In appearance she is the female counterpart of Cuculcan, and is plainly

intended to represent his companion or wife. In the “Tableau des Bacabs”

of the Codex Cortes., these two alone are represented sitting under the

central “tree of life,” where they are placed back to back (see above,

p. 49); while in the section of the tableau showing the West, they are

placed face to face, she seated under a canopy hung with black and red

dotted lines.

In her, therefore, we have a person of great importance, the consort of

Cuculcan, intimately associated with the quarter of the West to which he

belongs. Dr. Seler has argued that she was the goddess Ix chel, and the

personification of the Earth. With the last supposition I agree, but not

with the name. Ix chel was distinctly by name and myth the goddess of

the rainbow. Much more probably we have in this ancient crone, as I have

already said, the personification of the Evening Star, and the Earth,

Xmucane, the companion of the sun when worn out by his day’s work, whose

home is with him in the West, and whom she soon joins.

_Representation of Ah-Puch, God of Death._—Next to Itzamna, god of Life,

the god of Death, Ah-Puch, is represented most frequently on both

Codices and monuments. In the former his picture is given about eighty

times, usually as a skeleton with tremendous jaws, always with fleshless

skull and backbone,—a true “God Barebones,” as the _Dicc. de Motul_

describes him.

His symbols are unmistakeable,—the head of a corpse and cross-bones, the

ill-omened owl and the ravenous dog,—wonderfully “European” indeed. He

has numerous costumes and head dresses, some quite fanciful, and

occasionally bells are attached to his ankles and clothing. Some of his

delineations seem to reveal a sense of ghastly humor, as we see in the

medieval “dance of death.”

[Illustration: FIG. 24.—The God of Death. (From the Codices.)]

He is associated with the north, because in that direction lay the

mythical home of departed souls; but he is also present in the other

quarters of the compass, for death knows no distinction of places or

persons. Besides the cross-bones, usually shown as in Fig. 25, No. 1, he

often bears the curious design No. 2,[86] which I take to be _a maggot_,

and his head-dress is sometimes as No. 3, decorated with teeth, or

flints, with rays.

[Illustration: FIG. 25.—Symbols of the God of Death.]

[Illustration: FIG. 26.—The God of War.]

_Representation of the God of War._—Frequently associated with the

figure of death is that of a deity with a black line across his face.

This is numbered by Dr. Schellhas the “god F,” and called by him a “god

of death.” Much has been made of the line across his face as identifying

him with the Mexican god Xipe, “the flayer;” but this is not a constant

mark of Xipe, as Father Duran neither mentions it nor portrays it. In

fact, it is nothing more than the line of black paint athwart the face

which meant “war” very generally among the American Indians. An

inspection of the pictures clearly indicates that this is a war god. For

instance, in Cod. Tr., 27*, 28*, 29* _c_, he is shown repeatedly at full

length, armed with a flaming torch in one hand and a flint knife in the

other, firing the canopies of princes, his body striped with war-paint

like his face, following the god of death, who goes before him beating

on a drum and singing a song of war (as shown by the lines issuing from

his mouth). In Cod. Dresden., p. 6 _e_, he wears a war helmet with

nose-piece, and his body is black-striped also.

Which of the gods of war I have named this leading one may have been, I

leave undetermined.

_Representations of Ek Ahau and Other Black Gods._—In the Codices there

are about fifty figures painted black, evidently intended to represent

deities supposed to be thus colored. Forty of them are in the Codex

Troano, which is in parts devoted to a prominent character of this hue.

He is depicted with a truculent expression, a reddish-brown band around

his mouth, and with a large, hanging under-lip. He is generally armed

and often fighting. His figure is sometimes drawn unusually large, of a

ferocious appearance, and carrying a huge spear, a shield, a tomahawk, a

lighted torch, or other fearful sign of war. (See Cod. Tro., pp. 24,

25.)

Previous writers have not been able to assign a name to this deity.

Prof. Thomas suggested that it was Ek Chuah, said by Landa to be the god

of the cacao planters; but to this, Schellhas objects that his warlike

traits exclude such a supposition.[87] So the latter refers to him

merely as “the god M.”

[Illustration: FIG. 27.—Ek Ahau, the Black Captain.]

About his name, however, there can be no doubt. The paintings correspond

precisely with what Nuñez de la Vega tells us of the Tzental divinity

_Ical Ahau_, Maya, _Ek Ahau_, names which he translates, “the black

chief,” or, “the king of the blacks.” He was reported to have been “a

famous warrior and most cruel.” He was depicted “in the figure of a

ferocious blackamoor with the members of a man.”[88] The “blacks” of

whom he was king were seven in number, and were painted in most of the

native calendars which the bishop found among the Tzentals. They were

the signs of seven days, beginning, he adds, with Friday, which may have

been an erroneous explanation of the “masters.”

Among the remainder of the seven were doubtless the god _Ek Chuah_, of

the cacao planters, and the god “L” of Dr. Schellhas’ list. The latter

is found in the Cod. Dresden., pp. 7, 14, 21, 24, 46; but not at all in

the Troanus. It is evident, however, that, as Dr. Schellhas observes,

several minor black gods are depicted, which is explained by the

statement of the Bishop of Chiapas, that there were seven of them.[89]

5. _The Maya Priesthood._

Not all the designs of the inscriptions and Codices are to be considered

deities, however. Doubtless the priests, their representatives, also

appear. These were numerous and of both sexes, called respectively,

_ah-kin_ and _ix-kin_, masters of days and mistresses of days, that is,

having power to predict auspicious and inauspicious days. The chief

priest was variously called _ah-kin mai_ and _ahau can mai_, the word

_mai_, dust, fragrance, vapor, referring to the sacred rite of blowing

substances through a tube in incantation, as we find often represented

in the Codices.[90] _Ahau can_, which at times means “rattlesnake,”

should perhaps here be translated, “master of words,” as another term

for the high priest was _ah-chun can_, which is rendered “one who has

the right of the first speech in business; also, high priest.” (_Dicc.

Motul._)

They were divided into a number of classes exercising special functions;

as the _ah-mac ik_, who conjured the winds; the _ah-uai chac_, who could

bring rains; the _ah-pul_, “fetchers,” who could cause sickness, induce

sleep, etc.; the _ah-uai xibalba_, who made a specialty of interviewing

departed spirits; the _ah-cunal than_, who conjured by magical words;

and others.[91]

[Illustration: FIG. 28.—A Maya Priestess, bearing the _Moan_ Bird. (From

the Dresden Codex.)]

In their rites they were accustomed to appear in masks, _koh_, and

dressed in skins of wild animals, as tigers, etc.[92] Their ceremonies

were often painful, as the old writers report, and as the words to

express them, _kup_, to cut, _ppeta_, to cry out with pain, testify.

This is also abundantly shown by the pictures of scarifying the body and

transfixion of the tongue and ears, on the monuments.

They are said to have worn their hair uncombed and long, often matted

with the blood of the sacrifices. The expression for this was _hunhun

buclah u tzotzel hol_, (el que trae largos revueltos y marañados los

cabellos como los traen los idolatras. _Dicc. Motul_).

6. _Fanciful Analogies._

It were easy in these names, myths, and pictures, to pick out abundant

analogies to the mythologies of Peru and Mexico, of the Pueblos and of

the Old World. It has been done over and over again, usually with a

total oversight of the only point in which such analogies have much

value—the similarity disclosed the world over by independent evolutions

of the religious sentiment. The effort by such resemblances to prove

identity of historical origin is to be deprecated whenever the natural

growth of myths and rites will explain the facts considered. For that

reason I shall say nothing about “Tlaloc deities,” “serpent gods,” etc.,

with which so many pages of other writers have been fruitlessly taken

up. That the adjacent nations of equal culture influenced the people of

Yucatan to some extent, was no doubt a fact. It could not have been

otherwise. But that the Mayan mythology and civilization were distinctly

independent, and were only superficially touched by their neighbors, I

am deeply convinced.

On the other hand, just how far the influence of this potent and

personal culture of the Mayas extended, it is difficult to delimit. I

have found no trace of its peculiar forms in South America, nor anywhere

in North America, beyond the boundaries within which that extraordinary

calendar was accepted, upon which so much of it was based; but this, as

I have shown elsewhere, included not less than seven entirely different

linguistic stocks.[93]

7. _Total Number of Representations._

The actual progress toward an analysis of the pictorial elements of the

Codices which the above identifications indicate, may best be shown by a

few statistics.

I find that the total number of figures of men and women, or of

anthropomorphic deities, which are preserved in the manuscripts, is just

about 950, of which 825 are males and 125 are females.

They are distributed as follows:—

Codex Peresianus, 40 males no females

Codex Cortesianus, 157 males 6 females

Codex Troanus, 345 males 47 females

Codex Dresdensis, 283 males 72 females

——— ———

825 125

Confining our attention to the male deities, the attributes of which

have been above described, we find their pictures are distributed as

follows:—[94]

───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────

PERESIANUS. CORTESIANUS. TROANUS. DRESDENSIS.

───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────

Itzamna, 4 30 32 130

Cuculcan, 22 54 20

Kin Ich, 4 2 8 22

Xaman Ek, 7 20 20 5

The God of Maize, 16 60 6

Ah Puch, 2 21 25 29

The God of War, 9 3 26 13

The Black Gods, 2 2 39 4

───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────

Total, 28 116 264 229

───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────

This gives a total of 638 figures which have been recognized; in other

words, more than three-fourths of the whole number.

Of the remainder a considerable portion are unimportant men and persons,

victims of sacrifice, captives, attendants, etc.; others are priests or

officiants in ceremonies; allowing for which, it is certain that no

prominent figure in Mayan mythology under the human form remains to be

discovered in the Codices. This is a satisfactory result, and shows

that, as far as their pictographs go, the contents of these once

mysterious volumes are scarcely an unsolved enigma.

8. _Figures of Quadrupeds._

The pictorial portions of the Codices contain delineations of various

animals, some of which are evidently introduced with symbolical

meanings, and others probably so.

The dog, Maya, _pek_, is one of the most conspicuous. It is the native

breed, with smooth coat and erect ears. In many instances it is

associated with the sign for night, _akbal_, and with the god of death

(Cod. Tro., pp. 2, 3, 32, 33); also with the storm and the lightning.

For that reason Dr. Schellhas and Dr. Seler regard him as a symbol of

lightning.[95] But I am persuaded that while not disconnected with this,

the dog represents primarily some star or constellation. At times he is

dotted with spots to represent stars, Cod. Dres., p. 21; the _akbal_

sign refers to the night. His body is often in human form, carrying a

torch in each hand, Cod. Dres., p. 39. (Compare Cod. Tro., p. 23*.) In

Cod. Dres., p. 40, he falls from the sky; and in ibid., p. 47, he is

slain by the shaft of Itzamna. (Compare id. 2, where Itzamna is sitting

upon him.) He plays on the medicine drum, Cod. Tro., p. 20, and is

associated with the rains, id. pp. 26, 27. He represents the end and

beginning of time-periods, Cod. Cort., p. 32.

The spotted leopard, the jaguar, Maya, _balam_, whose name is attached

to the Chacs, and which appears in the calendar and in many of the myths

of the Mayan stock, is represented in a number of passages of the

Codices, as Cod. Dres., pp. 8, 26; Cod. Tro., pp. 17, 20, 21, 22. In one

part, Cod. Tro., 14, he enters dressed as a warrior with a human body.

The monkey, _maax_, is not often depicted, but is found with astronomic

relations, Cod. Tro., 25*; his sign is distinguishable by the markedly

prognathic jaws.

Deer are numerous, especially in the Cod. Troanus, where the pages 9–12

are occupied with a series of pictures of the animal in snares. On page

14 a large one is shown, sitting on his rump, his organ erect and

prominent. I have little doubt these represent a constellation. In Cod.

Dres., p. 2, a composite figure with deer’s hoofs appears three times,

sailing through the sky on the serpent’s head. (Compare Cod. Cort., p.

14.)

The small edentate, the nine-banded armadillo, _Tatusia novemcincta_, in

Maya, _ibach_, is shown twice in the Cod. Tro., both times caught under

a trap, once, p. 9, under the wind sign, again, p. 22*, under the

_cauac_ sign. What it represents is unknown.

9. _Figures of Birds._

Birds had important symbolical functions, and a number are figured in

the Codices. In their identification I have had the advantage of the

advice of Mr. Witmer Stone, who has pursued his ornithological studies

in Yucatan itself. The following are recognizable:—

1. The red macaw, _Ara macao_, Maya, _moo_ or _ahlo_; the type is shown

in Fig. 29. This was the symbol of Kin ich.

[Illustration: FIG. 29.—Bird Symbols from the Codices.]

2. The horned or eared owl, a large raptorial bird of the genus _Bubo_,

Maya, _coz_.[96] He is usually shown in full face to display his ears or

horns, _e. g._, Cod. Tro., 18*. He appears as an associate of the gods

of death and war, and symbolizes clouds, darkness, and inauspicious

events. His horns frequently appear on the head-dress of Cuculcan to

indicate the departing sun and night, like the _akbal_ sign. (See Cod.

Tro., pp. 19, 29*, 35*.) He is often associated with the number 13, and

may represent in the calendar the 13–day period.

3. Two species of vulture, the king vulture, _Vultus papa_, and the

turkey vulture, _Cathartes aura_, both abundant in Yucatan, Maya, _kuch_

and _ahchom_. The former is the bird seated on the “tree of life,”

tearing out the eyes of the victim, Cod. Dres., p. 3; Cod. Tro., pp. 15,

17, or the entrails, Cod. Tro., p. 15, 17. The naked head and neck of

the vulture on a human body is seen Cod. Dres., pp. 8, 13, 19, 38; Cod.

Cort., p. 10, etc. His head is his monogram, frequent in Cod. Peres.,

pp. 4, 7, 9, etc. (See Fig. 29, No. 2.) Its body is sometimes black, at

others more or less white.

4. The quetzal bird, _Trogon splendens_, is distinctly shown in Cod.

Dres., p. 16, above the middle figure.

5. The crested falcon, _Spizætus tyrannus_, the _moan_ bird, in Maya

_muan_ or _muyan_. This has well-developed tufts of erectile feathers on

the head and resembles in the drawings the horned owl. It is believed by

Förstemann to be the symbol of the Pleiades; by Seler, to be associated

with the clouds and rains. Both are probably correct.[97] (See Fig. 28.)

6. The pelican or cormorant is drawn with a human body and the “fish and

oysters” sign in Cod. Cort., pp. 20, 21.

7. Blackbirds, of which two species live in Yucatan, are portrayed in

Cod. Tro., p. 31.

8. The wild turkey is easily recognized by his head and “wattle” among

the food offerings.

10. _Figures of Reptiles._

Among reptilians, the turtle or tortoise (Maya, _ac_) is one of the most

prominent. By Dr. Schellhas it has also been called a _Blitzthier_, or

animal symbolical of the lightning, basing his opinion especially on

Cod. Dres., p. 40, where a human figure with a tortoise head is seen

holding a torch in each hand. It is distinctly represented as a

celestial body in Cod. Cort., pp. 13, 17, 37, and 38; and when we are

informed that the Mayas called a portion of the constellation Gemini by

the name “the tortoise,” it is quite clear that we are dealing with an

astronomical, not a meteorological, emblem.

Dr. Förstemann has advanced the theory that at least one and an

important function of the tortoise was as a symbol of the summer

solstice, in accordance with which he explains Cod. Dres., p. 40; and

that on the earth-plane it indicated the northeast and northwest

directions. His arguments for this opinion, if not conclusive, certainly

attach to it a high probability.

Between the tortoise and the snail (Maya, _hub_ or _ut_) there is in the

Codices some mythical relation. In the Aztec symbolism the snail is

often an emblem of death; but also of birth. It is likely that the same

holds true of the Maya designs. The animal is associated distinctly with

the beneficent deities, notably with Itzamna and Cuculcan, Cod. Dres., 5

and 37. But it is also visible in close relation with the god of death,

Cod. Dres., pp. 9, 12, 13, 14, 23.

Regarding it as a counterpart of the tortoise, Dr. Förstemann has given

various reasons for holding that it symbolizes the winter solstice and

the directions southwest and southeast, and thinks it probable that it

is found in the hieroglyph of the month _mol_, which occurs about that

season of the year.[98]

The frog, Maya, _much_, _uo_, is a well-known symbol of water and the

rains. It is shown falling from the sky in Cod. Cort., p. 17; and on p.

12, Itzamna, in his character as a rain god, appears with the body of

one.

The scorpion (Maya, _zinaan_) is depicted several times, especially in

Cod. Cort., p. 7, and Tro., pp. 9, 13, where it is of large size. Its

symbolic sense is not clear. The Mayas applied the term _zinaan ek_,

“scorpion stars,” to a certain constellation, but it is possible they

derived it from the Spaniards. Another possibility is that the animal

represents _the earth-plane_. The word _zinaan_ is derived from the

radical _zin_, which means to stretch out, to extend; and the entire

earth, as one extended plane, was called _zinil_.

The rattlesnake appears to be the only serpent which is represented as a

symbol. It was distinctively called, both in Tzental and Maya, “the

Snake King” (Maya, _ahau can_, Tzental, _aghau chan_). Its rattles were

termed _tzab_, and hence its name _ahau tzab can_, also in use.

According to the _Dicc. Motul_, the natives believed there were four

varieties, corresponding to the four sacred colors, white, black, red,

and yellow.

It is shown in the Codices, realistically, biting a man’s foot, Tro., p.

7; astronomically, in the sky among the stars, Cod. Dres., p. 43; Cort.,

pp. 12, 13; as the head-dress of the serpent goddess, already described;

as the companion of Itzamna and Cuculcan, frequently; as the body of

Itzamna, Cod. Cort., 10, in Cod. Dres. and Cod. Tro. It carries the

“constellation band,” and may generally be regarded as one of the

symbols of Time.

11. _Occupations and Ceremonies._

[Illustration: FIG. 30.—A Religious Function. (From the Dresden Codex.)]

Among the illustrations are a number which throw light on the habits and

customs of the ancient Mayas. We see persons engaged in spinning and

weaving, Cod. Tro., pp. 11*, 16*, etc., Cod. Dres., p. 45; others making

idols, Cod. Tro., p. 12*, Dres., p. 6, etc. Various religious ceremonies

are pictured, as piercing the tongue, Cod. Tro., pp. 16*, 17*; baptizing

children, which was performed at the age of four years,[99] Cod. Tro.,

20*; and the important functions at the end of the years, depicted both

in Cod. Tro., pp. 20–24, and Cod. Dres., pp. 25–28.[100]

A curious scene is that Fig. 29, from the Dresden MS., p. 35.

In the center, resting upon an altar of three degrees surmounted by the

sign _caban_, earth, is the head of the god of fertility, his soul

escaping from his nostril. Below, on each side of the altar, are two

figures, one playing on a flute, the second on the medicine drum. Above

are also two, one shaking the sacred rattle, the second squatted before

a flaming altar, in one hand the holy staff, _caluac_, while the other

lifts above his head the “fish and oyster” sign, symbol of the products

of the sea. On the right hand are other offerings, the turkey and the

dog; and below them a ladder, _eb-che_, probably signifying the day

_eb_, on which this ceremony took or should take place. Its successful

result is shown in the picture which follows it in the Codex.

* * * * *

Those who would follow Förstemann’s (and my own) views in understanding

the Codices, must accustom themselves to look upon the animals, plants,

objects, and transactions they depict as largely symbolic, representing

the movements of the celestial bodies, the changes of the seasons, the

meteorological variations, the revolutions of the sun, moon, and

planets, and the like; just as in the ancient zodiacs of the Old World

we find similar uncouth animals and impossible collocations of images

presented. The great snakes which stretch across the pages of the

Codices mean Time; the torches in the hands of figures, often one

downward and one upward, indicate the rising and the setting of

constellations; the tortoise and the snail mark the solstices; the

mummied bodies, the disappearance from the sky at certain seasons of

certain stars, etc. A higher, a more pregnant, and, I believe, the only

correct meaning is thus awarded to these strange memorials.

-----

Footnote 43:

The account of Hernandez is given by Las Casas, _Historia de las

Indias_, cap. CXXIII. The monk says that the principal lords alone

knew the histories of the gods.

Footnote 44:

Lizana’s work, of which only one complete copy is known to exist (in

Madrid), has been partly republished by Brasseur in the Appendix to

Landa, _Cosas de Yucatan_. He says the votaries came from Chiapas and

Tabasco, p. 359.

Footnote 45:

The _Dicc. Motul_ defines _Hunab Ku_ thus: “the one true and living

God; the greatest of all the gods of Yucatan was so named, and he had

no idol, because they said that he could not be represented, seeing

that he was incorporeal.” This dictionary, to which I shall often

refer, is one of the Maya language, composed at the Convent of Motul,

about 1570. A copy is in my possession.

Footnote 46:

In my work, _American Hero-Myths_ (Philadelphia, 1882), Chap. IV, “The

Hero-gods of the Mayas,” I have treated at considerable length the

duplicate traditions relating to Itzamna and Cuculcan.

Footnote 47:

“Todos conforman en que este (Cuculcan) entró por la parte del

poniente.” Herrera, _Historia de las Indias_, Dec. IV, cap. 2. Looking

toward the North, Itzamna was the right-hand god, Cuculcan the

left-hand; hence, the arrival of the former was called _nohnial_,

“right-hand coming,” of the latter, _dzicnial_, “left-hand coming.”

(Cogolludo, _Hist. de Yucatan_, Lib. IV, cap. IV.)

Footnote 48:

“En los Repertorios mas generales tienen pintado el 7 signo en figura

de hombre y de Culebra, que llaman _Cuchul chan_, y han explicado los

Maestros que es culebra de plumas que anda en el agua.” Nuñez de la

Vega, _Constituciones Diocesanas_, Parte II, p. 132.

Footnote 49:

The word _chac_ means “strong; the color red; heat; water.” The _Dicc.

Motul_ says: “Significa agua en algunas maneras de decir; tambien dios

de las aguas, relampago y trueno; _chacal ik_, tempestad de agua,

huracan.”

Footnote 50:

Mr. J. Walter Fewkes is certainly correct in his argument that the

“ceremonial circuit,” of the Mayas,—the direction of movement in their

ceremonies—was sinistral, that is, from right to left, in most

instances. This should be remembered in studying the pictorial portion

of the Codices. See Mr. Fewkes’ article, “A Central-American

Ceremony,” in the _American Anthropologist_, July, 1893.

Footnote 51:

An article by Dr. C. Schultz-Sellack, entitled “Die Amerikanischen

Götter der vier Weltrichtungen,” in the _Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_,

Bd. XI, may be profitably read in this connection, though some of its

statements are antiquated.

Footnote 52:

A Primer of Mayan Hieroglyphics · 第 4 / 9 段