landsberg nine persons were consigned to the flames, and at Munich

twenty-nine were thrown into the water. At Scherding, Leonard Keyser,

a friend and disciple of Luther, having been condemned by the bishop,

had his head shaved, and being dressed in a smock-frock, was placed on

horseback. As the executioners were cursing and swearing, because they

could not disentangle the ropes with which he was to be bound, he

said to them mildly: "Dear friends, your bonds are not necessary; my

Lord Christ has already bound me." When he drew near the stake, Keyser

looked at the crowd and exclaimed: "Behold the harvest! O Master, send

forth thy labourers!" He then ascended the scaffold and said: "O Jesu,

save me! I am thine." These were his last words.[118] "Who am I, a

wordy preacher," exclaimed Luther, when he received the news of his

death, "in comparison with this great doer?"[119]

[118] Incenso jam igne, clara voce proclamavit: _Tuus sum Jesu! Salva

me!_--(Seckend. ii. p. 85.)

[119] Tam impar verbosus prædicator, illi tam potenti verbi

operator.--(L. Epp. iii. p. 1214.)

Thus, the Reformation manifested by such striking works the truth that

it had come to re-establish; namely, that faith is not, as Rome

maintains, an historical, vain, dead knowledge,[120] but a lively

faith, the work of the Holy Ghost, the channel by which Christ fills

the heart with new desires and with new affections, the true worship

of the living God.

[120] Si quis dixerit fidem non esse veram fidem, licet non fit viva,

aut eum qui fidem sine charitate habet, non esse christianum, anathema

sit.--(Conc. Frid. Sess. 6, p. 28.)

These martyrdoms filled Germany with horror, and gloomy forebodings

descended from the thrones among the ranks of the people. Around the

domestic hearth, in the long winter evenings, the conversation wholly

turned on prisons, tortures, scaffolds, and martyrs; and the slightest

noise alarmed the old men, women, and children. These narratives

gained strength from mouth to mouth; the rumour of a universal

conspiracy against the Gospel spread through all the Empire. Its

adversaries, taking advantage of this terror, announced with a

mysterious air that they must look during this year (1528) for some

decisive measure against the Reform.[121] One scoundrel resolved to

profit by this state of mind to satisfy his avarice.

[121] Nescio quid mirari quod hoc anno contra reformationem

expectandum sit.--(Seckend. ii. p. 101.)

[Sidenote: PACK'S FORGERY.]

No blows are more terrible to a cause than those which it inflicts

upon itself. The Reformation, seized with a dizziness, was on the

verge of self-destruction. There is a spirit of error that conspires

against the cause of truth, beguiling by subtlety;[122] the

Reformation was about to experience its attacks, and to stagger under

the most formidable assault,--perturbation of thought, and

estrangement from the ways of wisdom and of truth.

[122] 2 Corinthians xi. 3.

Otho of Pack, vice-chancellor to Duke George of Saxony, was a crafty

and dissipated man,[123] who took advantage of his office, and had

recourse to all sorts of practices to procure money. The Duke having

on one occasion sent him to the Diet of Nuremberg as his

representative, the Bishop of Merseburg confided to him his

contribution towards the imperial government. The Bishop having been

afterwards called upon for this money, Pack declared that he had paid

it to a citizen of Nuremberg, whose seal and signature he produced.

This paper was a forgery; Pack himself was the author of it.[124] This

wretch, however, put an impudent face on the matter, and as he was not

convicted, he preserved the confidence of his master. Erelong an

opportunity presented itself of exercising his criminal talent on a

larger scale.

[123] Homo erat versutus, et præterea prodigus, quo vitio ad alia

inductus est.--(Seckend. ii. p. 94.)

[124] It is still to be seen in the records at Dresden.

No one entertained greater suspicions with regard to the Papists than

the Landgrave of Hesse. Young, susceptible, and restless, he was

always on the alert. In the month of February 1528, Pack happening to

be at Cassel to assist Philip in some difficult business, the

Landgrave imparted to him his fears. If any one could have had any

knowledge of the designs of the Papists, it must have been the

vice-chancellor, one of the greatest enemies to the Reform. The crafty

Pack heaved a sigh, bent down his eyes, and was silent. Philip

immediately became uneasy, entreated him, and promised to do nothing

that would injure the Duke. Then, Pack as if he had allowed an

important secret to be torn from him with regret, confessed that a

league against the Lutherans had been concluded at Breslau on the

Wednesday following _Jubilate_ Sunday, 12th May 1527; and engaged to

procure the original of this act for the Landgrave, who offered him

for this service a remuneration of ten thousand florins. This was the

greatest transaction that this wretched man had ever undertaken; but

it tended to nothing less than the utter overthrow of the Empire.

The Landgrave was amazed: he restrained himself, however, wishing to

see the act with his own eyes before informing his allies. He

therefore repaired to Dresden. "I cannot," said Pack, "furnish you

with the original: the Duke always carries it about his person to read

it to other princes whom he hopes to gain over. Recently at Leipsic,

he showed it to Duke Henry of Brunswick. But here is a copy made by

his highness's order." The Landgrave took the document, which bore all

the marks of the most perfect authenticity. It was crossed by a cord

of black silk, and fastened at both ends by the seal of the ducal

chancery.[125] Above was an impression from the ring Duke George

always wore on his finger, with the three quarterings that Philip had

so often seen; at the top, the coronet, and at the bottom, the two

lions. He has no more doubts as to its authenticity. But how can we

describe his indignation as he read this guilty document? King

Ferdinand, the Electors of Mentz and of Brandenburg, Duke George of

Saxony, the Dukes of Bavaria, the Bishops of Salzburg, Wurtzburg, and

Bamberg, have entered into a coalition to call upon the Elector of

Saxony to deliver up the arch-heretic Luther, with all the apostate

priests, monks, and nuns, and to re-establish the ancient worship. If

he make default, his states are to be invaded, and this prince and his

descendants are to be for ever dispossessed. The same measure was next

to be applied to the Landgrave, only ("it was your father-in-law, Duke

George," said Pack to Philip, "who got this clause inserted") his

states shall be restored to him in consideration of his youth, if he

becomes fully reconciled to the Holy Church. The document stated

moreover the contingents of men and money to be provided by the

confederates, and the share they were to have in the spoils of these

two heretical princes.[126]

[125] Cui filum sericum circumligatum, et sigillum cancellariæ

impressum erat.--(Seck. ii. p. 94.)

[126] Hortleber, De Bello Germanico, ii. p. 579.

Many circumstances tended to confirm the authenticity of this paper.

Ferdinand, Joachim of Brandenburg, and George of Saxony, had in fact

met at Breslau on the day indicated, and an evangelical prince, the

Margrave George, had seen Joachim leave Ferdinand's apartments,

holding in his hand a large parchment to which several seals were

attached. The agitated Landgrave caused a copy to be taken of this

document, promised secrecy for a time, paid Pack four thousand

florins, and engaged to make up the sum agreed upon, if he would

procure him the original. And then, wishing to prevent the storm, he

hastened to Weimar to inform the Elector of this unprecedented

conspiracy.

"I have seen," said he to John and his son, "nay more--I have had in

my hands, a duplicate of this horrible treaty. Signatures,

seals--nothing was wanting.[127] Here is a copy, and I bind myself to

place the original before your eyes. The most frightful danger

threatens us--ourselves, our faithful subjects, and the Word of God."

[127] Nam is affirmabat se archetypon vidisse, commemorabat

σφρἁγιδας.--(Corp. Ref. i. p. 986.)

[Sidenote: ADVICE OF THE REFORMERS.]

The Elector had no reason to doubt the account the Landgrave had just

given him: he was stunned, confounded, and overpowered. The promptest

measures alone could avert such unheard of disasters: everything must

be risked to extricate them from certain destruction. The impetuous

Philip breathed fire and flames;[128] his plan of defence was already

prepared. He presented it, and in the first moment of consternation he

carried the consent of his ally, as it were by assault. On the 9th

March 1528, the two princes agreed to employ all their forces to

defend themselves, and even to take the offensive, and to sacrifice

life, honour, rank, subjects, and states, to preserve the Word of God.

The Dukes of Prussia, Mecklenburg, Luneburg, and Pomerania, the Kings

of Denmark and Poland, and the Margrave of Brandenburg, were to be

invited to enter into this alliance. Six hundred thousand florins were

destined for the expenses of the war; and to procure them, they would

raise loans, pledge their cities, and sell the offerings in the

churches.[129] They had already begun to raise a powerful army.[130]

The Landgrave set out in person for Nuremberg and Anspach. The alarm

was general in those countries; the commotion was felt throughout all

Germany,[131] and even beyond it. John Zapolya, King of Hungary, at

that time a refugee at Cracow, promised a hundred thousand florins to

raise an army, and twenty thousand florins a month for its

maintenance. Thus a spirit of error was misleading the princes; if it

should carry away the Reformers also, the destruction of the

Reformation was not far distant.

[128] Mirabiliter incensus erat.--(Corp. Ref. i. p. 986.)

[129] Venditisque templorum donariis.--(Seck. ii. p. 95.)

[130] Magno studio validum comparaverunt ambo exercitum.--(Cochl. p.

171.)

[131] Non leviter commotos esse nostrorum animos.--(Corp. Ref. ii. p.

986.)

But God was watching over them. Supported on the rock of the Word,

Melancthon and Luther replied: "It is written, Thou shalt not tempt

the Lord thy God." As soon as these two men whom the danger threatened

(for it was they who were to be delivered up to the papal power) saw

the youthful Landgrave drawing the sword, and the aged Elector himself

putting his hand on the hilt, they uttered a cry, and this cry, which

was heard in heaven, saved the Reform.

Luther, Pomeranus, and Melancthon immediately forwarded the following

advice to the Elector: "Above all things, let not the attack proceed

from our side, and let no blood be shed through our fault. Let us wait

for the enemy, and seek after peace. Send an ambassador to the Emperor

to make him acquainted with this hateful plot."

[Sidenote: LUTHER'S PACIFIC COUNSEL.]

Thus it was that the faith of the children of God, which is so

despised by politicians, conducted them aright, at the very moment

when the diplomatists were going astray. The Elector and his son

declared to the Landgrave that they would not assume the offensive.

Philip was in amazement. "Are not the preparations of the Papists

worthy an attack?" asked he.[132] "What! we will threaten war, and yet

not make it! We will inflame the hatred of our antagonists, and leave

them time to prepare their forces! No, no; forward! It is thus we

shall secure the means of an honourable peace."----"If the Landgrave

desires to begin the war," replied the Reformer, "the Elector is not

obliged to observe the treaty; for we must obey God rather than men.

God and the right are above every alliance. Let us beware of painting

the devil on our doors, and inviting him as godfather.[133] But if the

Landgrave is attacked, the Elector ought to go to his assistance; for

it is God's will that we preserve our faith." This advice which the

Reformers gave, cost them dear. Never did man, condemned to the

torture, endure a punishment like theirs. The fears excited by the

Landgrave were succeeded by the terrors inspired by the Papist

princes. This cruel trial left them in great distress. "I am worn away

with sorrow," cried Melancthon; "and this anguish puts me to the most

horrible torture.[134] The issue," added he, "will be found on our

knees before God."[135]

[132] Landgravius præparamenta adversariorum pro agressione

habebat.--(Seck. ii. p. 95.)

[133] Man darf den Teufel nicht über die Thür malen, noch ihn zu

gevattern bitten.--(L. Epp. iii. p. 321.)

[134] Curæ vehementer cruciarunt.--(Corp. Ref. i. p. 988.)

[135] Εν γοηνασι θεου.--(Ibid. p. 988.)

The Elector, drawn in different directions by the theologians and the

politicians, at last took a middle course: he resolved to assemble an

army, "but only," said he, "to obtain peace." Philip of Hesse at

length gave way, and forthwith sent copies of the famous treaty to

Duke George, to the Dukes of Bavaria, and to the Emperor's

representatives, calling upon them to renounce such cruel designs. "I

would rather have a limb cut off," said he to his father-in-law, "than

know you to be a member of such an alliance."

[Sidenote: SURPRISE OF THE PAPIST PRINCES.]

The surprise of the German courts, when they read this document, is

beyond description. Duke George immediately replied to the Landgrave

that he had allowed himself to be deceived by unmeaning absurdities;

that he who pretended to have seen the original of this act was an

infamous liar, and an incorrigible scoundrel; and that he called upon

the Landgrave to give up his authority, or else it might well be

thought that he was himself the inventor of this impudent fabrication.

King Ferdinand, the Elector of Brandenburg, and all the pretended

conspirators made similar replies.

Philip of Hesse saw that he had been deceived;[136] his confusion was

only exceeded by his anger. He had therefore himself justified the

accusations of his adversaries who called him a hot-headed young man,

and had compromised to the highest degree the cause of the Reformation

and that of his people. He said afterwards, "If that had not happened,

it would no more happen now. Nothing that I have done in all my life

has caused me greater vexation."

[136] Wir fühlten dass wir betrogen waren.--(Hortleber, iv. p. 567.)

Pack fled in alarm to the Landgrave, who caused him to be arrested;

and envoys from the several princes whom this scoundrel had

compromised met at Cassel, and proceeded to examine him. He maintained

that the original act of the alliance had really existed in the

Dresden archives. In the following year the Landgrave banished him

from Hesse, showing by this action that he did not fear him. Pack was

afterwards discovered in Belgium; and at the demand of Duke George,

who had never shown any pity towards him, he was seized, tortured, and

finally beheaded.

The Landgrave was unwilling to have taken up arms to no purpose. The

archbishop-elector of Mentz was compelled, on the 11th June, 1528, to

renounce in the camp of Herzkirchen all spiritual jurisdiction in

Saxony and Hesse.[137] This was no small advantage.

[137] Kopp. Hess. Gerichts.--Verf. i. p. 107.

[Sidenote: PACK'S SCHEME NOT IMPROBABLE.]

Scarcely had the arms been laid aside, before Luther took up his pen,

and began a war of another kind. "Impious princes may deny this

alliance as long as they please," wrote he to Link; "I am very certain

that it is not a chimera. These insatiable leeches will take no repose

until they see the whole of Germany flowing with blood."[138] This

idea of Luther's was the one generally entertained. "The document

presented to the Landgrave may be," it was said, "Pack's invention;

but all this fabric of lies is founded on some truth. If the alliance

has not been concluded, it has been conceived."[139]

[138] Sanguisugæ insatiabiles quiescere nolunt, nisi Germaniam

sanguine madere sentiant. 14th June, 1528.

[139] Non enim prorsus confictares.--(Corp. Ref. i. p. 988.)

Melancholy were the results of this affair. It inspired division in

the bosom of the Reformation, and fanned the hatred between the two

parties.[140] The sparks from the piles of Keyser, Winckler,

Carpenter, and so many other martyrs, added strength to the fire that

was already threatening to set the empire in flames. It was under such

critical circumstances, and with such menacing dispositions, that the

famous Diet of Spire was opened in March 1529. The Empire and the

Papacy were in reality preparing to annihilate the Reformation,

although in a manner different from what Pack had pretended. It was

still to be learnt whether there would be found in the revived Church

more vital strength than there had been in so many sects that Rome had

easily crushed. Happily the faith had increased, and the constitution

given to the Church had imparted greater power to its adherents. All

were resolved on defending a doctrine so pure, and a church government

so superior to that of Popery. During three years of tranquillity, the

Gospel tree had struck its roots deep; and if the storm should burst,

it would now be able to brave it.

[140] Hæc minæ apud inimicos odia auxerint.--(Corp. Ref. i. p. 985.)

[Sidenote: ALLIANCE BETWEEN CHARLES AND CLEMENT.]

V. The sack of Rome, by exasperating the adherents of the Papacy, had

given arms to all the enemies of Charles V. The French army under

Lautrec had forced the imperial army, enervated by the delights of a

new Capua, to hide itself within the walls of Naples. Doria, at the

head of his Genoese galleys, had destroyed the Spanish fleet, and all

the imperial power seemed drawing to an end in Italy. But Doria

suddenly declared for the Emperor; pestilence carried off Lautrec and

half of his troops; and Charles, suffering only from alarm, had again

grasped the power with a firm resolution to unite henceforward closely

with the Pontiff, whose humiliation had nearly cost him so dear. On

his side Clement VII., hearing the Italians reproach him for his

illegitimate birth, and even refuse him the title of Pope, said aloud,

that he would rather be the Emperor's groom than the sport of his

people. On the 29th June, 1528, a peace between the heads of the

Empire and of the Church was concluded at Barcelona, based on the

destruction of heresy; and in November a diet was convoked to meet at

Spire on the 21st February, 1529. Charles was resolved to endeavour at

first to destroy the Reform by a federal vote; but if this vote did

not suffice, to employ his whole power against it. The road being thus

traced out, they were about to commence operations.

Germany felt the seriousness of the position. Mournful omens filled

every mind. About the middle of January, a great light had suddenly

dispersed the darkness of the night.[141] "What that forebodes,"

exclaimed Luther, "God only knows!" At the beginning of April there

was a rumour of an earthquake that had engulfed castles, cities, and

whole districts in Carinthia and Istria, and split the tower of St.

Mark at Venice into four parts. "If that is true," said the Reformer,

"these prodigies are the forerunners of the day of Jesus Christ."[142]

The astrologers declared that the aspect of the quartiles of Saturn

and Jupiter, and the general position of the stars, was ominous.[143]

The waters of the Elbe rolled thick and stormy, and stones fell from

the roofs of churches. "All these things," exclaimed the terrified

Melancthon, "excite me deeply."[144]

[141] An aurora borealis. "Magnum chasma, quo nox tota

illuminabatur."--(L. Epp. iii. p. 420.)

[142] Si vera sunt, diem Christi præcurrunt hæc monstra.--(Ibid. p.

438.)

[143] Adspectum τετραγὁνων Saturni et Jovis.--(Corp.

Ref. i. p. 1075.)

[144] Ego non leviter commoveor his rebus.--(Ibid. p. 1076.)

[Sidenote: OMENS.]

The letters of convocation issued by the imperial government agreed

but too well with these prodigies. The Emperor, writing from Toledo to

the Elector, accused him of sedition and revolt. Alarming whispers

passed from mouth to mouth that were sufficient to cause the fall of

the weak. Duke Henry of Mecklenburg and the Elector-palatine hastily

returned to the side of Popery.

Never had the sacerdotal party appeared in the diet in such numbers,

or so powerful and decided.[145] On the 5th March, Ferdinand, the

president of the diet, after him the Dukes of Bavaria, and lastly the

ecclesiastical Electors of Mentz and Treves, had entered the gates of

Spire surrounded by a numerous armed escort.[146] On the 13th March,

the Elector of Saxony arrived, attended only by Melancthon and

Agricola. But Philip of Hesse, faithful to his character, entered the

city on the 18th March to the sound of trumpets, and with two hundred

horsemen.

[145] Nunquam fuit tanta frequentia ullis conciliis ἁρχιερἑων

quanta in his est.--(Corp. Ref. p. 1039.)

[146] Mogantinum et Trevirensem cum comitatu armato.--(Seckend. ii. p.

129.)

The divergence of men's minds soon became manifest. A Papist did not

meet an Evangelical in the street without casting angry glances upon

him, and secretly threatening him with perfidious machinations.[147]

The Elector-palatine passed the Saxons without appearing to know

them;[148] and although John of Saxony was the most important of the

electors, none of the chiefs of the opposite party visited him.

Grouped around their tables, the Roman-catholic princes seemed

absorbed in games of hazard.[149]

[147] Vultu significant quantum nos oderint, et quid

machinentur.--(Corp. Ref. i. p. 1040.)

[148] Pfalz kennt kein Sachsen mehr.--(Epp. Alberti Mansfeld.)

[149] Adversæ partes proceres alea tempus perdere.--(L. Epp. iii. p.

438.)

[Sidenote: HOSTILITY OF THE PAPISTS.]

But erelong they gave positive marks of their hostile disposition. The

Elector and the Landgrave were prohibited from having the Gospel

preached in their mansions. It was even asserted at this early period

that John was about to be turned out of Spire, and deprived of his

electorate.[150] "We are the execration and the sweepings of the

world," said Melancthon; "but Christ will look down on his poor

people, and will preserve them."[151] In truth God was with the

witnesses to his Word. The people of Spire thirsted for the Gospel,

and the Elector wrote to his son on Palm Sunday: "About eight thousand

persons were present to-day in my chapel at morning and evening

worship."

[150] Alii exclusum Spiræ, alii ademtum electoratum.--(Ibid.)

[151] Sed Christus respiciet et salvabit populum pauperem.--(Corp.

Ref. i. p. 1040.)

The Roman party now quickened their proceedings: their plan was simple

but energetic. It was necessary to put down the religious liberty that

had existed for more than three years, and for that purpose they must

abrogate the decree of 1526, and revive that of 1521.

On the 15th March the imperial commissaries announced to the diet that

the last resolution of Spire, which left each state free to act in

conformity with the inspirations of its conscience, having given rise

to great disorders, the Emperor had annulled it by virtue of his

supreme power. This arbitrary act, and which had no precedent in the

Empire, as well as the despotic tone with which it was accompanied,

filled the evangelical Christians with indignation and alarm.

"Christ," exclaimed Sturm, "has again fallen into the hands of

Caiaphas and Pilate."[152]

[152] Christus est denuo in manibus Caiaphi et Pilati.--(Jung

Beyträge, p. 4.)

[Sidenote: RESOLUTIONS OF THE DIET.]

A commission was charged to examine the imperial proposition. The

Archbishop of Salzburg, Faber, and Eck, that is to say, the most

violent enemies of the Reformation, were among its members. "The Turks

are better than the Lutherans," said Faber, "for the Turks observe

fast-days and the Lutherans violate them.[153] If we must choose

between the Holy Scriptures of God and the old errors of the Church,

we should reject the former."[154] "Every day in full assembly Faber

casts some new stone against the Gospellers," says Melancthon.[155]

"Oh, what an Iliad I should have to compose," added he, "if I were to

report all these blasphemies!"

[153] Vociferatus est Turcos Lutheranis meliores esse.--(Corp. Ref. p.

1041.)

[154] Malle abjicere scripturam quam veteres errores Ecclesiæ.--(Ibid.

p. 1046.)

[155] Faber lapidat nos quotidie pro concione.--(Ibid.)