[685] lxxxvii.

[686] Ed. pr. Ven., 1477; Baiter in Orelli’s Cicero; Kiessling and

Schöll, Berl., 1875; Clark, Oxf., 1907.

[687] Teuffel, _op. cit._, §§ 300-301. For Probus’s notes on Virgil, see

Keil, Halle, 1848.

[688] Mart., III. ii. 12; _cf._ Gell., I. xv. 18. He is to be

distinguished from the grammarian Probus of the 4th cent.

[689] Suet., _Gr._, 24.

[690] X. i. 118.

[691] Tac., _Hist._, I. xc.

[692] Tac., _Ann._, XV. lxxi.: “Verginius studia iuuenum eloquentia

fouebat.” He is mentioned or cited by Quintilian as “Verginius,” _I.

Or._, III. i. 21; III. vi. 45; IV. i. 23; VII. iv. 24; as “Flavus,” VII.

iv. 40; as “Flavus Verginius,” XI. iii. 126.

[693] Text: ed. pr. (_In morte Claudii Ludus_), Rome, 1513; Schusler,

Utr., 1844; Bücheler, _Symb. philol. Bonn._, Leipz., 1864-1867 (Einl. u.

Comment.); ed. min. (w. Petronius), 1871; 6th ed. (Heraeus), Berl., 1922;

Ball, (tr. and comm.), New Yk., 1902; Rouse (Loeb ed. w. Petron.), Lond.

and New Yk., 1913; Weinreich, Berl., 1923.

[694] Birt, _De Sen. Apoc. et Apoth. lucubratio_, Marb., 1888,

thinks Sen. wrote not only the existing political satire, but a

lost philosophical _Apocolocyntosis_. Stahr, _Agrippina_, append.,

Berl., 1867, also refuses to identify the _Apotheosis_ with the

_Apocolocyntosis_, but further denies S.’s authorship of the extant skit.

Hartman, _Mnemos._, N.S., xliv. (1916) holds that the pumpkinification

was contained “in aliquo colloquio” distinct from the extant “Ludus.”

[695] The Greek title ἀποκολοκύντωσις is from κολοκύντη = Lat.

_cucurbita_. For the satiric use of _cucurbita_ _cf._ Petron., 39;

Juv., XIV. 58; Apul., _Met._, I. xv. The title _Ludus de morte Claudii

Caesaris_ is in inferior MSS., and involves an un-Latin use of _ludus_.

[696] lx. 35: συνέθηκε μὲν γὰρ καὶ ὁ Σενέκας σύγγραμμα ἀποκολοκύντωσιν

αὐτὸ ὥσπερ τινὰ ἀπαθανάτισιν ὀνομάσας.

[697] Bickel in “Der Schluss d. Apoc.,” _Philol._, lxxvii. (1921) defends

the ending as it stands.

[698] _Apoc._, 7: “putares omnes illius esse libertos: adeo illum nemo

curabat.”

[699] _E.g._ _Apoc._, 7: “ante templum, ius dicebam”; 10: “antequam

audires, damnasti”; 12: “discere causas una tantum parte audita, saepe ne

utra”; 14: “illum altera tantum parte audita condemnat.”

[700] Diderot argued that either Seneca’s adulation was sarcastic or

that the _Consol. ad Polyb._ was written by some one to damage Seneca’s

character.

[701] Tac., _Ann._, XIII. iii.

[702] Tac., _Ann._, XIII. iii.: “postquam ad prouidentiam sapientiamque

flexit, nemo risui temperare.”

[703] Dio, lx. 35: τοὺς γὰρ μύκητας θεῶν βρῶμα ἔλεγεν εἶναι: Suet.,

_Ner._, xxxiii.

[704] Tac., _Ann._, XII. viii.: “infensus Claudio dolore iniuriae

credebatur.”

[705] Bücheler dates the _Apoc._ immediately after Claudius’s death.

Hirschfeld (_Kl. Schriften_, 1913) connects the composition with Nero’s

annulment of Claudius’s consecration (Suet., _Claud._, xlv). Bickel (_op.

cit._) accepts Hirschfeld’s date.

[706] For examination of Seneca’s relationship to Menippean Satire, see

Weinreich, _Senecas Apocol. ... Einführung, Analyse, Untersuchung_,

Berl., 1923.

[707] Helm, _Lukian u. Menipp_, 1906.

[708] _E.g._ (proverbs) 1: _aut regem aut fatuum nasci oportere_; 7:

_manus manum lauat_; (colloquialisms) 1: _dicam quod mihi in buccam

uenerit_; 3: _in semen relinqui_; (slang) 4: _animam ebulliit_; 9:

_mapalia_ (Punic = “shanties”); (parataxis) 2: _si dixero, mensis

erat October_; 10: _dic mihi ... quare damnasti_. The diminutives

_nummulariolus_, _ciuitatulas_, _auriculam_, and a few more, occur.

[709] Weinreich, _op. cit._, pp. 65-66, considers that he travesties his

own _Herc. Fur._

[710] Five out of fourteen lines have an anapaest in the fifth foot.

[711] Baehrens, _P.L.M._, iv. (1882) pp. 55-73; Riese, _Anth. Lat._,

Leipz., I. (1894); II. (1906).

[712] Plin., _Ep._, V. iii. 5.

[713] li. 4-5:

“Sic dulci Marcus qui nunc sermone fritinnit,

facundo patruos prouocet ore duos.”

[714] ii. 5:

“Corsica terribilis cum primum incanduit aestas.”

[715] xxxvi. 5-6:

“qua frigida semper

praefulget stellis Arctos inocciduis.”

[716] Tragedies: ed. pr., Ferrara, _c._ 1481; Lipsius, Leid., 1588;

Gruter, Heidelb., 1604; Gronov, Leid., 1661; Pierrot, Par., 1829-1832;

Peiper and Richter, Leipz., 1867 (influenced by erroneous belief in

strophic arrangement); improved ed., Richter, Leipz., 1902; Leo, Berl.,

1878-1879 (vol. i., _Obseruationes criticae_, pp. 232, vol. ii.,

_Tragoediae_); Miller (Loeb ed. w. prose trans.), 2 vols., 1916-1917.

Trans.: Heywood and others, Lond., 1581; Harris (verse), Lond., 1904;

Miller (blank verse and lyric metres), Chicago, 1907.

Dramatic influence: Cunliffe, _Influence of S. on Elizab. Tragedy_,

Manch., 1893; Vaughan, _Types of Tragic Drama_, Lond., 1908; Spearing,

_Eliz. Transns. of S.’s Tragedies_, Camb., 1912; Godley, _Senecan Tragedy

in Eng. Lit. and Classics_, Oxf., 1912; Kastner and Charlton, _Growth

of Senecan Tradition in Renaiss. Trag._, introd. to _Poet. Works of Sir

W. Alexander_, Lond., 1921; Lucas, _S. and Eliz. Tragedy_, Camb., 1922;

Jourdain, _Drama in Europe_, Lond., 1924.

[717] Quintil., X. i. 128: “tractauit etiam omnem fere studiorum

materiam: nam et orationes eius et poemata et epistulae et dialogi

feruntur”; _cf._ VIII. iii. 31; Tac., _Ann._, XIV. lii.; Plin., _Ep._, V.

iii. 5.

[718] Examples may be found in Schäfer’s _De Philosophiae Anneanae in

Senecae tragoediis vestigiis_, Jena, 1909.

[719] Birt (_Neue Jahrb. f. d. klass. Altert._, 1911). Jonas, _De ordine

librorum Sen._, 1870, aimed at a closer determination of dates, _e.g._

_Med._ and _Tro._ soon after Seneca’s return from exile in 49, _Herc.

Fur._ after 57, _Oed._ after the Parthian war of 58, _Thyest._ after

Seneca’s retirement in 62. Weinreich (_Apoc._, _Einführung_, etc.,

1923, p. 65), founding on Münscher’s metrical analyses, remarks with

airy confidence, “Daran denkt man heute nicht mehr dass die Tragödien,

ganz oder zum Teil, in der Jugendheit oder während des Exils entstanden

seien.” Weinreich maintains that Seneca wrote _Thyest._, _Herc. Fur._ and

_Tro._ before he composed the anapaests of the _Apoc._ in 54. He gives

Münscher’s dates for the remaining plays: _Phaed._ and _Med._, 54 or 55;

_Agam._, a year or two later; _Oed._, 57; _Herc. Oet._ and _Phoen._, 64

or 65.

[720] Cichorius, _Röm. Studien_, 1922, pp. 426-429; Quintil., VIII. iii.

31.

[721] Tac., _Ann._, XI. xiii.

[722] Differences in plot or structure between the Latin and

corresponding Greek plays are exhibited in the comparative analyses

appended to Miller’s edition (Loeb). The chief differences are summarized

by Schanz, _Gesch. d. röm. Lit._

[723] Strauss, _De ratione inter Sen. et antiquas fabulas Romanas

intercedente_, Rost., 1887 (combats Ribbeck’s views on ancient Roman

tragedy); Liedloff, _Die Nachbildung griech. u. röm. Muster in

Senecas Troades u. Agamemnon_, Grimma, 1902; Schreiner, _Sen. als

Tragödiendichter in seinen Beziehungen zu den griech. Originalen_

(contains bibliography), Münch., 1909; Tachau, _Die Arbeiten üb. d.

Tragödien des Sen. in d. letzten Jahrzehnten, Philol._, 48 (1889) p. 340.

[724] Sen., _Ep._, lxxxiv. 5 “... in unum saporem uaria illa libamenta

confundere, ut etiam si apparuerit unde sumptum sit, aliud tamen esse

quam unde sumptum est, appareat.”

[725] _Phoen._, 383-386.

[726] _Phoen._, 654.

[727] Schanz, _op. cit._, II. 2 pp. 56-57.

[728] _Med._ 549-550:

“Sic natos amat?

Bene est—tenetur. Vulneri patuit locus.”

[729] So too Ovid in _Her._, iv. (Phaedra’s epistle to Hippolytus) seems

to follow the earlier rather than either the later Euripidean version or

Sophocles’s lost _Phaedra_.

[730] Leo, _De Sen. tragoediis obseruationes criticae_, 1878, p. 133.

[731] Strauss, _op. cit._, esp. pp. 44-57.

[732] _Inst. Or._, X. i. 98.

[733] Leo considers it in part spurious, _Obseruationes_, vol. i. of

his edn., p. 74; _cf._ Summers, _C.R._, XIX. (1905), p. 40. Ackermann

maintains the genuineness of the whole, _De Senecae Hercule Oetaeo_,

Marb., 1905; _cf._ his _Der leidende Hercules des S._, _Rh. Mus._, lxvii.

(1912), pp. 425-471.

[734] _Herc. Oet._, 237-253.

[735] Schreiner, _op. cit._, p. 9.

[736] _Med._, 408-410.

[737] _Med._, 82 sqq.

[738] _Med._, 607-669.

[739] _Med._, 744-747; _H.F._, 750-756; _Phaed._, 1230-1237; _Agam._,

15-21; _Thyest._ 1-12; _Oct._, 619-623.

[740] _Phaed._, 1256 _sqq._

[741] _Agam._, 26-27.

[742] _Phaed._, 350-351:

“amat insani

Belua ponti Lucaeque boues.”

[743] _H.F._, 1259-1261.

[744] _E.g._ _Phoen._, 313-319.

[745] _E.g._ _Phaed._, 132-135. There are many _sententiae_ in her speech

of remonstrance 129-177.

[746]

_Phaed._, 211: “cur sancta paruis habitat in tectis Venus?”

215: “quod non potest uult posse qui nimium potest.”

[747] _E.g._ conception of a tranquil sea, expressed three times over in

_Tro._, 199-203; or notion of the abasement of the proud repeated again

and again, _Agam._, 79-107.

[748] _Tro._, 255 _sqq._:

“Quid caede dira nobiles clari ducis

Aspergis umbras? noscere hoc primum decet,

Quid facere uictor debeat, uictus pati.

Violenta nemo imperia continuit diu,

Moderata durant; quoque Fortuna altius

Euexit ac leuauit humanas opes,

Hoc se magis supprimere felicem decet

Variosque casus tremere metuentem deos

Nimium fauentes. magna momento obrui

Vincendo didici. Troia nos tumidos facit

Nimium ac feroces? stamus hoc Danai loco

Vnde illa cecidit. fateor, aliquando impotens

Regno ac superbus altius memet tuli;

Sed fregit illos spiritus haec quae dare

Potuisset aliis causa, Fortunae fauor.

Tu me superbum, Priame, tu timidum facis!...

Equidem fatebor (pace dixisse hoc tua,

Argiua tellus, liceat) affligi Phrygas

Vincique uolui: ruere et aequari solo

Vtinam arcuissem ... exactum satis

Poenarum et ultra est. regia ut uirgo occidat

Tumuloque donum detur et cineres riget

Et facinus atrox caedis ut thalamos uocent

Non patiar. in me culpa cunctorum redit:

Qui non uetat peccare, cum possit, iubet.”

[749] _Tro._, 510-512:

“Fata si miseros iuuant,

Habes salutem; fata si uitam negant,

Habes sepulchrum.”

[750] _Tro._, 869: “Optanda mors est sine metu mortis mori.”

[751] _Tro._, 917-922.

[752] _Tro._, 792.

[753] _Tro._, 489:

“Haec causa multos una ab interitu arcuit,

Credi perisse.”

[754] _Med._, 159 _sqq._

[755]

_Agam._, 115: “Per scelera semper sceleribus tutum est iter.”

130: “Quod ratio non quit saepe sanauit mora.”

144: “Vbi animus errat, optimum est casum sequi.”

259: “Nec regna socium ferre nec taedae sciunt.”

_Thy._, 487: “Serum est cauendi tempus in mediis malis.”

_Phaed._, 249: “Pars sanitatis uelle sanari fuit.”

598: “Honesta quaedam scelera successus facit.”

607: “Curae leues locuntur, ingentes stupent.”

[756]

_Med._, 55: “Quae scelere parta est, scelere linquenda est domus”

503: “Tibi innocens sit quisquis est pro te nocens.”

[757] _H.F._, 135-138:

“Aspersa die dumeta rubent

Phoebique fugit reditura soror.

Labor exoritur durus et omnes

Agitat curas aperitque domos.”

[758] _Med._, 375-379:

“Venient annis saecula seris

Quibus Oceanus uincula rerum

Laxet et ingens pateat tellus

Tethysque nouos detegat orbes

Nec sit terris ultima Thule.”

[759] _Tro._, 378-381, 397-398, 402-408:

“... Post mortem nihil est ipsaque mors nihil

Velocis spatii meta nouissima....

Rumores uacui uerbaque inania

Et par sollicito fabula somnio....

Quaeris quo iaceas post obitum loco?

Quo non nata iacent.”

[760] _Thy._, 344 _sqq._

[761] _Agam._, 605-611:

“Perrumpet omne seruitium

Contemptor leuium deorum,

Qui uoltus Acherontis atri,

Qui Styga tristem non tristis uidet

Audetque uitae ponere finem.

Par ille regi, par superis erit.

O quam miserum est nescire mori!”

[762] _E.g._ _Phoen._, 89-103, 146, 151-153.

[763] _Phaed._, 878: “mori uolenti desse mors numquam potest.”

[764] _E.g._ _Epist. Mor._, xii. 10, where “patent undique ad libertatem

uiae multae, breues, faciles” significantly resembles _Phoen._, 153,

“mille ad hanc (_sc._ mortem) aditus patent”; xiii. 14, lviii. 36. Seneca

disapproved of a merely capricious suicide, _Epist. Mor._, xxiv. 25, xxx.

15.

[765] _Phaed._, 972-988.

[766] _Thy._, 396-400 (“Quiritibus ... plebeius”); _H.F._, 164, 839;

_Phoen._, 103 (“ius uitae ac necis”).

[767]

_Med._, 109: “rara est in dominos iusta licentia,”

and 113: “festa dicax fundat conuicia fescenninus.”

[768] _H.F._, 650-829.

[769] _Tro._, 442-491.

[770] They are all cases of words of four syllables, like _nepotibus_,

_Med._, 512. Hardie, _Res Metrica_, 1920, p. 83, adds from _H.F._, 20,

_nuribus impiis_, if that is the right reading.

[771] _Med._, 740-751; _Oed._, 223-232; _Phaed._, 1201-1212.

[772] Butler, _Post-Augustan Poetry_, pp. 41-42, 71.

[773] Ellis, _Catullus in XIVth. Cent._, Oxf., 1905, pp. 10-11.

[774] _E.g._ _Seneca: His Tenne Tragedies_, Lond., 1581. (The _Octauia_

is included, wrongly).

[775] _E.g._ 152, Nero is called “iuuenis infandi ingeni.”

[776] Hardie, _Res Metr._, p. 67; _cf._ p. 84 _n._

[777] Nordmeyer, _De Oct. Fab._, Leipz., 1892. For views on this

over-discussed question, see Schanz, _op. cit._, pp. 75-76.

[778] Since I wrote this I have noted with satisfaction P. J. Enk’s

recent conclusions, in _Mnem._ liv., “De Octauia Praetexta,” that the

play was written not long after Nero’s death and by an author well

acquainted with Seneca’s tragedies.

[779] _Oct._, 310-375.

[780] _Oct._, 174 _sqq._

[781] _Oct._, 915-916, and she uses the Greek word ἀηδών.

[782] Plin., _Ep._, VI. xxi. 2.

[783] Sen., _Ep. Mor._, viii. 8.

[784] Suet., _Nero_, xi.

[785] Suet., _Nero_, xxxix.

[786] _Ib._, x.: “declamauit saepius publice; recitauit et carmina non

modo domi sed et in theatro.”

[787] _Ib._, xxi.

[788] _Ib._, xlvi.

[789] Tac., _Ann._, XI. xiii.

[790] Tac., _Dial._, 2, 3 and 11.

[791] Juv., VII. 12 and 72-73; Mart., XI. ix. and x., with vet. schol. ad

Juv., I. 20; Ribbeck, _Trag. Rom. Fr._, p. 269. It has been previously

indicated that Martial connects Ligurinus and Bassus with a _Thyestes_,

p. 257 _supra_.

[792] MSS. give the Etrurian form _Aules_.

[793] Text: P. Pithoeus, Par., 1585; Casaubon, Par., 1605, etc.; cum

schol., Jahn, Leipz., 1843; ed. ii., Bücheler, 1886; ed. iv., Leo, 1910;

w. tr. and comm., Conington, ed. Nettleship, Oxf., 1872, 1874 and 1893;

Gildersleeve, N.Y., 1875; étude et trad. fr., Rousse, Par., 1884; w.

Juvenal, Owen, Oxf., 1902; Némethy, Budapest, 1903; in _Corp. P.L._, II.,

Summers, Lond., 1905; Santi Consoli, Rome, 1911; w. Juvenal, Eng. tr. G.

G. Ramsay (Loeb), Lond., 1918; Cartault, tr. fr., Par., 1920.

To consult: Nisard, _Études sur les poètes lat. de la décadence_,

Par., 1834, 1849, 1867, etc.; Martha, “Un Poète Stoïcien” in _Les

Moralistes sous l’emp. rom._, 1865, etc.; Wilcke, _Quid elocutio

Juvenalis a Persiana differat_, Stendal, 1869; Werther, _De Persio

Horatii imitatore_, Halle, 1883; Sorn, _Die Sprache d. Satirikers_ P.,

Laibach, 1890; Morgan, _A Bibliography of P._, Camb., U.S.A., 1893;

Gérard, _Le latin vulgaire et le langage familier dans les satires de

P._ in _Le Musée belge_, 1897; Burnier, _Le rôle des satires de P. dans

le développement du neo-Stoïcisme_, Chaux-de-fonds, 1909 (bibliog.);

Schönbach, _De Persii in saturis sermone et arte_, Leipz., 1910;

Villeneuve, _Essai sur Perse_, Par., 1918 (bibliog.).

_Transns._: Batten Holyday, ed. 3, 1635; Dryden, 1693; Thos. Sheridan

(prose), 1728; Wm. Drummond, 1797; and in Conington’s and G. G. Ramsay’s

edns.

[794] Lehmann, “Zur erklär. d. _Sat. des P._,” _Philol._, vi. (1851) p.

432.

[795] _Sat._, III. 44-51.

[796] Plin., _Ep._, I. xiii. 3: Tac., _Ann._, XIV. 19; _Dial. Or._, 23.

[797] Suet., _Ner._, xxxvii.

[798] _Vita Persii_: “Cognouit et Senecam sed non ut caperetur eius

ingenio.”

[799] Cornutus: _Theol. Graecae Compendium_, Lang, Lpz., 1881; Rappe, _De

L. Annaeo Cornuto_, Lpz., 1906; Villeneuve, _Essai sur Perse_, pp. 47-102.

[800] V. 22 _sqq._, reading in 34-35:

“Cumque iter ambiguum est et uitae nescius error

Diducit trepidas ramosa in compita mentes.”

[801] V. 41-46:

“Tecum etenim longos memini consumere soles,

Et tecum primas epulis decerpere noctes....”

[802] These may have been sketches of the nature of Lucilius’s _Journey

to the Sicilian Straits_ or Horace’s _Journey to Brundisium_.

[803] _Inst. Or._, X. i. 94: “Multum et uerae gloriae, quamuis uno libro,

Persius meruit.”

[804] Pretor, _C.R._, xxi. (1907) pp. 72 _sqq._, argues that the

choliambics are a prologue, and, being intended as a blind to safeguard

the author against Nero’s vengeance for alleged allusions to the

emperor, contain deliberate untruths, _e.g._ that the writer has no

capacity for authorship and is only half-educated or at least provincial

(_semi-paganus_).

[805] I. 76-78.

[806] I. 99-102: “Torua Mimalloneis inplerunt cornua bombis,” etc. The

lines have been ascribed to Nero, but more probably are Persius’s own

parodies on the Catullian and pre-Augustan type of poetry favoured by

many contemporaries who were court-favourites.

[807] I. 114-118.

[808] II. 61 _sqq._

[809] III. 33-34:

“caret culpa, nescit quid perdat, et alto

Demersus summa rursum non bullit in unda.”

[810] III. 38: “Virtutem uideant intabescantque relicta.”

[811] III. 66-67:

“Discite, o miseri, et causas cognoscite rerum;

Quid sumus et quidnam uicturi gignimur.”

[812] IV. 23-24.

[813] IV. 52: “Tecum habita: noris quam sit tibi curta supellex.”

[814] V. 52: “Mille hominum species, et rerum discolor usus.”

[815] V. 93-95.

[816] V. 119 _sqq._

[817] Macleane’s is a plausible theory that “uende animam lucro” (l.

75) begins a new branch of the subject which is left unfinished. Pretor

(introd. xix.-xxii.) argues that the gap comes earlier in Sat. vi. Jahn,

who considered Sat. vi. to be among the first composed and our Sat. i. to

have been among the last, believes that the sixth is complete as we have

it and that the incompleteness is in Sat. i.

[818] Fiske regards Lucilius as a source for Persius second in importance

only to Horace. _Transns. Amer. Philol. Assoc._, vol. 40, pp. 121-150.

[819] Hor., _A.P._, 102:

“Si uis me flere, dolendum est

Primum ipsi tibi”;

Pers. I. 91:

“Verum nec nocte paratum

Plorabit qui me uolet incuruasse querela.”

Other phrases in Persius’s first satire which may be instructively

compared with their Horatian bases are l. 43: “scombros metuentia

carmina”; l. 64: “ut per leue seueros effundat iunctura ungues”; l. 106:

“pluteum caedit nec demorsos sapit ungues.”

[820] Villeneuve, _op. cit._, p. 179 _sqq._

[821] Villeneuve, _op. cit._, p. 165.

[822] Hor., _Sat._ II. ii. 60: “Bioneis sermonibus et sale nigro.” The

varied linguistic elements and polemic artifices of the lost moral

disquisitions of Bion are partially discernible in the remains of Teles,

an obscure Cynic of the 3rd cent. B.C. For Bion, see Villeneuve, _op.

cit._, pp. 130-135.

[823] Pers., I. 44: “Quisquis es, o, modo quem ex aduerso dicere feci”;

_cf._ _1 Corinthians_ xv. 35-37.

[824] Lyd., _De Mag._, I. 41: Πέρσιος δὲ τὸν ποιητὴν Σώφρονα μιμήσασθαι

θέλων τὸ Λυκόφρονος παρῆλθεν ἀμαυρόν.

[825] “Obuoluisti ipse te caeca nocte.... Nolebas intellegi, forte et tu

non intellegebas!... Latebas intra te, ne te curiosa et erudita inueniret

sagacitas. Eras ipse inuolucrum tibi.”

[826] V. 92: “Dum ueteres auias tibi de pulmone reuello.”

[827] I. 58:

“O Jane, a tergo quem nulla ciconia pinsit,

Nec manus auriculas imitari mobilis albas,

Nec linguae quantum sitiat canis Apula tantae.”

[828] _E.g._ I. 9: “istud uiuere triste”; I. 27: “scire tuum”; I. 122:

“hoc ridere meum”; _cf._ Hor., _Epist._ I. vii. 27: “reddes dulce loqui:

reddes ridere decorum.”

[829] I. 15-21.

[830] III. 1-6.

[831] III. 10-14.

[832] III. 43-51.

[833] III. 78-85.

[834] VI. 43-49.

[835] VI. 29-31.

[836] III. 105-106.

[837] I. 108-109.

[838] II. 50-51.

[839] V. 5-18.

[840] V. 13: “nec _scloppo_ (? stloppo) tumidas intendis rumpere buccas.”

The loan-words from vulgar Latin in Persius (e.g. diminutives and

obscenities) are such as occur in comedy and satirists like Lucilius

and Horace. He also shares colloquialisms (_ebullire_, etc.) with

contemporaries like Petronius in the _Satyricon_ and Seneca in the

_Apocolocyntosis_.

[841] Specified in the Latin of the _Vita_ as _Neronem principem illius

temporis_.

[842] Pichon, _Hist. d. l. litt. lat._, p. 553: “Sans nommer Néron en

toutes lettres (la chose eût été impossible) Perse le met en scène sous

le nom d’Alcibiade.” Waltz, _Vie de Sénèque_, “_L’Alcibiade est Néron,

comme l’a pensé Casaubon_.” Kukula’s _Persius und Nero_ (Graz, 1923)

treats the first satire as containing a definite attack on Nero.

[843] _Vita_: “Editum librum continuo mirari homines et diripere

coeperunt”; _cf._ Quint., _I. Or._, X. i. 94; Mart., IV. xxix. 7.

[844] Rousse, _Perse_, p. 135.

[845] Schanz, _Gesch. d. röm. Litt._, II. 2, p. 85.

[846] Sorn, _Die Sprache des Persius_, p. 31: “es ist ein Meer von

Dunkelheit.”

[847] G. G. Ramsay, _Juv. and Pers._, Loeb, 1918, Introd., pp. xxx.-xxxii.

[848] Vacca, _Vit. Luc._, mentions his “studium uitae quietioris.”

[849] Hieron., _Chron. Euseb._, ad. ann. Abr. 2079: “M. Annaeus Lucanus

Cordubensis poeta in Pisoniana coniuratione deprehensus brachium ad

secandas uenas medico praebuit”; _cf._ Suet., _Vit. Luc._: “brachia ad

secandas uenas praebuit medico.”

[850] Stat., _Sil._, II. vii.; Mart., I. lxi.; VII. xxi., xxii., xxiii.;

X. lxiv.; XIV. cxciv.

[851] Tac., _Ann._, XV. xlix., lvi., lvii., lxx.; _Dial._ xx.

[852] Text: Ed. pr., Rome, 1469; Grotius, Antw., 1614, 1625, 1639;

Farnaby, Eng. ed., 1618; Amst., 1715; Korrte (= Cortius), 1726; Oudendorp

(index), Leyd., 1728; Burman, Leyd., 1740; c. notis Grotii et Bentleii,

Strawb. Hill, 1760; Glasg., 1816; Weber, 3 vols., Lpz., 1821-1831

(scholia and Korrte’s comment.); Lemaire, 2 vols., 1830-1832; Weise,

1835; Haskins (introd. by Heitland), Lond., 1887; Hosius, Lpz., 1892

and 1905; ed. 3, 1913; Francken, 2 vols., Leyd., 1896-1897 (bibliog.);

Heitland in Postgate’s _C.P.L._, 1905; Housman, Oxf., 1926. Bk. I.,

Lejay, Par., 1894 (important introd.); VII., Postgate, Camb., 1896;

VIII., do., 1917. Fragments: Bährens’s _Frag. P. Rom._, 1886, pp.

365-368. Transns. into verse: Gorges, 1614 [rare]; May, 1627, ed. 2, 1631

(heroic couplets); Rowe, 1719 (heroic couplets); Ridley, 1896 (blank).

Studies, etc.: Weber, _Vitae Lucani collectae_, progr., Marb., 1856-1858.

Genthe, _De Luc. uita et scriptis_, diss., Berl., 1859; _Scholia uet.

e codice Montepessulano_, 1868; Usener, _Commenta Bernensia_, 1869;

Nisard, _Études ... sur les poètes latins de la décadence_, ed. 3, 1867,

ii. pp. 85-454, ed. 4, 1878. On hist. sources: Baier, _De Liuio Lucani

... auctore_, diss., Bresl., 1874; Singels, _De L. fontibus et fide_,

diss., Leyd., 1884; Westerburg, _Luc. Florus und Pseudo-Victor_, _Rh.

Mus._, xxxviii. pp. 34-39; Giani, _La Farsaglia_, etc., Turin, 1888;

Ziehen, _Luc., als Historiker_ in _Berichte d. freien Hochstiftes_,

Frankft.-a-M., 1890; Vitelli, _Sulla composizione e publicazione della

Fars._ in _Studi italiani di fil. class._, VIII. pp. 33-72, 1900; _Studi

sulle storiche fonti della Fars._, _op. cit._ X. pp. 359-429; Ussani,

_Sul valore storico del poema Lucaneo_ in _Atti del congresso internaz.

di scienze storiche_, II. iv., Rome, 1903; Jullian, _Lucain historien_

in _Rev. des Études anciennes_, Bord., I. 4, 1900. On philos. sources:

Souriau, _De deorum ministeriis in Phars._, thèse, Par., 1885; Oettl,

_Lucans philosophische Weltanschauung_, prog., Brixen, 1888; Millard,

_Lucani sententia de deis et fato_, diss., Utr., 1891. On lit. sources:

Diels, _Seneca und L., Abhandl. der Berl. Akad._, 1886; Hosius, _L.

u. seine Quellen_, _Rh. Mus._, XLVIII. pp. 380-397, 1893; Heitland’s

introd., Haskins’s ed., pp. cviii.-cxxxi. On the whole question of

sources: Pichon, _Les Sources de L._, Par., 1912; on Stoicism in general:

E. V. Arnold, _Roman Stoicism_, Camb., 1911.

[853] _Ad Helu._, xviii. 4, 5.

[854] Bährens, _P.L. Min._, 1879-1883, IV. p. 77: _cf._ p. 247 _supra_.

[855] Probus took Persius and Lucan to be of the same time of life; but

Persius was Lucan’s senior by about five years. Prob., _Vit. Persii_:

“Cognouit per Cornutum etiam Annaeum Lucanum, aequauum auditorem Cornuti.

Lucanus adeo mirabatur scripta (Persii) Flacci ut uix retineret se

recitante eo cum clamore quin illa esse uera poemata diceret, sua ipse

ludos faceret.” (_v.l._ “recitante eo de more.”)

[856] Suet., _Vit. Luc._: “ut praefatione quadam aetatem, et initia

sua cum Vergilio comparans ausus sit dicere ‘et quantum mihi restat ad

Culicem?’”

[857] Vacca, _Vit. Luc._: “puerili mutato in senatorium cultum et in

notitiam Caesaris Neronis facile peruenit.”

[858] Suet., _Vit. Luc._: “ad extremum signifer Pisonianae coniurationis

exstitit.”

[859] _Ib._, “matrem quoque innoxiam inter socios nominauit”; _cf._ Tac.,

_Ann._, XV. lvi. Vacca mentions no such incident.

[860] _Ann._, XV. lxx.: “recordatus carmen a se compositum, quo

uolneratum militem per eiusmodi mortis imaginem obisse tradiderat, uersus

ipsos rettulit, eaque illi suprema uox fuit.”

[861] _Phars._, III. 638-641; VII. 608-615; IX. 811-814.

[862] _E.g._ by May in the _Life_ prefixed to his translation.

[863] Stat., _Sil._, II. vii. 92: “Cur saeua uice magna non senescunt?”

[864] _Sil._, II. vii. 54-63.

[865] _Vit. Luc._, _ad fin._: “non fastidiendi quidem omnes, tales tamen

ut _Belli Ciuilis_ uideatur accessio.”

[866] Genthe, _De L. uita et scriptis_, p. 61, plausibly refers to the

_Saturnalia_ the coarse line quoted by Martial, X. lxiv. 6.

[867] What Schanz (_Gesch. d. röm. Lit._) calls “Tanzstücke,” citing

Jahn’s description “in usum pantomimorum scriptae,” _Proleg. in Pers._,

p. xxxiv.

[868] That is a possible correction of _appāmata_ in the best MSS.

[869] Tac., _Ann._, XIII. xliv. Sagitta in presence of a freedman killed

a woman who would not marry him: the freedman sought to take the guilt on

himself, but a maid revealed the truth, and Sagitta was brought to trial.

[870] Pichon, _Les Sources de Lucain_, p. 53, footnote: “ces deux poèmes

n’en forment peut-être qu’un seul.” In noticing Pichon’s valuable work

(_C.R._, xxvii. 1, 1913, pp. 25-28), I mentioned what appeared to me the

incredibility of this hypothesis.

[871] Bährens, _F.P.R._, pp. 365-368.

[872] “Pharsalia” is borrowed from IX. 985; the title in MSS. is _De

Bello Ciuili_.

[873] I. 125-126:

“Nec quemquam iam ferre potest Caesarue priorem

Pompeiusue parem.”

[874] I. 129-130.

[875] I. 135: “stat magni nominis umbra.”

[876] I. 144 _sqq._; “sed nescia uirtus stare loco ... gaudensque uiam

fecisse ruina.”

[877] I. 185 _sqq._

[878] II. 1415:

“Sit subitum quodcumque paras: sit caeca futuri

Mens hominum fati: liceat sperare timenti.”

[879] II. 52-63.

[880] II. 258-259.

[881] II. 381 _sqq._

[882] III. 1-7.

[883] III. 399-421. Possibly the miraculous fire in the forest was

suggested to Lucan by Sen., _Thyest._, 674: “excelsae trabes ardent sine

igne.”

[884] IV. 373 _sqq._

[885] IV. 575-581.

[886] IV. 702-710.

[887] V. 476: “Caesaris adtonitam miscenda ad proelia mentem.”

[888] V. 731 _sqq._

[889] VI. 67-68.

[890] VI. 191-192, 198-199, 205, 208, 219.

[891] VII. 207 _sqq._

[892] VII. 24 _sqq._

[893] VII. 61.

[894] VII. 129-130.

[895] VII. 252: “Nil opus est uotis: iam fatum accersite ferro.”

[896] VII. 278: “Et primo ferri motu prosternite mundum.”

[897] VII. 349: “Causa iubet melior superos sperare secundos.”

[898] VII. 440-445.

[899] VII. 457-459.

[900] VII. 695.

[901] VIII. 5-6.

[902] VIII. 76-78.

[903] VIII. 491 _sqq._

[904] VIII. 673.

[905] VIII. 798-799.

[906] Cato, as hero of the desert, receives an epithet found nowhere

else—_hareniuagus_, IX. 941.

[907] IX. 556 _sqq._

[908] IX. 566 _sqq._

[909] IX. 980 _sqq._

[910] X. 444-446.

[911] X. 528-529.

[912] VI. 813-814.

[913] _Op. cit._, p. 270. The late Canon Cruickshank, Professor of Greek

in Durham, saw a possible limit in the reference to Munda (45 B.C.) as

the last battle of the civil wars, I. 40. But some take _ultima_ there

as “most distant,” and Lucan, in spite of _ultima_, goes on to refer to

Mutina (43) and Perusia (41 B.C.).

[914] _Cf._ the language regarding portentous constellations in _Phars._,

I. 527-529, with Sen., _N.Q._, VI. iii. 3 and VII. xx. 3.

[915] For summary of evidence, see Schanz, _op. cit._, pp. 104-105.

[916] _Satyr._, 118.

[917] Livy’s books from outbreak of the civil war till Caesar’s death

were cix.-cxvi.

[918] Baier, _De Liuio ... Lucani auctore_, 1874; Pichon, _op. cit._,

1912.

[919] Sen., _Contr._, X. _praef._ 2; _Suas._, vi. 22.

[920] Sen., _Ep._, c. 9.

[921] See Heitland’s _Introd._

[922] Pichon’s explanation of the _picta arma_ of the Lingones as “une

allusion aux boucliers ornés d’émail que l’on fabriquait à Bibracte” must

interest anyone who has seen the Aeduan antiquities from Mont Beuvray at

Autun.

[923] Pichon believes this “sans doute,” _op. cit._, p. 145.

[924] Lucan’s influence on Appian, Dio Cassius and Orosius, asserted by

Ussani, is denied on good grounds by Pichon (_op. cit._, pp. 81 _sqq._).

Westerburg (_Rh. M._, xxxviii. pp. 34 _sqq._) maintains that Florus

drew from Lucan, and so did not simply summarize Livy. Against this

theory powerful arguments are arrayed by Pichon (_op. cit._, pp. 69-81).

Postgate (ed. Bk. VIII., postscript to introd.) remarks that much of the

difficulty would be removed by the assumption that the epitomator of Livy

used Lucan as well as Livy and that Florus used the epitome.

[925] Pichon, _op. cit._, p. 226; Heitland’s _Introd._, p. cviii. _sqq._

[926] Fronto, 157 n.: “is initio carminis sui septem primis uersibus

nihil aliud quam _bella plus quam ciuilia_ interpretatus est.”

[927] Heitland, _Introd._, p. cxxviii.

[928] _Rh. Mus._, XLVIII. p. 393 _sqq._; Pichon, _op. cit._, p. 235 _sqq._

[929] References are given in Heitland’s _Introd._

[930] VIII. 161-184; X. 172 _sqq._

[931] VII. 144 _sqq._; _ib._, 777 _sqq._

[932] II. 93; III. 306. So it involves a little mythological lore to

understand why, among omens of trouble, the flame announcing the close

of the Latin festival is said to be parted into two, “copying the Theban

pyres” (I. 550-552).

[933] VIII. 458 _sqq._

[934] IV. 589 _sqq._; IX. 359 _sqq._

[935] II. 173 _sqq._; IV. 566 _sqq._; VI. 529-569; VIII. 667-691; VIII.

777-778; IX. 766-781.

[936] II. 201 _sqq._

[937] II. 172.

[938] III. 567 _sqq._

[939] III. 723-751.

[940] VIII. 851 _sqq._

[941] V. 593 _sqq._

[942] VI. 45-46.

[943] VII. 851-852.

[944] He carries condensation too far, e.g. II. 35, _diuisere deos_=“they

divided the gods,” _i.e._ Roman ladies took their prayers to different

temples; or he uses an over-fanciful conceit, _e.g._ II. 72, _depositum_

applied to Marius, the exile, as “the deposit” entrusted by Fortune to

the marshes. But such phrases have at least the intended quality of being

striking.

[945] V. 455.

[946] Quint., X. i. 90: “ardens et concitatus.”

[947] Text: Wernsdorf, _Poet. Lat. Min._, 1780, vol. ii.; Gläser, Gött.,

1842; Bährens’s _Poet. Lat. Min._, vol. iii.; _Calp. et Nemesian._,

Schenkl, Prag., 1885, and by same editor in Postgate’s _C.P.L._, ii.;

Keene, Lond., 1887. In Eng. verse (octosyll.), E. J. L. Scott, Lond.,

1890.

Other wks.: Haupt, _De carm. bucol. Calp. et Nemes._, Leipz., 1854;

Append. _On Later Bucolic Poets of Rome_ in Conington’s Virgil, vol. i.,

with summary of Haupt’s arguments.

[948] iv. 84:

“At mihi qui nostras praesenti numine terras

Perpetuamque regit iuuenili robore pacem,

Laetus et Augusto felix arrideat ore....”

vii. 6: “Quae patula iuuenis deus edit harena.”

[949] vii. 83-84:

“... Ac nisi me uisus decepit, in uno

Et Martis uultus et Apollinis esse putaui.”

[950] i. 42:

“Aurea secura cum pace renascitur aetas,

Et redit ad terras tandem squalore situque

Alma Themis posito, iuuenemque beata secuntur

Saecula, maternis causam qui uicit _Iulis_” (_v.l._ in ulnis!).

[951] _Ecl._ i. 77-83; Pliny, _N.H._, II. 25, 92; Suet., _Claud._, xlvi.;

Dio., lx. 35.

[952] _Ecl._ vii. 23-24:

“Vidimus in caelum _trabibus spectacula textis_

Surgere, Tarpeium prope despectantia culmen”;

Tac., _Ann._, XIII. xxxi. (A.D. 57): “nisi cui libeat laudandis

fundamentis et _trabibus_ quis molem amphitheatri apud campum Martis

Caesar extruxerat”; Suet., _Nero_, xii.: “munere quod _in amphitheatro

ligneo_ regione Martii campi intra anni spatium fabricato dedit....” The

games instituted by Nero are mentioned in Suet., _Nero_, xi.

[953] iv. 36-42.

[954] Sarpe, _Quaest. philol._, Rostock, 1819. Keene, in introd. to his

edn., agrees, p. 12. Summers, _Silver Age of Latin Lit._, p. 91, thinks

that to identify the patron with Seneca or Calpurnius Piso is sheer

caprice.

[955] iv. 53 _sqq._

[956] iv. 158-159.

[957] iv. 64-66:

“Magna petis, Corydon, si Tityrus esse laboras:

Ille fuit uates sacer et qui posset auena

Praesonuisse chelyn.”

[958] i. 11-12:

“Bullantes ubi fagus aquas radice sub ipsa

Protegit et ramis errantibus implicat umbras.”

[959] ii. 68-75.

[960] iv. 152-159.

[961] vii. 83-84.

[962] The influence of Calpurnius is illustrated in Prof. Mustard’s

notes to his edns. of _The Eclogues of Baptista Mantuanus_, 1911; _The

Piscatory Eclogues of Sannazaro_, 1914; _The Eclogues of Andrelinus and

Arnolletus_, 1918.

[963] Text: ed. pr. in Sichard’s ed. of Ovid, Bas., 1527; (with Lucan)

Corte, Leipz., 1726; Held, Bresl., 1831; Weber, cum proleg., Marb., 1859;

Bährens’s _P.L.M._, 1879, vol. i.

[964] Haupt, _Opusc._, I. p. 391; _cf._ Lachmann’s comment on Lucretius,

ed. 3, 1866, p. 326, “laudator Pisonis Calpurnius.”

[965] There are three instances, two in the first foot (_atque illos_,

24; _quare age_, 81) and one in the third (_et te credibile est_, 168),

among the 261 lines; there are eight elisions, all in the first foot

(eleven, if three doubtful cases be admitted) among the 759 lines of

Calp. Siculus.

[966] _De Laude Pis._, 248: “Tu mihi Maecenas tereti cantabere uersu.”

Calp. Sic., iv. 152: “tereti decurrent carmine uersus.”

[967] For such resemblances, see _Laus Pisonis_ by Gladys Martin, Cornell

Univ. diss., 1917.

[968] _Ann._, XV. xlviii.

[969] l. 29: “Mitia legitimo sub iudice bella mouere.”

[970] l. 47: “Flet si flere iubes, gaudet gaudere coactus.”

[971] l. 132: “Obsequiumque doces et amorem quaeris amando.”

[972] _De Laude Pis._, 166, 171, 242. _Chelys_ is, except for Ovid’s use,

post-Augustan; _e.g._ Calp. Sic., iv. 66, and in Statius often.

[973] Bährens, _P.L.M._, iii. 60-64.

[974] Schanz, _op. cit._, VIII. ii. 2, p. 98.

[975] Groag, art., “Calpurnius Piso” in Pauly-Wissowa, _Realencycl._,

III. 1379; Bücheler, _Rh. Mus._, xxvi., p. 235.

[976] Text: (first published with Virgil), Scaliger, Lyon, 1572; Gorallus

(_i.e._ Leclerc), Amst., 1703, 1715 (“P. Cornelii Seueri _Aetna_ et

fragm....”); Wernsdorf’s _P.L.M._, iv., 1785; Munro, Camb., 1867;

Bährens’s _P.L.M._, ii. 88, 1880 (in _App. Verg._); Sudhaus, Leipz.,

1898; Ellis, 1901, and by same editor in Postgate’s _C.P.L._, vol. ii.,

1905; Lenchantin de Gubernatis, Turin, 1911; _L’Etna_ (texte et trad.),

Vessereau, Par., 1923 (defends Virgilian authorship).

[977] Wight Duff, _A Lit. Hist. of Rome to Close of Golden Age_, 1909,

pp. 492-495, for previous discussion of _Aetna_.

[978] _Poema de Aetna monte Vergilio auctori praecipue tribuendum_,

diss., Krak., 1882. Brakman, _Mnem._, li. 2 (1923), holding that the

treatment is based on Posidonius and that style and metre are Lucretian,

marshals internal evidence to support a date about 30 B.C.

[979] _Studia in Aetn. collata_, Erlang., 1896.

[980] _Rh. Mus._, liv. 7.

[981] Gross, _De metonymiis lat. a deorum nominibus petitis_ (diss.,

Hal., 19 (1911), p. 296), seeks on ground of resemblances between

_Octauia_ and _Aetna_ to suggest that the poet of the _Aetna_ was the

borrower, and wrote between A.D. 69 and 79.

[982] Sen., _Ep. Mor._, lxxix. 4-7.

[983] _Gesch. d. röm. Lit._, 1910, § 307: “ein inhaltlich sehr

anziehendes kleines Lehrgedicht.”

[984] 616-617:

“Defectum raptis illum sua carmina tardant:

Hic uelox minimo properat sub pondere pauper.”

I should like to give the poet the credit of sarcastically regarding

poems as heavy enough to be a hindrance; but the _carmina_ are possibly

charms or spells to which recourse might be had in terror.

[985] 628-629:

“Parcite, auara manus, dulces attollere praedas:

Illis diuitiae solae materque paterque.”

[986] Text: Bährens, _P.L.M._, iii., pp. 7-59: _Italici Ilias Lat._

(praef., app. crit.), Plessis, Paris, 1885; _cf._ Tolkiehn, _Homer u. die

röm. Poesie_, 1900, pp. 96-119.

[987] Wight Duff, _Lit. Hist. of Rome_, 119 _sqq._; Bährens, _Fragm.

P.L._, p. 37 _sqq._

[988] Bährens, _Fragm. P.L._, p. 281 and p. 283; Wight Duff, _op. cit._,

p. 123 and p. 245.

[989] Pers., i. 50; _cf._ i. 4 and Schol. The surviving line—

crudum manduces Priamum Priamique pisinnos,

was intended to translate _Il._, iv. 35—

ὠμὸν βεβρώθοις Πρίαμον Πριάμοιό τε παῖδας.

[990] Sen., _ad Polyb._, viii. 2, xi. 5.

[991] ll. 899-902:

“Quem nisi seruasset magnarum rector aquarum,

Vt profugus laetis Troiam repararet in aruis

Augustumque genus claris submitteret astris,

Non carae gentis nobis mansisset origo.”

[992] _La Poésie latine_, Par., 1909, pp. 528 _sqq._

[993] For a record of the discussions on the acrostics see Schanz, _op.

cit._, pp. 121-122.

[994] Tolkiehn, _op. cit._, p. 101, quotes treatises by Paul Verres

(1881) and by Altenburg (1890) to suggest that the metre of _Ilias Lat._

is better than that of Silius’s _Punica_. The contention is that Silius

would not have written his _magnum opus_ in less careful style than an

epitome of the _Iliad_. Galdi, _L’epitome nella letteratura latina_,

1922, p. 244, takes the view of Schanz that _Il. Lat._ is a free and

brief rehandling of the Homeric _Iliad_ by a dilettante fond of Virgil

and Ovid (“innamorato di Virgilio e di Ovidio”). A real epitome would

have had more Homeric colour.

[995] _Rh. Mus._, xxiv. (1870), 492 _sqq._

[996] Hor., _Od._, IV. ix. 5-6; _cf._ Petron., _Sat._, ii.

[997] For reminiscences of Virgil and Ovid, see Plessis, _op. cit._, p.

532.

[998] Teuffel, _op. cit._, § 286, 7-11; Schanz, II. ii. § 360; fragments,

Bährens, _F.P. Rom._, 1886, p. 368.

[999] Suet., _Ner._, lii.

[1000] Tac., _Ann._, XIII. iii.

[1001] _N.Q._, I. v. 6.

[1002] Mart., IX. xxvi. 9; Suet., _Dom._, i.; _Ner._, xxi., xxiv.,

xxxviii.; Tac., _Ann._, XV. xxxix.

[1003] _Vit. Pers._; schol. ad Pers., vi. 1.; Quint., X. i. 96.

[1004] Teuffel. _op. cit._, 304, 1.

[1005] Sen., _N.Q._, VI. ii. 7.

[1006] _Ann._, XIV. xlviii. (A.D. 62), XVI. xxviii. (A.D. 66).

[1007] Quint., X. i. 89; Juv., VII. 79-81.

[1008] Plin., _Ep._, III. v., account of his uncle’s works; V. viii.,

history compared with oratory; VI. xvi., his uncle’s death; VI. xx.,

continued account of eruption of Vesuvius.

[1009] Text: Barbarus, Rome, 1492; Dalecampius, Lyons, 1587; Gronov, c.

not. varior., Leyd., 1669; Harduinus, Par., 1685 (1723); Franz, c. not.

Harduini et varior., 10 vols., Leipz., 1778-1791; Sillig, 8 vols., Gotha,

1851-1858; Jan, Lpz., 1854-1865; ed. 3, Mayhoff, 1906 _sqq._; Detlefsen,

Berl., 1866-1882, and crit. ed. of geog. bks. (II. 242–VI.), Berl., 1905;

_Morceaux extraits de Pline_, trad. en fr., Guéroult, ed. augm., Par.,

1845; _Chrestomathia Pliniana_, Urlichs, Berl., 1857; Chapters on Hist.

of Art (from XXXIV.-XXXVI.), text and tr., Jex-Blake, introd. and comm.,

Sellers, Lond., 1896.

Trans.: Philemon Holland, Lond., 1601; ed. 2, 1634; Bostock and Riley,

Lond., 6 vols., 1898, etc.

On his science: _Plinius u. seine Naturgesch. in ihrer Bedeutung für d.

Gegenwart_, Dannemann, Jena, 1921.

On sources see bibliogr. in Teuffel, _op. cit._, Schanz, _op. cit._, and

footnotes in this chapter.

On style: _Der Stil des ält. Plin._, Joh. Müller, Innsbr., 1883.

[1010] _Ep._, III. v. 7, states that he died in his fifty-sixth year;

this was in August, A.D. 79.

[1011] _N.H._, _praef._ 1, _i.e._ like Catullus, a native of Gallia

Cisalpina, though not, as some have argued, a fellow-townsman from Verona.

[1012] _N.H._, XXXVII. 81.

[1013] _N.H._, VII. 80; XIII. 83. Pliny calls Pomponius “consularis

poeta” and “uatis ciuisque clarissimus.”

[1014] _N.H._, _praef._ 3.

[1015] _N.H._, XXXIII. 143.

[1016] XII. 98 (“... qua Rhenus adluit uidi”); XVI. 2; XXII. 8.

[1017] IX. 14-15; XXXIII. 63; XXXVI. 111.

[1018] _C.I.G._, III. 4536; _Herm._, XIX. (1884), p. 644. Since

Hirschfeld, in 1887 (Röm. Mitt. d. deutsch. archäol. Inst., 2, p. 152),

opposed Mommsen, several scholars, including Münzer, have also attacked

the identification. Fabia and Detlefsen support it.

[1019] _N.H._, II. 150: “ego uidi in Vocontiorum agro”; VII. 36: “ipse in

Africa uidi”; XVIII. 183: “in Treuerico agro ...”; Plin., _Ep._, III. v.

17: “cum procuraret in Hispania.”

[1020] _Ep._, III. v. 9.

[1021] _Ep._, VI. xvi.

[1022] _Ep._, III. v. 10.

[1023] _Ib._, 12.

[1024] _Ib._, 16.

[1025] _Ib._, 17.

[1026] _Ib._, 19.

[1027] _Ib._, 1-6.

[1028] _N.H._, VIII. 162.

[1029] _Ib._, XIV. 56.

[1030] Plin., _Ep._, III. v. 4.

[1031] _Ann._, I. lxix.; Symm., _Epist._, IV. 18, 16. Lehnerdt, _Herm._,

xlviii., 1913, pp. 274-282, discusses the possible survival of a copy in

Germany in the fifteenth century.

[1032] Gell., _N.A._, IX. xvi. 1.

[1033] _I. Or._, III. i. 21; XI. iii. 143, 148.

[1034] _N.H._, _praef._ 28.

[1035] For Pliny’s influence on Nonius Marcellus, Nettleship, _Jrl. of

Philol._, XV. 189, “Study of Lat. Gram. in 1st Cent., A.D.”; on Gellius

and others, Beck, _Studia Gelliana et Pliniana_, Lpz., 1892.

[1036] _Ann._, XIII. xx. (early in Nero’s reign, A.D. 55); XV. liii.

(Piso’s conspiracy, A.D. 65); Hist., III. xxviii. (sack of Cremona, A.D.

69).

[1037] For the theories see Schanz, _op. cit._, pp. 495-496.

[1038] Peter, _Hist. Rom. Frag._, p. 310.

[1039] _N.H._, II. 199: “anno Neronis principis supremo, sicut in rebus

eius exposuimus”; _praef._ 20 (of Vespasian and his sons): “Vos omnes,

patrem te fratremque, diximus opere iusto, temporum nostrorum orsi a fine

Aufidi Bassi.”

[1040] _Ep._, V. viii. 5: “historias et quidem religiosissime scripsit.”

[1041] _Ep._, III. v. 6.

[1042] _Praef._ 2 addresses Titus as “sexies consul.” His poem on the

comet belonged to his fifth consulate, _N.H._, II. 89.

[1043] This is Urlichs’s view (_Chrestom._, Einl., p. xiv.): “Vermutlich

gab er deshalb vor der Reise (von Rom) nur die erste Dekade vollständig

heraus.” Bks. XI. and XII. in Riccard. MS. and the last six bks. in

the Bamberg. MS. bear the words “editus post mortem.” _Cf._ Detlefsen,

_Untersuch. üb. d. Zusammensetzung der Naturgesch._, 1899, p. 18; Klotz,

_Herm._, xlii., 1907, pp. 324-325.

[1044] _Praef._ 33.

[1045] _E.g._ XXXIII. 22, he makes a reference forward to his book on

precious stones (viz. XXXVII.): “sicut dicemus in gemmarum uolumine.”

[1046] _Praef._ 17: “ex exquisitis auctoribus C.”

[1047] _Praef._ 21: “est enim benignum, ut arbitror, et plenum ingenui

pudoris fateri per quos profeceris.”

[1048] Montigny, _Quaestiones in Plin. nat. historiae de animalibus

libros_, Bonn, 1848, p. 7: “uana eruditionis ostentatio.” Rabenhorst,

_Die Indices auctorum u. die wirklichen Quellen der N.H._, in _Philol._,

65 (1906), sees in Pliny’s desire to acknowledge literary obligations

merely a rhetorical trick.

[1049] VIII. 43-44: “Aristoteles ... uir quem in his magna secuturus

ex parte praefandum reor,” i.e. Aristotle is for zoology his great

authority, and Pliny proceeds to mention his summary of 50 volumes of

Aristotle (“collecta in artum”). Klotz points out that the words in VI.

49, “Demodamas ... quem maxime sequimur,” only mean that Pliny’s material

at this point goes back in the last resort to Demodamas (“in letzter

Linie zum grössten Teil auf D. zurückgehen,” _Herm._, xlii., p. 327).

[1050] Brunn, _De auctorum indicibus Plinianis disputatio isagogica_,

Bonn, 1856.

[1051] On the relation between the order of authors’ names in the special

indices and the order followed in a general index common to Pliny’s books

on closely allied subjects, see Klotz, _Herm._, xlii., p. 323 (1907), and

his _Quaestiones Plinianae Geographicae_, 1906, p. 4 _sqq._

[1052] Numbers often constituted a difficulty in the MSS., and

uncertainty led to gaps. Klotz, _loc. cit._, p. 325, cites Dicuil,

_De mens. orb. terr._, as aware of imperfections in Pliny MSS. On the

figures, _cf._ Birt, _Das antike Buchwesen_, Berl., 1882, p. 333.

[1053] Montigny, _op. cit._, showed that Pliny often named in his indices

authors whom he had not directly consulted.

[1054] Teuffel, _op. cit._, 313, 3: “Im übrigen hat die Phantasie des

modernen Quellenforschers hier, bei dem Verlust der meisten Quellen,

weiten (auch reichlich benutzten) Spielraum.”

[1055] Rose, _Aristoteles Pseudepigraphus_, Lpz., 1863 (“ipsius nunquam

Aristotelis Graecos libros adhibuit”); Birt, _De Halieuticis Ouidio falso

adscriptis_, Bonn, 1878 (criticized by Aly, _Zur Quellenkritik_, 1885,

pp. 17-18); Koebert, _Das Kunstverständnis des Plinius_, pp. 134-146,

in _Abhandlungen ... W. v. Christ dargebracht_, 1891; Rabenhorst, _Der

ältere Plinius als Epitomator des Verrius Flaccus_, Berl., 1903, and _Die

indices auctorum u. die wirklichen Quellen der N.H._, _Philol._, 65,

1906 (examined by Klotz, _Herm._, xlii., p. 324 _sqq._, who declines to

regard Pliny as a miserable humbug, “elender Windbeutel” and swaggerer,

“Aufschneider.”) For brief account of Verrius Flaccus, see Wight Duff,

_Lit. Hist. of Rome to Golden Age_, pp. 629-631; Trogus, _ib._, pp. 631,

636-637; Figulus, _ib._, p. 346; Juba, _ib._, p. 667.

[1056] Aly, _Zur Quellenkritik des älteren Pl._, Marb., 1885; Münzer,

_Beiträge zur Quellenkritik der Naturgesch._, Berl., 1897.

[1057] Jahn, _Ueber die Kunsturteile des P._ (in _Berichte d. Sächs.

Gesellschaft d. Wissenschaften_, 1850, pp. 105-142.)

[1058] Brieger, _De Fontibus Librorum XXXIII.-XXXVI._ _Nat. Hist. Plin.

quatenus ad artem plasticam pertinent_, diss., Greifsw., 1856.

[1059] This is well summarized in E. Sellers’s introd. to _The Elder

Pliny’s Chaps. on Hist. of Art_, 1896, where attention is directed to

relevant works by Schreiber, Furtwängler, Oehmichen, Robert, L. Urlichs,

his son H. L. Urlichs, and others. Münzer, _Zur Kunstgesch. des Pl._,

examined the Greek bases for Pliny’s history of art in _Herm._, xxx.

(1895), pp. 499-547. To this list may be added Kalkmann’s _Die Quellen

der Kunstgesch. des Pl._, Berl., 1898. He denies Pliny’s indebtedness to

Pasiteles of Naples included in the indices, and maintains that Pliny

here relied instead on a chronological compilation by Apollodorus as well

as a current catalogue of artists.

[1060] Aly makes this probable, _op. cit._, pp. 18-19.

[1061] _N.H._, XIV. 44-47. Münzer, _Beitr. zur Quellenkrit._, pp. 12-13.

[1062] _N.H._, XI. 273-276.

[1063] _E.g._ on Pliny’s “Arbeitsweise,” Aly, _op. cit._, pp. 19-21;

Münzer, _op. cit._, pp. 3-133; Klotz, _Herm._, xlii. 323-329.

[1064] Plin., _Ep._, III. v. 10: “adnotabat excerpebatque.”

[1065] Furtwängler, _Pl. u. seine Quellen üb. die bildenden Künste_, in

_Jahrb. für klass. Phil._, Supplbd. ix., Lpz., 1877, p. 4 _sqq._, regards

Pliny’s mode of compilation as having been “nach einer unter Rubriken

geordneten Excerptensammlung.”

[1066] _Cf._ his nephew’s description, _Ep._, III. v. 17: “electorum

commentarios ... opisthographos quidem et minutissimis scriptos.”

[1067] _Op. cit._, pp. 20-21.

[1068] Since Aly wrote in 1885, the claims of Juba as a source have been

pitched higher: Münzer, _op. cit._, 411-422.

[1069] II. 167-170.

[1070] _N.H._, II. 54: “macti ingenio este, caeli interpretes, rerumque

naturae capaces ...”; 95: “Hipparchus nunquam satis laudatus”; 117: “ista

plures sine praemio alio quam posteros iuuandi eruerunt.”

[1071] See list of works on the subject by Oehmichen, Gruppe, Detlefsen,

Cuntz, Klotz and others in Schanz, _op. cit._, § 492.

[1072] _N.H._, XXV. 9: “cui summa auctoritas erat in ea arte nostro

acuo.” Wellmann, “Beiträge zur Quellenanalyse des älteren Plinius,”

_Herm._, lix. (1924), p. 129 _sqq._, has endeavoured to awake fresh

interest in Castor as a Latin source and in Solon of Smyrna as a Greek

source for Pliny’s medical botany.

[1073] This Xenocrates, the statuary who wrote _de toreutice_, is to be

distinguished from Xenocrates, a physician of Aphrodisias in Cilicia,

whose name appears in many previous author-lists, and from whose recent

compilation Pliny borrowed remedies of a superstitious character.

[1074] _N.H._, III. 2: “locorum nuda nomina et quanta dabitur breuitate

ponentur”; III. 39: “nec ignoro ingrati ac segnis animi existimari posse

merito, si obiter atque in transcursu ad hunc modum dicatur terra.”

[1075] III. 138.

[1076] III. 39-42.

[1077] West, “Multiplication of Cities in Anct. Geog.,” _Class. Philol._

XVIII. 1, Jan., 1923.

[1078] XXVI. 18: “magicae uanitates.”

[1079] _N.H._, _praef._ 33: “Tu per hoc et aliis praestabis ne perlegant,

sed ut quisque desiderabit aliquid id tantum quaerat”; Gell., _N.A._, V.

xvi.: “degustandum ex philosophia censet, non in eam ingurgitandum.”

[1080] _N.H._, X. 81-82: “tanta uox tam paruo in corpusculo ... in una

perfecta musica scientia modulatus editur sonus.” The lavish measure of

Holland’s paraphrase is apparent here: three Latin words, _infuscatur

ex inopinato_, become “anon all of a sudden, before a man would think

it, she drowneth her words that one can scarce hear her.” His “descant

between the plain song” and “crotchets, quavers, semiquavers and double

semiquavers” add to the general effect of rich freedom in his tribute to

the bird.

[1081] The chapters on _papyrus_ are specially treated by Dziatzko,

_Untersuch. üb. ausgew. Kapitel d. antiken Buchwesens_, mit Text übers.

u. erkl. von _N.H._, XIII. 68-69, 1900.

[1082] XIV. 142: “ex ore halitus cadi, ac fere rerum omnium obliuio,

morsque memoriae.”

[1083] XXXVI. 101-125.

[1084] I think it not unlikely that “mola tantum salsa litant qui non

habent tura,” _praef._ 11, is an echo of Persius, II. 75, “farre litabo.”

[1085] _N.H._, II. 13: “hunc esse mundi totius animum....”

[1086] _Ib._, 14.

[1087] _Ib._, 15-16: “maior caelitum populus etiam quam hominum intellegi

potest.”

[1088] II. 18: “Deus est mortali iuuare mortalem, est haec ad aeternam

gloriam uia.”

[1089] _Praef._ 16: “qui ... utilitatem iuuandi praetulerunt gratiae

placendi, idque iam et in aliis operibus ipse feci.”

[1090] VII. 2: “hominem tantum nudum et in nuda humo natali die abicit ad

uagitus statim et ploratum.” _Cf._ Lucret., V. 222-227.

[1091] VII. 3: “Heu, dementiam ab his initiis existimantium ad superbiam

se genitos!” 5: “At, hercules, homini plurima ex homine sunt mala”;

XVIII. 2-3: “ferro ipsi nocentius aliquid damus, nos et flumina

inficimus, et rerum naturae elementa ipsumque quo uiuitur aerem in

perniciem uertimus.”

[1092] XXII. 117-118: “parens illa ac diuina rerum artifex.... Naturae

quidem opera absoluta atque perfecta gignuntur.... Scrupulatim quidem

colligere ac miscere uires, non coniecturae humanae opus, sed impudentiae

est.”

[1093] XXII. 1 ... “nihil ab rerum natura sine aliqua occultiore causa

gigni”; XVIII. 1: “si quis aestimet uarietatem, numerum, flores, odores

coloresque et sucos ac uires earum (herbarum) quas salutis aut uoluptatis

hominum gratia gignit.”

[1094] XXIV. 1: “sacra illa parente rerum omnium nusquam non remedia

disponente homini”; 4: “Naturae placuerat esse remedia parata uolgo,” etc.

[1095] XXI. 1-2 ... “inenarrabili florum maxime subtilitate, quando

nulli potest facilius esse loqui quam rerum naturae pingere lasciuienti

praesertim et in magno gaudio fertilitatis tam uariae ludenti ... ne

pictura quidem sufficiente imagini colorum reddendae.”

[1096] The imprecation would be “sit tibi terra grauis.”

[1097] II. 154-155.

[1098] XVIII. 1: “Patrocinari terrae et adesse cunctorum parenti iuuat,

quamquam inter initia operis defensae.”

[1099] II. 157-158.

[1100] II. 174-175 ... “cum ad mensuram auaritiae suae propagauerit, quam

tandem portionem eius defunctus obtineat.”

[1101] XVIII. 19-21.

[1102] XXXIII. 148: “Asia primum deuicta luxuriam misit in Italiam”;

XXXIV. 34: “usque ad deuictam Asiam, unde luxuria.”

[1103] IX. 104-105, 114.

[1104] XII. 82-4.

[1105] XIII. 20.

[1106] XIX. 52-55.

[1107] XXII. 4: “Non est nunc propositum ista consectari.”

[1108] XVI. 14: “O mores aeternos qui tanta opera honore solo

donauerint....”

[1109] XIV. 2-6.

[1110] II. 117-118.

[1111] XXV. 22-23: “fortassis aliquibus curam nostram friuolam

existimaturis: adeo deliciis sordent quae ad salutem pertinent ...

misereri sortis humanae subit.”

[1112] XXXIII. 3: “Quam innocens, quam beata, immo uero et delicata esset

uita, si nihil aliunde quam supra terras concupisceret.”

[1113] _Antig._, 332 _sqq._: πολλὰ τὰ δεινὰ, κοὐδὲν ἀνθρώπου δεινότερον

πέλει, κ.τ.λ.

[1114] _N.H._, XXXIV. 138 (= Chap. xiv.).

[1115] Homer, VII. 108: “pretiosissimum humani animi opus”; XVII. 37:

“fons ingeniorum Homerus”; eulogy on Cicero, VII. 116-117, XVII. 38:

“Cicero, lux doctrinarum altera”; Virgil, VII. 114.

[1116] XXIX. 14.

[1117] _Praef._ 6: “uolgo scripta sunt”; 12-13: “(hi libelli) nec ingenii

sunt capaces, ... neque admittunt excessus aut orationes sermonesue ...

sterilis materia rerum natura, hoc est uita narratur....”

[1118] X. 9: “tendente ... abigente ... cadente ... ostendente ...

emergente.”

[1119] III. 39 _sqq._

[1120] XXXVII. 201.

[1121] Galdi, _L’Epitome nella letteratura lat._, 1922, pp. 157-174.

[1122] The dispute concerning the relation of Solinus to Pliny as a

source is discussed by Galdi, _op. cit._, pp. 159-166.

[1123] Welzhofer, _Bedas Citate aus der N.H._, in _Abhandln. W. v. Christ

dargebracht_, pp. 25-41, Münch., 1891.

[1124] Rück, _Auszüge aus d. Naturg. des P. in einem

astronomisch-komputist. Sammelwerke des 8-ten Jahrhts._, Münch., 1888.

[1125] Rück, _Das Excerpt der N.H. des P. von Robt. v. Cricklade_,

Münch., 1902; _Die Geographie u. Ethnographie der N.H. des P. im

Auszüge des R. v. Cricklade_, Münch., 1903 (with conspectus of Pliny’s

“Fortleben” prefixed).

[1126] Singer, _Greek Biology and Gk. Medicine_, Oxf., 1922, p. 63.

[1127] Tac., _H._, I. viii., IV. xliii.; _Ann._, XIII. xx., XIV. ii.;

Suet., _Ner._, xxi.; Dio, lxiii. 14.

[1128] Tac., _Agr._, x.; _Ann._, XIII. xx., XIV. ii., XV. lxi.

[1129] Tac., _Dial._, xv. 1, xxviii. 1-6, xxxii.; _H._, III. ix, xxv,

xxviii; IV. xlii.

[1130] Stat., _Sil._, IV. vii. 53 _sqq._

[1131] Tac., _Agr._, ii.; Suet., _Dom._, x.; Dio, lxvii. 13.

[1132] Suet., _Dom._, x.

[1133] Ed. pr., Campanus, Rome, 1470; Badius, Par., 1516; Gronov, Leyd.,

1665; Burman (with declamns.), Leyd., 1720; Caperonnier, Par., 1725;

Gesner, Gött., 1738 (Eng. ed., Oxf., 1806); Spalding, rec. et annot., 4

vols., Lpz., 1798-1816; vol. 5, indices, Zumpt, 1829; vol. 6, lexicon,

Bonnell, 1834; Bonnell (Teubn.), Lpz., 1854 _sqq._; Halm, Lpz., 1868

_sqq._; Meister, krit. Anm., Prag, 1886-1887; Radermacher, I.-VI., Lpz.,

1907.

Sep. bks.: I., Fierville, Par., 1890; Colson, Camb., 1924; X., J. E.

B. Mayor, Camb., 1872; Hild, Par., 1885; Bonnell, Berl., ed. 6, 1912;

Peterson, Oxf., 1891 (Introd. treats Q.’s life, lit. criticism, style,

MSS.); Dosson, Par., 1904.

Trans.: Guthrie, Lond., 1805; Watson (Bohn), Lond., 1856; Butler (Loeb),

Lond., 1920 _sqq._

Saintsbury, _Hist. of Criticism_, I., 1900, pp. 289-321, gives a readable

conspectus of the _Institutio_; _cf._ extracts in his _Loci Critici_,

1903. For comprehensive reports of modern studies on Q., Bursian’s

_Jahresberichte üb. d. Fortschritte d. class. Altertumswissenschaft_,

1887, 1901 and 1922.

[1134] Martial, II. xc. 1-2:

“Quintiliane, uagae moderator summe iuuentae,

Gloria Romanae, Quintiliane, togae.”

[1135] Hieron., _ann. Abr._, 2104 = A.D. 88, “Quintilianus ex Hispania

Calagurritanus”; Auson., _Prof. Burdig._, I. 7.

[1136] _I. Or._, IX. iii. 73. It is doubtful whether this is the

Quintilianus of Seneca’s _Contr._, X. _praef._ 2; _ib._, iv. 19.

[1137] _I. Or._, VI. i. 14 (_cf._ Tac., _Ann._, XIII. xxxiii.), V. vii.

7, XII. xi. 3.

[1138] Juv., VI. 452. Colson, _Quint._, I., _Introd._, p. x., suspects

the scholiast.

[1139] X. i. 24 and 118, VI. iii. 27 and 42, V. vii. 7, XII. x. 11.

[1140] Plin., _Ep._, VII. vi. 11.

[1141] _I. Or._, X. i. 102.

[1142] X. i. 119-120.

[1143] X. i. 119, XII. v. 5 and x. 11.

[1144] _I. Or._, X. i. 119, XII. x. 11; Tac., _Ann._, XIV. xxviii.,

_Hist._, II. x., IV. xli. and xliii.; _Dial._, viii. and xiii.

[1145] _I. Or._, X. i. 120, iii. 12.

[1146] Hieron., _ann. Abr._, 2084 = A.D. 68.

[1147] Hieron., _ann. Abr._, 2014 = A.D. 88: “Quintilianus ... primus

Romae publicam scholam et salarium e fisco accepit et claruit.” Jerome’s

date is too late; for Suet. _Vesp._, 18, shows that Vespasian, who died

A.D. 79, first gave the annual grant to _rhetores_.

[1148] Auson., _Grat. Act._, 7. Possibly Juvenal is thinking of the same

thing in VII. 197: “fies de rhetore consul.”

[1149] VI., _pr._ 16.

[1150] XI., ii. 39.

[1151] IV. i. 19 (“pro regina Berenice”), IV. ii. 86, VII. ii. 5 and 24,

IX. ii. 74 (where a ticklish case is cited from his own experience).

[1152] _Ep._, II. xiv. 9: “ita certe ex Quintiliano praeceptore meo

audisse memini.”

[1153] _Cf._ _I. Or._, I. ii. 4 _sqq._ with _Sat._, XIV. 31 _sqq._ In

X. 122 Juvenal cites as his example of Cicero’s bad verse one of the

well-known lines quoted in _I. Or._, XI. i. 24. When, however, Juvenal

was caned at school (I. 15), his master was presumably not Quintilian,

who did not believe in corporal punishment (_I. Or._, I. iii. 13).

[1154] Reuter, _De Qi. libro qui fuit de causis corrupt. eloq._, Bresl.

1887.

[1155] _I. Or._, VI. _pro._ 3, VIII. iii. 76, II. iv. 42 (“alio quoque

libro”), II. x. 3-5, V. xii. 17-23, VIII. iii. 57-58 (“corrupta oratio”).

[1156] VII. ii. 24.

[1157] IV. i. 19, IX. ii. 73-74.

[1158] I. _pro._ 7.

[1159] See introd. epistle to Trypho, 1-3, I. _pr._ 1.

[1160] Colson, _op. cit._, p. xvi., suggests an earlier date, A.D. 86, as

a possibility, on the ground that twenty years of teaching might include

an unknown period in Spain.

[1161] I. _pr._ 21-22.

[1162] J. Overbeck, in an art., “Die Entdeckung d. Kindes im I.

Jahrht. n. Chr.” (_Neue Jahrbr. für d. klass. Altertum_, liii.-liv.,

1924), establishes, from literary and medical sources, the intelligent

interest taken at this period in children and their upbringing. Stoicism

contributed to it.

[1163] See chap. on “Roman Education under the Empire,” esp. pp. 27-29.

[1164] II. xii. 4-7: “maledicit ... laudari disertum.”

[1165] II. xii. 12.

[1166] II. xiii. 2.

[1167] II. xiii. 15-17.

[1168] II. xvi. 12-19: “deus ille, parens rerum fabricatorque mundi nullo

magis hominem separauit ... quam dicendi facultate.”

[1169] I. _pr._ 9-10, II. ii. (whole section), II. xv. 1, XII. i. 1.

[1170] II. xxi. 14.

[1171] I. _pr._ 16, XII. ii. 10, XII. iii. and iv.

[1172] III. i. 8-21.

[1173] III. viii. 49.

[1174] V. xii. 17-23.

[1175] VI. iii. 6.

[1176] VII. i. 42-62.

[1177] VIII. _pr._ 3.

[1178] VIII. _pr._ 27.

[1179] _Ib._, 28 and 31.

[1180] VIII. iii. 1.

[1181] From another standpoint oratorical prose may be “simple” or

“grand” or “intermediate,” X. i. 44: _Cf._ XII. x. 58-61 and 63.

[1182] X. i. 73, 32 (_cf._ 101 for Livy); 32 and 102 (for Sallust).

[1183] Claussen, _Quaest. Quintilianeae_ (Fleckeisen, Jahrb. Suppl., 6),

Lpz., 1873; Dionys. Halic., _lib. de imitatione rel._, ed. Usener, Bonn,

1889. Usener denies Q.’s dependence on Dionys., but see Peterson, ed. Bk.

X., Intr., pp. xxx. _sqq._; Heydenreich, _De Quintiliani Inst. Or. libro

X., de Dionysii de imitatione libro_, II., etc., Erl., 1900.

[1184] Nettleship, _Lity. Criticism in Lat. Antiquity_ in _Jrnl.

Philol._, XVIII., pp. 225 _sqq._; Cole, _Q.’s Quotatns. fr. Lat. poets_,

C.R., XX. (1906), p. 47.

[1185] X. i. 105-112. The test of real progress, he says, lies in the

student’s enjoyment of Cicero: “ille se profecisse sciat cui Cicero ualde

placebit.”

[1186] X. i. 125-131. Rocheblave, _De Q. Senecae iudice_, Par., 1890,

defends Seneca against Q.’s antagonism.

[1187] X. i. 98-99.

[1188] XI. iii. 30: “in quo nulla neque rusticitas neque peregrinitas

resonat.”

[1189] XI. iii. 126: “quot milia passuum declamasset.”

[1190] Eurip. _Hec._, ll. 254 _sqq._

[1191] _E.g._ II. xvii. 19 (false argument comparable to a military

ruse); _ib._, 36 (strict veracity may be postponed to public utility).

[1192] XII. x. 35-36.

[1193] _Ib._, 40.

[1194] _Ib._, 48.

[1195] _Ib._, 51.

[1196] _Ib._, 58-61.

[1197] _Ib._, 73.

[1198] _Ib._, 79.

[1199] _Ib._, 80.

[1200] XII. xi. 8: “id uiro bono satis est docuisse quod sciret.”

[1201] XII. xi. 10.

[1202] XII. xi. 17.

[1203] XII. xi. 30.

[1204] His _prooemium de scriptoribus artis rhetoricae_ (III. i.), as

indicated, is a kind of ancient bibliography for rhetoric. For modern

works on his sources, see Schanz, _op. cit._

[1205] I. i. 4 and 16, etc.

[1206] It has been calculated that he refers to over 450 passages of

Cicero and nearly a third as many Virgilian passages.

[1207] XII. vi. 4: “plusque, si separes, usus sine doctrina quam citra

usum doctrina ualet.”

[1208] X. ii. 24: “non qui maxime imitandus et solus imitandus est.”

[1209] XII. x. 45.

[1210] X. iii. 13-14.

[1211] _E.g._, XXX.: φῶς γὰρ τῷ ὄντι ἴδιον τοῦ νοῦ τὰ καλὰ ὀνόματα.

[1212] See Laurie, _Hist. Survey of Pre-Christian Educn._, Lond.,

1895. Colson, _op. cit._, Introd., gives an account of Q.’s relation

to the education of his times, his own educational principles, his

scheme for teaching the mother-tongue and a brief comparison with

(pseudo-)Plutarch’s _De Liberorum Educatione_ and Tacitus’s _Dial._

[1213] Froment, _Quid e Qi. orat. institutione ad liberos ingenue nunc

educandos excerpi possit_, thes., Par., 1874; H. A. Strong, _Q. the Roman

Schoolmaster_ (_Some of his probable views on mod. educn._), Univ. Press,

Liverp., 1908.

[1214] II. v. 21-22.

[1215] On Q.’s style, Peterson, Bk. X., _Intr._, pp. xxxix. _sqq._;

Bonnell’s _Lexicon_ (_Proleg._); Dosson, Bk. X. (_Remarques sur la

langue de Q._); Marty, _De Quintilianeo usu et copia verborum cum Cic.

comparatis_, 1886.

[1216] Fuller lists are given by Peterson, _op. cit._, xli. _sqq._

[1217] Hirt, _Ueber d. Substantivierung des Adject. bei Q._, Berl., 1890.

[1218] “Pas un seul augmentatif en _per-_,” Laurand, _Manuel des études

gr. et lat._, Par., 1918, p. 606.

[1219] Q.’s _clausulae_ have been examined by Gladisch, _De Clausulis

Quintilianeis_, Bresl., 1909, and De Groot, _Der antike Prosarhythmus_,

Gron., 1921. Their statistics are arrived at by different methods, but

both indicate considerable contrast (though apparently not the same

amount of contrast) between Cic. and Q.

[1220] _E.g._ IV. ii. 122.

[1221] IV. ii. 127: “perire artem putamus nisi apparet, cum desinat ars

esse si apparet.”

[1222] Colson, Bk. I., _Intr._, traces through the centuries the evidence

for knowledge of either the _Institutio_ or its author.

[1223] To this century belongs the “Liber Glossarum,” that portentous

medieval collection of glosses, which was perhaps compiled by Adelhard,

abbot of Corbie. Three scraps from Q.’s ninth book are quoted in the

medieval glossaries to exemplify the use of _pugnaciter_, _caesim_ and

_austera_, but there is no proof whether these come direct from the text

or through some intermediary. See Mountford, _Quotations fr. class.

authors in medieval glossaries_ (Cornell publn.), New Yk. and Lond.,

1925, pp. 85-86.

[1224] Colson, _op. cit._, li.

[1225] It survives as Parasinus, 7720.

[1226] _C.R._ xxi. (1907), pp. 33 _sqq._

[1227] For Q.’s influence on humanism, see Colson, _op. cit._, pp.

lxiv. _sqq._, and Messer, _Q. als Didaktiker u. sein Einfluss auf die

didaktisch-pädagogische Theorie des Humanismus_ in _Neue Jahrb._, 1897.

[1228] _Essay on Criticism_, ll. 669-694; _cf._ Pope’s own notes.

[1229] _The longer declns._, Merula, Ven., 1481; with Tac., _Dial._,

Oxf., 1675, 1692; _Inst. Or. et Declam. XIX. et Calpurn. Flacci Declam._,

c. not.... Burm., 3 vols., Leyd., 1720; Lehnert, Lpz., 1905 (to some

extent based on Dessauer’s _Handschriftliche Grundlage_, 1898). _Cf._

Reitzenstein, _Studien zu Q.’s grösser. Declam._, Strassb., 1909. Trans.:

Warr, “from the Oxford Ed.,” Lond., 1686. _The Tenth Declam._, Robinson

Ellis, Lond. and Oxf., 1911.

_The shorter_: ed. pr. Ugoletus, Parma, 1494; Aerodius, Par., 1563

(136 pieces), Pithoeus, Par., 1580 (all the 145 extant); Ritter, Lpz.,

1884 (_cf._ Ritter’s _Die Quintilianische Decl., Untersuchung üb. Art

u. Herkunft_, Freib. u. Tüb., 1881.) Against Ritter’s belief in their

authenticity may be put Trabandt, _De minoribus ... declam._, Greifsw.,

1883; Fleiber, _De minoribus_, etc., Münst., 1890.

[1230] Ritter, _Quintilianische Declam._, 1881; groups (1) I.; (2) X.;

(3) II., IV., V., VII., VIII., XI., XIV.-XIX.; (4), a group which may

show the influence of Quintilian or a pupil, III., VI., IX., XII., XIII.

[1231] Reitzenstein, _op. cit._; Golz, _Der rhythmische Satzschluss in d.

gröss. pseudo-Quintilianischen Decl._, Bresl., 1913; esp. pp. 61 _sqq._

[1232] Hammer, _Beitr. zu den 19 gröss_ ... Münch., 1893, p. 44. Ellis,

_Notes on the 19 Larger Decl._, in _Hermathena_, 1909, pp. 328 _sqq._,

alludes to these almost forgotten exercises as “dating perhaps from the

second, perhaps from the fourth century A.D.” The latter alternative

seems too late.

[1233] Trebell. Poll., _Trig. Tyr._, iv. 2; Auson., _Prof. Burdig._, i.

15-16.

[1234] _I. Or._, I. _pro._ 7.

[1235] _E.g._ The charge of attempted parricide brought against a son

found mixing poison in No. ccclxxvii. may be compared with Sen., _Cont._,

VII. iii., and No. xvii. of the longer declamations.

[1236] cccxl.; _cf._ Suet., _De Rhet._, i. The case is stated in the

chapter on Roman education, p. 34 _supra_.

[1237] _Ossa eruta parricidae_, ccxcix.; Ritter, p. 180.

[1238] _Cf._ Liban., _Decl._, xlix., with the first of the xix. longer

declamations.

[1239] _I. Or._, III. i. 21.

[1240] Mart., V. lvi. 6: “famae Tutilium suae relinquat.”

[1241] _I. Or._, III. i. 21: “parco nominibus uiuentium.”

[1242] Hieron., _Ann. Abr._, 2092 = A.D. 76; _cf._ Tac., _Dial._, xxvi.

II.

[1243] Text: _Strategem._, ed. pr. (with Aelian, Vegetius, Modestus),

Rome, 1487; Modius, Leid., 1607; Oudendorp, Leid., 1731, 1779;

Gundermann, Lpz., 1888; Eng. trans., Scott, Lond., 1816. _De Aquis_,

ed. pr. (with Vitruvius), Pompon. Laetus, 1484-1492; Polenus (_Proleg.

vita_, etc.), Pad., 1722; Dederich (with Germ. tr.), Wesel, 1841; Nisard

(with Fr. tr.), Par., 1846; Bücheler, Lpz., 1858; Herschel (with facsim.

of MS., and Eng. tr.), Bost., 1899; Krohn, Lpz., 1922. Complete Wks.:

Keuchen, Amst., 1661; Bipont ed., 1788; Dederich, Lpz., 1855; McElwain

(Eng. tr.), Loeb ed., Lond. and N. Yk., 1925. To consult: Lanciani,

_Topografia di Roma antica, i commentarii di Frontino intorno le acque_

(_Memorie ... della Accad. dei Lincei_, bol. 4), Rome, 1881; Ashby,

_Die antiken Wasserleitungen d. Stadt Rom_ (_Neue Jahrb. f. d. klass.

Altert._, 1909) (with his maps in _Builder_, Jan. 11, 1908, in _Papers

of Brit. School at Rome_, and, in part, in “Livellazione degli antichi

acquedotti romani,” _Memorie della società italiana delle scienze_, etc.

ser. 3, vol. XX., 1917, by Reina, Corbellini and Ducci).

[1244] _Epig._ X. lviii. 5-6: “Doctas tecum celebrare uacabat Pieridas.”

[1245] Tac., _H._, IV. xxxix.

[1246] Tac., _Agr._, xvii: “sustinuit molem Iulius Frontinus.”

[1247] _Strat._, I. i. 8, I. iii. 10, II. iii. 23, II. xi. 7.

[1248] Domitian’s cognomen “Germanicus” is mentioned, _Strat._, II. xi.

7; he got it in A.D. 84.

[1249] _Strat._, I., _ad init._: “cum ad instruendam rei militaris

scientiam unus ex numero studiosorum eius accesserim....”

[1250] _De Aq._, _praef._ 1: “nosse quod suscepi”; 2: “indecorum ...

delegatum officium ex adiutorum agere praeceptis.”

[1251] _Ep._, IV. viii.

[1252] See Lachmann’s _Gromatici Veteres_, 1848.

[1253] _Strat._, I. _praef._: “cum hoc opus, sicut cetera, usus potius

aliorum quam meae commendationis causa aggressus sim.”

[1254] Fritze, _De F. Strat. libro IV._, diss., Halle, 1888; Esternaux,

_Die Komposition von Frontins Strat._, progr., Berl., 1889; Kortz,

_Quaest. grammat. de F. operibus institutae_, diss., Münst., 1893.

[1255] Wölfflin, _Frontins Kriegslisten_, in _Herm._, IX. (1875), points

out resemblances in thought despite the difference of subject; and the

occurrence of significant similarities like _conuolnerare_, _Strat._, II.

v. 31, _Aq._ 27 and 115; _depressus_ = _humilis_, _Str._, I. v. 24, _Aq._

65; _adiutorium_ = _auxilium_, _Str._ II. v. 11, _Aq._ 14 and 67.

[1256] Wölfflin, _Herm._, IX., instances _ad_ with geographical names

used differently from F.’s usage; _traditur_ used impersonally; total

absence in Bk. IV. of certain phrases recurrent in F. like _ob hoc_,

_ob id_, _et ideo_, _ideoque_, _eoque_; and unnecessary use of _suus_

with _frater_, _filius_, etc. There seems very little in the last point.

In IV. i. 32 _suum_ is properly added to _fratrem_ for emphasis; but

_filium_ in 40 and _fratrem_ in 41 have no _suum_.

[1257] This was Wachsmuth’s view, _Rh. Mus._, XV. (1860), pp. 574-583.

Wölfflin agreed, _Herm._, IX. (1875), p. 91: “wir haben aber keinen

Grund Wachsmuth zu widersprechen, wenn er die Entstehung des Buches (=

_Strat._, IV.) in das vierte, oder auch fünfte, Jahrh. setzt.”

[1258] _Quaest. de ... strat. libris_ in _Fleckeis. Jahr. Suppl._, 1888.

[1259] Schanz, _Philol._, xlviii. (1889), p. 647; _Gesch. d. röm. Lit._,

II. ii., p. 512. See _Str._ IV. iii. 14: “Lingonum opulentissima ciuitas

... septuaginta milia armatorum tradidit mihi.”

[1260] _Praef._, par. 4, reads like an addition designed to account for

the existence of a fourth book on a commander’s strategics as a pendant

to the special stratagems of I.-III.

[1261] _Str._, IV. v. 8, is the same as I. v. 12 except for _perrupit_

changed to _erupit_; IV. v. 9 shows a few slight changes on I. v. 14; and

IV. v. 10 and 11 = I. v. 15 and I. xi. 3.

[1262] II. iv. 15 and 16 come from IV. vii. 4. and 41.

[1263] I. i. 11 is repeated as I. v. 13.

[1264] _Cf._ Livy, II. x., with _Strat._, II. xiii. 5.

[1265] _Strat._, III. _praef._: “machinamentis quorum expleta iampridem

inuentione nullam uideo ultra artium materiam.”

[1266] Perhaps one of his closest copies is _Str._, I. v. 16, based on

Liv., XXXV. xi. Here, Livy’s “Caudinae cladis memoria ... obuersabatur”

becomes “obuersaretur Caudinae cladis exemplum”; “per ludibrium

spectaculo esse” is repeated word for word; and “subditis calcaribus

inter medias stationes hostium erupere” becomes “additis calcaribus per

intermissas hostium stationes eruperunt.”

[1267] _E.g._ Liv., I. xxvii.; Val. Max., VII. iv. 1; _Str._, II. vii.

1. Here Frontinus seems independent of Val. Max., though, like him, he

happens to introduce the word _fiducia_.

[1268] In _Str._, IV. i. 31 a dozen consecutive words (but for a change

of an adjective to a noun) are identical with Val. Max., II. vii. 4.

[1269] _De Aq._, _praef._ 1: “Nerua Augusto”; 93: “Traianum Augustum”;

118: “diuus Nerua.” Krohn (Teubner ed., 1922) defends in his preface the

title _De Aquaeductu Vrbis Romae_.

[1270] _Praef._ 2.

[1271] _De Aq._, 88: “Sentit hanc curam imperatoris piissimi Neruae

principis sui regina et domina orbis in dies, et magis sentiet salubritas

eiusdem aucto castellorum, operum, munerum et lacuum numero. Nec minus

ad priuatos commodum ex incremento beneficiorum eius diffunditur; illi

quoque qui timidi inlicitam aquam ducebant, securi nunc ex beneficiis

fruuntur. Ne pereuntes quidem aquae otiosae sunt: alia munditiarum

facies, purior spiritus, et causae grauioris caeli quibus apud ueteres

urbis infamis aer fuit, sunt remotae.”

[1272] _De Aq._, 16: “Tot aquarum tam multis necessariis molibus

pyramidas uidelicet otiosas compares aut cetera inertia sed fama

celebrata opera Graecorum.”

[1273] Plin., _Ep._, IX. xix. 6.

[1274] _De Aq._, 100-101, 104, 106, 108.

[1275] _De Aq._, 7, 76, 97. Vitruvius, the architect, is mentioned twice

in 25.

[1276] _Eg._ “Citra uexationem,” _Str._, I. viii. 9; “circa praedam

occupatos,” I. vi. 3; “circa gratulationem morantis,” II. ix. 8;

“quamquam dissimularent,” I. ii. 9; “instructuris,” II. _praef._ 1;

“traditurus,” III. _praef._

[1277] _Philipp._, XIII. xix. 43: “uerbum omnino nullum in lingua Latina.”

[1278] “adiutorium,” IV. vii. 31; _cf._ II. v. 11; “foret,” IV. vi.

3, vii. 9; _cf._ “forent,” III. xvi. 3; “notabilis,” IV. iii. 13

(“notabiliter,” IV. i. 1); _cf._ III. viii. 2; “subinde,” IV. i. 1, vii.

13; and often in the earlier books.

[1279] Text: ed. pr., Ruger, et Bertoch., Bolog., 1474; Badius, Par.,

1517; Ald., Ven., 1523; Carrio, Antw., 1565; Heinsius, Amst., 1680;

Burman, c. not. varior., Utr., 1702, Leyd., 1724; Harles, Altenb.,

1781; Wagner, c. comm. perpet., Gött., 1805; Lemaire, Par., 1825; Thilo

(proleg.), Halle, 1863; Schenkl, Berl., 1871; E. Bährens, Lpz., 1875;

Langen, Berl., 1897; Giarratano, Mil., 1904; Bury in _Corp. P. Lat._,

Lond., 1905; Kramer, Lpz., 1913.

Trans.: Book I. (Eng. verse), T. Noble, 1808; (text w. Fr. verse) Dureau

de Lamalle, 3 vols., Par., 1811; Fr. prose w. Lemaire text in Didot ed.,

1864.

Studies: Greiff, _De ... Argonauticis cum ... Aeneide comparatis_,

Trient, 1869; Schenkl, _Studien zu d. Argon. des V. Fl._ in _Sitzungsber.

d. Wien Akad._, p. 271, 1871; Gebbing, _De V. Fl. tropis et figuris_,

Marb., 1878; _De V. Fl. dicendi genere_, Cobl., 1888; Peters, _De V. Fl.

vita et carmine_, Königsb., 1890; Moltzer, _De Ap. Rhodii et V. Flacci

Argon._, Utr., 1891; Summers, _A Study of the Arg. of V. Fl._, Camb.,

1894; Harmand, _De V. Flacco Ap. Rhodii imitatore_ (bibliog.), Nancy,

1898; Heeren, _De Chorographia a V. Fl. adhibita_, Gött., 1899; Renkema,

_Observ. crit. et exeget. ad Argon._, Utr., 1906.

[1280] _Arg._, I. 5 _sqq._; _cf._ III. 417 _sqq._, VIII. 239 _sqq._

[1281] I. 7 _sqq._

[1282] III. 207, IV. 507.

[1283] Valerius is not consistent about the Argo as first of ships.

However strange its building may be considered in the Thessaly of Bk. I.,

the Lemnians of Bk. II. are supposed to have sailed back in ships from

Thrace (II. 108-111), and Hypsipyle sent her father off secretly in an

old ship (II. 285-287).

[1284] _Odys._, xii. 70: Ἀργώ πᾶσι μέλουσα.

[1285] Prob. ad _Georg._, II. 126: “Media ... a Medo, filio Medeae et

Aegei, ut existimat Varro qui iv. libros de Argonautis edidit.”

[1286] Summers, _A Study of the Argonautica_, pp. 15 _sqq._

[1287] I. 275:

“... Sparguntur litore curuo

Lumina nondum ullis terras monstrantia nautis.”

[1288] I. 311: “Alma nouo crispans pelagus Tithonia Phoebo.”

[1289] I. 558-560.

[1290] I. 723-724:

“Sunt hic etiam tua uulnera, praedo,

Sunt lacrimae carusque parens.”

[1291] _Cf._ _Arg._, I. 833-851 with _Aen._, VI. 638-641 and 660-664.

Many words are intentional echoes, _amoena_, _deueniant_, _campos_, _sol_.

[1292] II. 38-47:

“Auxerat hora metus, iam se uertentis Olympi

Vt faciem raptosque simul montesque locosque

Ex oculis circumque graues uidere tenebras.

Ipsa quies rerum mundique silentia terrent

Astraque et effusis stellatus crinibus aether.

Ac uelut ignota captus regione uiarum

Noctiuagum qui carpit iter non aure quiescit,

Non oculis, noctisque metus niger auget utrimque

Campus et occurrens umbris maioribus arbor,

Haud aliter trepidare uiri.”

[1293] III. 596-597:

“Rursus Hylan et rursus Hylan per longa reclamat

Auia: responsant siluae et uaga certat imago.”

[1294] III. 724-725.

[1295] IV. 744: “Certa fides animis idem quibus incidit hostis.”

[1296] V. 343-347.

[1297] VI. 493-495.

[1298] VII. ll. 89 _sqq._

[1299] VII. 415-416.

[1300] VII. 429-430.

[1301] VII. 477, a highly alliterative line:

“Sis memor, oro, mei, contra memor ipsa manebo.”

[1302] _Aen._, IV. 323-324.

[1303] VIII. 419 _sqq._

[1304] VIII. 439 _sqq._

[1305] VIII. 458 _sqq._

[1306] Summers, _A Study_, etc., pp. 18-26; Butler, _Post-Augustan

Poetry_, pp. 182-188.

[1307] Schenkl, _Studien_, pp. 279 _sqq._; Summers, _op. cit._, pp. 2-3;

_cf._ p. 6.

[1308] Summers, _op. cit._, p. 7.

[1309] I. 5-6, 7-17, 20-21.

[1310] I. 559; II. 245, 304, 574.

[1311] VI. 53-56, 402 _sqq._; 410, 420.

[1312] VII. 83-86, 232-234.

[1313] Summers, _op. cit._, pp. 8-12.

[1314] Juv., I. 10-11.

[1315] See Gebbing’s pamphlets in bibliog.; and Summers, _op. cit._, esp.

pp. 42-49.

[1316] III. 208-209:

“ut mugitor anhelat

Vesuius, attonitas acer cum suscitat urbes.”

[1317] IV., 462, 501, 542, 549.

[1318] Summers, _op. cit._, p. 54, gives a list of alliterations from the

first four books.

[1319] Summers, _op. cit._, p. 62, gives references to ten; _e.g._ IV.

158: “melior uulgi nam saepe uoluntas” (“a people’s heart is often better

than their king’s”).

[1320] _Eg._ Similes become especially frequent in the description of

the fighting in Bk. III., and in Hercules’s alarm over the absence of

Hylas (III. 577, 581, 587). Among natural and pathetic similes is that on

children praying that their father seriously ill may be spared (V. 22-24).

[1321] VII. 124 _sqq._; IV. 507.

[1322] V. 43: “ubi monstriferae par ille nouercae?”

[1323] Ed. pr., Sweynheym et Pannartz, Rome, 1471; Parm., 1481; Mil.,

1481; c. Marsi schol., Ven., 1483, 1492, 1493, and Par., 1512; Benessa,

Lugd., 1514; Nicander (wilful interpolations), Flor., 1515; F. Asulanus,

(Aldine) Ven., 1523; D. Heinsius, Leyd., 1600; Drakenborch, Utr., 1717;

Ernesti, Lpz., 1791; Ruperti, Gött., 1795-1798; Nisard, ed. Didot (Fr.

prose tr.), Par., 1878; Bauer, Lpz., 1890-1892; Summers, _C.P.L._, Lond.,

1905.

Eng. trans.: Thos. Ross, _Second Punick War_ (_w. continuation to Death

of Hannibal_) Lond., 1661.

On Sources, etc.: Wezel, _De Sil. Ital. cum fontibus tum exemplis_,

diss., Lpz., 1873; Heynacher, _Die Quellen des Sil._, Ilfeld, 1874; _Die

Stellung des Sil. unter d. Quellen des 2ᵗᵉⁿ pun. Kriegs_, Ilf., 1877

(attempt to displace Livy as Silius’s source in favour of some early

annalist like Fabius Pictor); Kerer, _Ueber d. Abhängigkeit des S.I. von

Livius_, Bozen, 1881; Schlichteisen, _De fide historica Silii_, Königeb.,

1881; Bauer, _Das Verhältn. der Pun. des S.I. zur 3. Dekade des Livius_,

Erlang., 1884.

On Date of Composn., etc.: Schinkel, _Quaest. Silianae_, diss., Halle,

1883; Buchwald, _Quaest. Sil._, diss., Bresl., 1886.

On Language: Zingerle, _Zu späteren lat. Dichtern_, Heft II., pp. 12

_sqq._; “Zu Lucan, Silius, Martial,” Innsb., 1879; Brandstäter, _De Pun.

... argumento, stilo, ornatu poetico_, Witten, 1877; Occioni, _L’arte in

S. Ital._, etc., in _Scritti di lett. latina_, Rome, 1891; Lindblom, _In

S. Ital. Punica Quaestiones_, Upsal., 1906.

[1324] Tac., _Hist._, III. lxv.; Mart. VII. lxiii., VIII. lxvi., IX.

lxxxvi., XI. xlviii. and l., XII. lxvii. 5.

[1325] From the _fasti sodalium Augustalium Claudialium_ (_C.I.L._, VI.,

1984; Dessau, 5025).

[1326] Mart., VII. lxiii. 5-8; _cf._ IX. lxxxvi. 2: “Ausonio non semel

ore potens.”

[1327] Epict., _Diss._, III. 8, 7.

[1328] Mart., IV. xiv. 1-5.

[1329] Mart., VII. lxiii. 1-2:

“Perpetui numquam moritura uolumina Sili

Qui legis.”

Martial’s seventh book belongs to the end of 92.

[1330] Bickels, _Rh. M._, 66 (1911), p. 505.

[1331] _Pun._, II. 215:

“Sicut agit leuibus per sera crepuscula pennis

E pastu uolucres ad nota cubilia Vesper;

Aut, ubi Cecropius formidine nubis aquosae

Sparsa super flores examina tollit Hymettos,

Ad dulces ceras et odori corticis antra

Mellis apes grauidae properant, densoque uolatu,

Raucum connexae glomerant ad limina murmur.”

[1332] III. 145: “Quantum etenim distant a morte silentia uitae!”

[1333] IV. 603-604.

[1334] IV. 791-795.

[1335] V. 673-676:

“Fronte minae durant, et stant in uultibus irae.

Et uereor no quae tanta creat indole tellus

Magnanimos fecunda uiros, huic fata dicarint

Imperium, atque ipsis deuincat cladibus orbem.”

[1336] VI. 118 _sqq._

[1337] VI. 373 _sqq._

[1338] VIII. 144-223 belong to this digression, and first appeared in the

Aldine ed., 1523, supplying a lacuna in earlier edns. Their genuineness

is effectively defended by Heitland, _Jrl. Phil._, XXIV., 1896.

[1339] VIII. 327-348.

[1340] VIII. 408-411.

[1341] VIII. 593 _sqq._

[1342] IX. 250-251.

[1343] IX. 346-353.

[1344] X. 521 _sqq._

[1345] X. 572 _sqq._

[1346] X. 629.

[1347] XIV. 341 _sqq._

[1348] XV. 26-27:

“lasciuaque crebras

Ancipiti motu iaciebant lumina flammas.”

[1349] _Eg._ esp. XV. 53-67.

[1350] XVII. 213-217, an imitation of Lucan’s description of Pompey’s

farewell to Italy, _Phars._, III. 3-5.

[1351] XVII. 608-612.

[1352] On the oratorical side also Silius departs from Livy’s themes

without any intention of making his speeches historical in effect. See R.

B. Steele, “The Method of Silius Italicus,” _Class. Philol._, XVII., 1922.

[1353] The conventionality of the similes is emphasized by their

frequency, and their effectiveness proportionally lessened. At least

15 occur in Bk. VII., 13 in Bk. X., 11 in Bk. XVII. They are sometimes

elaborated to 6 or 7 lines, sometimes restricted to a few words, _e.g._

“ut torrens,” XV. 712, the first of 5 similes in 3 lines.

[1354] It was unfortunate for Silius that his employment of proper names

and the position assigned to them in his metrical structure followed

Lucan’s manner rather than Virgil’s.

[1355] IV. 173-174, V. 455-456, XIII. 246-248, XV. 470 (“absciso durabant

murmura collo”).

[1356] XIV. 550.

[1357] XV. 767-768.

[1358] _Phars._, II. 203; _Pun._, IV. 553, IX. 321.

[1359] V. 210 _sqq._, VI. 300 (“praesumta piacula”).

[1360] IV. 82-87.

[1361] IV. 481, XI. 513-515, XV. 676-677.

[1362] III. 285-286:

“qui sacratas in littore siluas

Atque inter frondes reuirescere uiderat aurum.”

[1363] I. 179; XI. 186-188; XV. 20-120, 819-820.

[1364] XIII. 772-734.

[1365] _Cf._ VIII. 290-291: “nigro adlatrauerat ore uictorem inuidia.”

[1366] _Pun._, I. 231-233:

“Astur auarus

Visceribus lacerae telluris mergitur imis,

Et redit infelix effosso concolor auro”;

_Silu._, IV. vii. 14-16:

“Dalmatae montes, ubi Dite uiso

Pallidus fossor redit erutoque

Concolor auro.”

[1367] _Cf._ Ennius’s “At tuba terribili sonitu taratantara dixit,” and

Virgil, _Aen._, IX. 503:

“At tuba terribilem sonitum procul aere canoro

Increpuit.”

[1368] _Cf._ _Iliad_, XVI. 215: ἀσπὶς ἄρ’ ἀσπίδ’ ἔρειδε, κόρυς κόρυν,

ἀνέρα δ’ ἀνήρ: Ennius, “premitur pede pes atque armis arma teruntur”;

Furius Antias (_c._ 100 B.C.) ap. Macrob., _Sat._, VI. iii. 5: “pressatur

pede pes, mucro mucrone, uiro uir”; Virg., _Aen._, X. 361: “haeret pede

pes densusque uiro uir”; and Statius, perhaps reminded by Silius, takes

over this conventional line, _Theb._, VIII. 399: “ense minax ensis,

pede pes, et cuspide cuspis.” The half-dozen lines in Silius (IX. 321

_sqq._) make a good example of a mosaic of archaisms; Lucan is imitated

in “nec ... artatis cecidisse licet”; the rare _flictu_ is Pacuvian and

Virgilian; _fatiscit_ echoes Virgil; and the alliteration introduced is

designedly quaint.

[1369] Text: ed. pr., Rome,(?) 1475; c. comm., Ven., 1483, 1494; Aldus,

Ven., 1502 and 1519; Tiliobroga (= Lindenbrog), Par., 1600; Gronov.,

Amst., 1653; Veenhusen (varior. not.), Leyd., 1671; _Theb._, i.-vi., O.

Müller, Lpz., 1870; Opera, 3 vols., Lpz., 1884-1902 (_Silv._, _Achill._,

Klotz.; _Theb._, Kohlmann; commentarios rec. Jahnke); _Theb._, _Achill._,

Wilkins in _C.P.L._, Lond., 1905; Garrod, Oxf., 1906; _Siluae_: Markland,

Lond., 1728; Vollmer (Germ. comment.), Lpz., 1898; Davies in _C.P.L._,

Lond., 1905; Phillimore, Oxf., 1905; ed. 2, 1917; Sänger, Petrogr., 1909;

Klotz, ed. 2, Lpz., 1911.

Comment.: Gronovii, _In Silv. ... Diatribe_, Hag., 1637 (also in

Veenhusen’s ed., 1671); Nohl, _Quaest. Stat._, Berl., 1871; Lehanneur,

_De P. P. Statii Vita et Operibus Quaest._, thèse, La Rochelle, 1878;

Vollmer, Introd. to ed. of _Silv._, 1898; Legras, _Les légendes Théb.

dans l’epopée et la tragéd. grecq._, Par., 1905; _Étude sur la Théb.

de Stace_, Par., 1905; _Les Puniques et la Thébaïde_ (_Rev. d. étud.

anciennes_), 1906; Giri, in _Riv. di filol. ... classica_, vol. 35, 3,

1907 (biogr. points).

Eng. Trans.: _Theb._, 5 Bks. (verse), Stephens, 1648; _Achill._ (verse),

Howard, 1660; _Theb._, Bk. I., Pope (heroic couplets), transd. 1703,

pubd. 1712 (also in Chalmers’s _Wks. of Eng. Poets_, Vol. XX., 1810);

_Theb._, Lewis (couplets), ed. 2, 1773; _Silv._, II. vii. (“Lucan’s

Birthday,” octosyll.); _C.R._, XXI. (1907), p. 92; _Silv._, Slater

(prose), Oxf., 1908.

[1370] _Silv._, V. iii. 72-73: “mihi limine primo ... ceu raptus,” etc.,

implies that Statius regarded his father, although a man of 65, as having

been snatched away from vigorous manhood by an untimely death.

[1371] _Silv._, IV. iv. 69-70: “nos facta aliena canendo vergimur in

senium.”

[1372] Juv., VII. 86. This must have been before Paris’s loss of

Domitian’s favour in 83.

[1373] Juv., VII. 82.

[1374] _Silv._, I. _praef._: “adhuc pro Thebaide mea, quamuis me

reliquerit, timeo.” The words in _Silv._, IV. iv. 89, “Thebais optato

collegit carbasa portu” (published in A.D. 95), apparently refer to the

attainment of fame by the _Thebaid_ some time after publication.

[1375] _Silv._, I. v. 8, III. ii. 40 and 142, III. v. 35-36.

[1376] _Theb._, XII. 810 _sqq._:

“Durabisne procul dominoque legere superstes,

O mihi bissenos multum uigilata per annos,

Thebaï....”

_Cf._ _Silv._, IV. vii. 26: “Thebais multa cruciata lima.”

[1377] _Silv._, IV. iv. 94-96.

[1378] _Ib._, IV. vii. 23-24: “primis ecce metis haeret Achilles”; V. v.

36-37: “pudeat Thebasque nouumque Aeaciden.”

[1379] V. ii. 162-163.

[1380] Postgate’s _C.P.L._, p. 430.

[1381] As a Livian epitomator he is discussed by Galdi, _L’Epitome nella

letteratura latina_, 1922, pp. 40-43.

[1382] _Silv._, IV. iv. 48-55:

“sed uiget ingenium et magnos accinctus in usus

fert animus quascumque uices....”

[1383] _Silv._, IV. ii.

[1384] _Silv._, IV. vi.

[1385] _Silv._, IV. vi. 12-14:

“nobis uerus amor medioque Helicone petitus

sermo hilaresque ioci brumalem absumere noctem

suaserunt.”

[1386] The exact total is 9741 hexameters.

[1387] _Theb._, I. 536 _sqq._:

“Noua deinde pudori

Visa uirum facies: pariter pallorque ruborque

Purpureas hausere genas oculique uerentis

Ad sanctum rediere patrem.”

[1388] II. 319 _sqq._:

“Exedere animum dolor iraque demens

Et qua non grauior mortalibus addita curis,

Spes ubi longa uenit.”

[1389] II. 547 _sqq._

[1390] II. 611-612.

[1391] III. 255 _sqq._

[1392] IV. 438 _sqq._

[1393] IV. 680 _sqq._

[1394] VII. 478.

[1395] VII. 779 _sqq._

[1396] VII. 816 _sqq._

[1397] VIII. 614 _sqq._

[1398] VIII. 643.

[1399] _Th._, XII. 481 _sqq._:

Vrbe fuit media nulli concessa potentum,

Ara deum: mitis posuit Clementia sedem,

Et miseri fecere sacram; sine supplice numquam

Illa nouo, nulla damnauit uota repulsa.

Auditi quicumque rogant, noctesque diesque

Ire datum et solis numen placare querellis.

Parca superstitio: non turea flamma, nec altus

Accipitur sanguis: lacrimis altaria sudant.

[1400] His use of Euripides has been recently considered by Reussner,

diss., Halle, 1921.

[1401] One finds chains of phraseology like Ovid, _Met._, XV. 529:

“unumque erat omnia uolnus,” Luc., _Phars._, IX. 814: “totum est pro

uolnere corpus,” Stat., _Theb._, V. 598: “totumque in uolnere corpus.”

[1402] _E.g._ “Scire nefas,” _Theb._, III. 563.

[1403] _Ach._, 7: “tota iuuenem deducere Troia.”

[1404] _Ach._, 8-13.

[1405] _Purgat._, xxi. 89: “Tolosano.”

[1406] See Graf, _Roma nella memoria e nelle immagionazioni del medio

evo_, cap. xvii., Tur., 1882.

[1407] A. C. Clark, “The Literary Discoveries of Poggio,” _C.R._, xiii.

(1899), pp. 119-130; Phillimore, _Siluae_, ed. 2, 1921, _praef._

[1408] I. vi.; II. vii.; IV. iii. and ix.

[1409] IV. v. and vii.

[1410] _Silv._, I., _praef._ Statius says none of these pieces occupied

over a couple of days, “nullum enim ex illis biduo longius tractum”;

_cf._ his references to “gratiam celeritatis” and in II., _praef._:

“stili facilitatem”; III., _praef._: “libellorum istorum temeritatem” and

“audaciam stili nostri.”

[1411] _Inst. Or._, X. iii. 17: “primo decurrere per materiam stilo quam

uelocissimo et sequentes calorem atque impetum ex tempore scribunt: hanc

_siluam_ uocant.”

[1412] _Silv._, I. _praef._

[1413] _Silv._, I. iii. 13-23.

[1414] _Ib._, I. iv. 43-49.

[1415] _Silv._, I. iv. 52:

“Non illud culpa senectae

(Quippe ea bisenis uixdum orsa excedere lustris),

Sed labor intendens animique in membra uigentis

Imperium uigilesque suo pro Caesare curae,

Dulce opus. Hinc fessos penitus subrepsit in artus

Insidiosa quies et pigra obliuio uitae.”

[1416] _Ib._, v. 60-62.

[1417] II. i. 87-88.

[1418] _Ib._, 218-225: “ibimus omnes,” etc.

[1419] II. ii. 44 _sqq._

[1420] _Ib._ 48-49:

“Cum iam fessa dies et in aequora montis opaci

Vmbra cadit uitreoque natat praetoria ponto.”

[1421] _Ib._, 100-106: “Saepe per autumnum iam pubescente Lyaeo,” etc.

[1422] _Ib._, II. vii. 89 _sqq._:

“O saeuae nimium grauesque Parcae!

O numquam data longa fata summis!

Cur plus, ardua, casibus patetis?

Cur saeua uice magna non senescunt?”

[1423] III. i. 12-14.

[1424] _Ib._, ii. 78-80:

“Fugit ecce uagas ratis acta per undas

Paulatim minor et longe seruantia uincit

Lumina tot gracili ligno complexa timores.”

[1425] _Ib._, iii. 39-40.

[1426] IV. iv. 33-34:

“Vires instigat alitque

Tempestiua quies, maior post otia uirtus.”

[1427] _Ib._, vii. 13-16.

[1428] V. i. 117-119.

[1429] _Ib._, 122-126:

“Velut Apula coniunx

Agricolae parci uel sole infecta Sabino,

Quae uidet emeriti iam prospectantibus astris

Tempus adesse uiri, propere mensasque torosque

Instruit expectatque sonum redeuntis aratri.”

[1430] _Latin Lit._, p. 189.

[1431] From “Sonnets from the Antique,” by J. Wight Duff in

Quatercentenary number of _Alma Mater_ (Aberdeen Univ. Mag.), Sept., 1906.

[1432] V. v. 62-64:

“Potius fugientia ripas

Flumina detineas rapidis aut ignibus obstes

Quam miseros lugere uetes.”

[1433] See J. S. Duncan, _Influence of Art on Description in Poetry of

S._, diss., Baltim., 1914.

[1434] _Silv._, I. ii. 250: “qui nobile gressu extremo fraudatis

opus”; _cf._ Ov., _Am._ I. i. 3-4: “risisse Cupido dicitur atque unum

surripuisse pedem.”

[1435] _Th._, III. 198: “Bina per ingentes stipabant funera portas.”

[1436] _Th._, I. 27: “ignipedum frenator equorum.”

[1437] _Silv._, III. i. 41: “multo fratre madentem.”

[1438] _Silv._, II. i. 124.

[1439] _Silv._, I. iii. 8: “Pisaeumque domus non aestuat annum.”

[1440] _Th._, III. 382: “obliquatque preces”; _Th._, V. 722: “alternaque

pectora mutant”; _Th._, IV. 248 _sqq._: “saltus ... pacabat cornu”;

_Th._, IV. 706: “Eoae liquentia pabula brumae.”

[1441] He has an eye for colour in marble, woods, a parrot, a peacock,

etc., and an evident liking for _uiridis_ in its literal and metaphorical

sense.

[1442] _Silv._, II. v. 17-19:

“Virtusque cadenti

A media iam morte redit nec protinus omnes

Terga dedere minae.”

[1443] Butler, _Post-Aug. Poetry_, p. 123, cites statistics from

Drobisch, _Versuch üb. die Formen des lat. Hex._, 140.

[1444] Ed. pr. (without _Spectacula_), Spira, Ven., 1470; Ferrara,

1471; Aldus, Ven., 1501; Gruter, Frankf., 1602; Rader, Ingolst., 1602;

Scriverius (not. var.), Leid., 1619, 1621; Schrevelius (c. not. Gronov.),

Amst., 1661, 1670; Collesso (Delphin., index verb.), Par., 1660; Pomba

press, 2 vols., Turin, 1833 (based on Rader, Farnaby, etc.); Schneidewin

(krit. apparat.), Grimma, 1842, Leipz., 1853; Gilbert, Leipz., 1886,

1912; Friedländer (Introd., Germ. comment.), 2 vols., Leipz., 1886 (_cf._

for background his _Sittengesch. Roms_); Lindsay, Oxf., 1902; J. D. Duff

in Postgate’s _C.P.L._, Lond., 1905; Heraeus, Leipz., 1925.

Selectns.: Paley and Stone, Lond., 1868, 1881; Sellar and Ramsay, Edinb.,

1884; Stephenson, Lond., ed. 4, 1899; Bridge and Lake, Oxf., 1908.

Trans.: Vol. in Bohn’s Class. Lib. contains specimens of verse

translators of 17th and 18th cents.; Eng. prose (w. Lat.), Ker, Loeb ed.,

2 vols., Lond. and New York, 1919-1920.

Translns. and Imitations (select): Francis and Tatum, Camb., 1924.

Other Wks.: Nisard, in _Les poètes lat. de la décadence_, ed. 3, 1867,

I., pp. 381-471; Boissier, “Le poète Martial” in _Tacite_, ed. 4, Par.,

1908, pp. 281-335; Eng. tr., Hutchison, Lond., 1906; Pisani, _Marziale_,

Mil., 1904; Butler, _Post-Aug. Poetry_, Oxf., 1909, pp. 251-286; Plessis,

_La poés. lat._, Par., 1909, p. 578; Giarratano, _De M. re metrica_,

Naples, 1908; K. Flower Smith, _M. the Epigrammatist and other Essays_,

Balt., U.S.A., 1920.

On Martial’s models: Paukstadt, _De M. Catulli imitatore_, diss., Halle,

1876; Zingerle, _Mart. Ovidstudien_, Innsbr., 1877; and “Zu Lucan Silius

Martial” in _Zu Spät. lat. Dichtern_, Hft. 2, Innsbr., 1879; Schulze,

_Mart. Catullstudien, Fleck. Jahrb._, 137, 1887; Wagner, _De Martiale

poet. Augusteae aet. imitatore_, diss., Königsb. 1880 (by the same,

resemblances w. earlier and later authors in Friedl.’s ed.).

[1445] X. xxiv.

[1446] IV. lii. 3. Why the surname _Coquus_ was added in the Middle Ages

remains a mystery.

[1447] X. lxv. 3-4.

[1448] V. xxxiv.

[1449] IX. lxxiii. 7-8:

“At me litterulas stulti docuere parentes:

Quid cum grammaticis rhetoribusque mihi?”

[1450] _In Helv._, vi.

[1451] X. lxv. 4-7: “Tagique ciuis.... Hispanis ego contumax capillis.”

[1452] III. xxxviii. 12.

[1453] I. cxiii.

[1454] Tribune, III. xcv. 9; _eques_, V. xiii. 1-2.

[1455] II. xci., xcii.; III. xcv. 5, where “Caesar uterque” may imply

conferment of the _ius_ by Titus on the recommendation of his brother

Domitian, or Domitian’s confirmation of a concession promised by Titus.

Schanz mentions Lieben’s view that the “two emperors” were Vespasian and

Titus.

[1456] “Valebis uxor,” II. xcii. 3, means “farewell to you, the wife of

my imagination” or “farewell to the idea of a wife.” The wife addressed

in an indecent manner in another epigram could not conceivably have been

his own.

[1457] For Nomentum, II. xxxviii.; XII. lvii.; XIII. xlii., cxix.;

“scalis habito tribus sed altis,” I. cxvii. 7.

[1458] IX. xviii. 2, xcvii. 7-8.

[1459] II. xxx. 5; II. xc.

[1460] V. lvi.

[1461] The “liber prior” of III. i. 3 was either a previous edition of

III. or a combined edition of epigrams afterwards separated into Books I.

and II., as Friedländer thought.

[1462] IV. xxv.

[1463] X. ciii. 7-10.

[1464] XII. xviii. 1-2, 7-9, 13-16.

[1465] Plin., _Ep._, III. xxi.: “erat homo ingeniosus acutus acer, et qui

plurimum in scribendo et salis haberet et fellis nec candoris minus.”

[1466] II. xciii. refers to Books I. and II. The author in V. ii. calls

the book his fifth, and refers to the preceding four. The arrangement in

seven books is mentioned VII. xvii. 6.

[1467] Friedländer’s chronology is generally accepted with slight

modifications. It is not seriously upset by Dau, _De Mart. libellorum

ratione temporibusque_, Rost., 1887. _Cf._ Schanz, _op. cit._, pp. 181,

184.

[1468] IV. xlix. 1-2:

“Nescit, crede mihi, quid sint epigrammata, Flacce,

Qui tantum lusus illa iocosque uocat.”

[1469] V. xvi. 1.