A little stout man driving a pony-trap caught his attention. It was a

smart new pony-trap, and there was a look of new clothes about its

driver; he smoked a cigar that stuck upward from the corner of his

mouth, and in his button-hole was a red chrysanthemum; his whole bearing

suggested absolute contentment with himself and acquiescence in the

universe; he handled his reins and drew his whip across the flanks of

his shining cob as delicately as if he was fly-fishing. “What does he

think he is up to?” asked Oswald. A thousand times he had seen that

Sphinx of perfect self-contentment on passing negro faces.

“The Empire doesn’t worry _him_,” said Oswald.

§ 2

It was worrying Oswald a lot. Everything was worrying Oswald just then.

It is a subtle question to answer of such cases whether the physical

depression shapes the despondent thought, or whether the gnawing doubt

prepares the nervous illness. His confidence in his work and the system

to which he belonged had vanished by imperceptible degrees.

For some years he had gone about his work with very few doubts. He had

been too busy. But now ill-health had conspired with external

circumstances to expose him to questionings about things he had never

questioned before. They were very fundamental doubts. They cut at the

roots of his life. He was beginning to doubt whether the Empire was

indeed as good a thing and as great a thing as he had assumed it to

be.... The Empire to which his life had been given.

This did not make him any less an Imperialist than he had been, but it

sharpened his imperialism with a sense of urgency that cut into his

mind.

Altogether Oswald had now given nearly eighteen years to East and

Central Africa. His illness had called a halt in a very busy life. For

two years and more after his last visit to England, he had been occupied

chiefly in operations in and beyond the Lango country against Kabarega

and the remnant of the rebel Sudanese. He had assisted in the

rounding-up of King Mwanga, the rebel king of Uganda, and in setting up

the child king and the regency that replaced him. At the end of 1899 his

former chief, Sir Harry Johnston, had come up from British Central

Africa as Special Commissioner to Uganda, and the work of land

settlement, of provincial organization, of railways and postal

development had gone on apace. Next year indeed war had come again, but

it was the last war in this part of the world for some time. It was

caused by the obstinate disposition of the Nandi people to steal the

copper wire from the telegraph poles that had been set up in their

country. Hitherto their chief use for copper wire had been to make

bracelets and anklets for their married women. They were shocked by this

endless stretching out of attenuated feminine adornment. They did their

best to restore it to what they considered was its proper use. It was a

homely misunderstanding rather than a war. Oswald had led that

expedition to a successful explanation. Thereafter the leading fact in

the history of Uganda until the sleeping sickness came had been the

construction of the railway from the coast to Lake Victoria Nyanza.

In Uganda as in Nyasaland Oswald Sydenham had found himself part of a

rapid and busy process of tidying up the world. For some years it had

carried him along and determined all his views.

The tidying-up of Africa during the closing years of the nineteenth

century was indeed one of the most rapid and effective tidyings up in

history. In the late ’eighties the whole of Africa from the frontiers of

lower Egypt down to Rhodesia had been a world of chaotic adventure and

misery; a black world of insecure barbarism invaded by the rifle, and

the Arab and European adventurers who brought it. There had been no such

thing as a school from Nubia to Rhodesia, and everywhere there had been

constant aimless bloodshed. Long ages of conflict, arbitrary cruelty and

instinctive fierceness seemed to have reached a culmination of

destructive disorder. The increasing light that fell on Africa did but

illuminate a scene of collapse. The new forces that were coming into the

country appeared at first as hopelessly blind and cruel as the old; the

only difference was that they were better armed. The Arab was frankly a

slaver, European enterprise was deeply interested in forced labour. The

first-fruits of Christianity had been civil war, and one of Oswald’s

earliest experiences of Uganda had been the attack of Mwanga and his

Roman Catholic adherents upon the Anglicans in Mengo, who held out in

Lugard’s little fort and ultimately established the soundness of the

Elizabethan compromise by means of a Maxim gun. It was never a confident

outlook for many years anywhere between the Zambesi and the Nile

cataracts. Probably no honest man ever worked in west and central Africa

between 1880 and 1900 who escaped altogether from phases of absolute

despair; who did not face with a sinking heart, lust, hatred, cunning

and treachery, black intolerance and ruthless aggression. And behind all

the perversities of man worked the wickedness of tropical Nature,

uncertain in her moods, frightful in her storms, fruitful of strange

troubles through weed and parasite, insect and pestilence. Yet

civilization had in the long run won an astonishing victory. In a score

of years, so endless then, so brief in retrospect, roads that had been

decaying tracks or non-existent were made safe and open everywhere, the

railway and the post and telegraph came to stay, vast regions of Africa

which since the beginning of things had known no rule but the whim and

arbitrary power of transitory chiefs and kings, awoke to the conception

of impartial law; war canoes vanished from the lakes and robber tribes

learnt to tend their own cattle and cultivate their gardens. And now

there were schools. There were hospitals. Perhaps a quarter of a million

young people in Uganda alone could read and write; the percentage of

literacy in Uganda was rapidly overtaking that in India and Russia.

On the face of it this was enough to set one thinking of the whole world

as if it were sweeping forward to universal civilization and happiness.

For some years that had been Oswald’s habit of mind. It had been his

sustaining faith. He had gone from task to task until this last attack

of blackwater fever had arrested his activities. And then these doubts

displayed themselves.

From South Africa, that land of destiny for western civilization, had

come the first germ of his doubting. Sir Harry Johnston, Oswald’s chief,

a frank and bitter critic of the New Imperialism that had thrust up from

the Cape to Nyasaland under the leadership of Cecil Rhodes, helped to

shape and point his scepticism. The older tradition of the Empire was

one of administration regardless of profit, Johnston declared; the new

seemed inspired by conceptions of violent and hasty gain. The Rhodes

example had set all Africa dancing to the tune of crude exploitation. It

had fired the competitive greed of the King of the Belgians and

unleashed blood and torture in the Congo Free State. The Congo State had

begun as a noble experiment, a real attempt at international compromise;

it had been given over to an unworthy trustee and wrecked hideously by

his ruthless profit-hunting. All over the Empire, honest administrators

and colonial politicians, friendly explorers and the missionaries of

civilization, were becoming more and more acutely aware of a heavy

acquisitive thrust behind the New Imperialism. Usually they felt it

first in the treatment of the natives. The earlier ill-treatment of the

native came from the local trader, the local planter, the white rough;

now as that sort of thing was got in hand and men could begin to hope

for a new and better order, came extensive schemes from Europe for the

wholesale detachment of the native from his land, for the wholesale

working and sweating of the native population....

Had we defeated the little robbers only to clear the way for organized

imperial robbery?

Such things were already troubling Oswald’s mind before the shock of the

South African war. But before the war they amounted to criticisms of

this administration or that, they were still untouched by any doubts of

the general Imperial purpose or of the Empire as a whole. The South

African war laid bare an amazing and terrifying amount of national

incompetence. The Empire was not only hustled into a war for which there

was no occasion, but that war was planned with a lack of intelligent

foresight and conducted with a lack of soundness that dismayed every

thoughtful Englishman. After a monstrous wasteful struggle the national

resources dragged it at last to a not very decisive victory. The

outstanding fact became evident that the British army tradition was far

gone in decay, that the army was feebly organized and equipped, and that

a large proportion of its officers were under-educated men, narrow and

conventional, inferior in imagination and initiative to the farmers,

lawyers, cattle-drovers, and suchlike leaders against whom their wits

were pitted. Behind the rejoicings that hailed the belated peace was a

real and unprecedented national humiliation. For the first time the

educated British were enquiring whether all was well with the national

system if so small a conquest seemed so great a task. Upon minds thus

sensitized came the realization of an ever more vigorous and ever more

successful industrial and trade competition from Germany and the United

States; Great Britain was losing her metallurgical ascendancy, dropping

far behind in the chemical industries and no longer supreme upon the

seas. For the first time a threat was apparent in the methods of

Germany. Germany was launching liner after liner to challenge the

British mercantile ascendancy, and she was increasing her navy with a

passionate vigour. What did it mean? All over the world the British were

discovering the German. And the German, it seemed, had got this New

Imperialism that was in the British mind in a still harsher, still less

scrupulous and still more vulgar form. “Wake up, England,” said the

Prince of Wales returning from a visit to Canada, and Oswald heard the

phrase reverberating in Uganda and talked about it and thought it over

continually.

(And Lord Rosebery spoke of “efficiency.”)

But now when Oswald sought in the newspapers for signs of this waking up

that he desired, he found instead this tremendous reiteration of the

ideas of the New Imperialism, acquisitive, mercenary, and altogether

selfish and national, which he already so profoundly disliked. The

awakening he desired was an awakening of the spirit, an awakening to

broader ideas and nobler conceptions of the nation’s rôle in the world’s

affairs. He had hoped to find men talking of great schemes of national

education, of new schools of ethnology, of tropical botany and oriental

languages that would put the Imperial adventure on a broad basis of

understanding and competent direction. Instead, he found England full of

wild talk about “taxing the foreigner.” A hasty search for national

profit he refused to recognize as an awakening. For him indeed it had

far more of the quality of a nightmare.

§ 3

It is remarkable how much our deeper convictions are at the mercy of

physiological jolts.

Before the renewed attacks of fever had lowered his vitality, Oswald had

felt doubtful of this and that, but he had never doubted of the ultimate

human triumph; he had never even doubted that the great Empire he served

would survive, achieve its mission triumphantly, and incorporate itself

in some way with a unified mankind. He himself might blunder or fail,

there might be all sorts of set-backs, but in the end what he called

Anglo-Saxonism would prevail, the tradition of justice and free speech

would be justified by victory, and the darkest phase of the Martyrdom of

Man end. But now the fever had so wrought on his nerves and tissues that

he no longer enjoyed this ultimate confidence. He could think that

anything might fail. He could even doubt the stability of the Victorian

world.

One night during this last illness that had brought him home he fell

thinking of Zimbabwe and the lost cities of Africa, and then presently

of the dead cities of Yucatan, and then of all the lost and vanished

civilizations of the world, of the long succession of human failures to

secure any abiding order and security. With this he mingled the

suggestion of a recent anthropological essay he had read. Two races of

men with big brains and subtle minds, the Neanderthal race and the

Cro-Magnon race, it was argued very convincingly, had been entirely

exterminated before the beginnings of our present humanity. Our own race

too might fail and perish and pass away. In the night with a mounting

temperature these were very grisly and horrible thoughts indeed. And

when at last he passed from such weary and dismal speculations to sleep,

there came a dream to crown and perpetuate his mood, a dream that was to

return again and again.

It was one of those dreams that will sometimes give a nightmare reality

of form and shape to the merest implications of the waking life, one of

those dreams that run before and anticipate and perhaps direct one’s

daylight decisions. That black artist of delirium who throws his dark

creations upon our quivering mental screens, had seized and utilized all

Oswald’s germinating misgivings and added queer suggestions of his own.

Through a thousand irrelevant and transitory horrors one persistent idea

ran through Oswald’s distresses. It was the idea of a dark forest. And

of an endless effort to escape from it. He was one of the captains of a

vaguely conceived expedition that was lost in an interminable wilderness

of shadows; sometimes it was an expedition of limitless millions, and

the black trees and creepers about him went up as high as the sky, and

sometimes he alone seemed to be the entire expedition, and the darkness

rested on his eyes, and the thorns wounded him, and the great ropes of

the creepers slashed his face. He was always struggling to get through

this forest to some unknown hope, to some place where there was light,

where there was air and freedom, where one could look with brotherly

security upon the stars; and this forest which was Life, held him back;

it held him with its darkness, it snared him with slime and marshy

pitfalls, it entangled him amidst pools and channels of black and

blood-red stinking water, it tripped him and bound him with its

creepers; evil beasts snared his followers, great serpents put them to

flight, inexplicable panics and madnesses threw the long straggling

columns into internecine warfare, incredible imbecilities threatened the

welfare of the entire expedition. He would find himself examining the

loads of an endless string of porters, and this man had flung away bread

and loaded his pack with poisonous fungi, and that one had replaced

ammunition by rust and rubbish and filth. He would find himself in

frantic remonstrance with porters who had flung aside their loads, who

were sullenly preparing to desert; or again, the whole multitude would

be stricken with some strange disease with the most foul and horrible

symptoms, and refuse the doubtful medicines he tendered in his despair;

or the ground would suddenly breed an innumerable multitude of white

thin voracious leeches that turned red-black as they fed....

Then far off through the straight bars of the tree stems a light shone,

and a great hope sprang up in him. And then the light became red, a

wavering red, a sudden hot breeze brought a sound of crackling wood and

the soughing of falling trees, spires and flags and agonized phantoms of

flame rushed up to the zenith; through the undergrowth a thousand black

beasts stampeded, the air was thick with wild flights of moths and

humming-birds, and he realized that the forest had caught fire....

That forest fire was always a climax. With it came a burning sensation

in loins and back. It made him shout and struggle and fight amidst the

black fugitives and the black thickets. Until the twigs and leaves about

him were bursting into flames like a Christmas tree that is being lit

up. He would awaken in a sweating agony.

Then presently he would be back again in the midst of that vague

innumerable expedition in the steamy deep grey aisles of the forest,

under the same gathering sense of urgent necessity, amidst the same

inextricable thickening tangle of confusions and cross-purposes.

In his waking moments Oswald, if he could, would have dismissed that

dream altogether from his mind. He could argue that it was the creation

of some purely pathological despondency, that it had no resemblance, no

parallelism, no sort of relation to reality. Yet something of its dark

hues was reflected in his waking thoughts. Sometimes this reflection was

so faint as to be scarcely perceptible, but always it was there.

§ 4

The Plantain, to which Oswald drifted back to dine, was a club gathered

from the ends of the earth and very proud of the fact; it was made up of

explorers, travellers, colonial officials, K.C.M.G.’s and C.M.G.’s. It

was understood to be a great exchange of imperial ideas, and except for

a group or so of members who lived in and about London, it had no

conversation because, living for the most part at different ends of the

earth, its members did not get to know each other very well.

Occasionally there was sporting gossip. Shy, sunburnt men drifted in at

intervals of three or four years, and dined and departed. Once a member

with a sunstroke from India gave way to religious mania, and tried to

preach theosophy from the great staircase to three lonely gentlemen who

were reading the telegrams in the hall. He was removed with difficulty.

The great red-papered, white-painted silences of the club are copiously

adorned with rather old yellow maps of remote regions, and in the hall

big terrestrial and celestial globes are available for any members who

wish to refresh their minds upon the broad facts of our position in

space. But the great glory of the club is its wealth of ethnological and

sporting trophies. Scarcely is there a variety of spear, stabbing or

disembowelling knife, blowing tube, bow, crossbow, or matchlock, that is

not at the disposal of any member nimble enough to pluck it from the

wall. In addition there is a vast collection of the heads of beasts;

everywhere they project from walls and pillars; heads of bison, gazelles

and wart-hogs cheer the souls of the members even in the humblest

recesses. In the dining-room, above each table, a hippopotamus or a

rhinoceros or a tiger or a lion glares out with glassy eyes upon the

world, showing every item in its dentition. Below these monsters sits an

occasional empire-builder, in the careful evening dress of the

occasional visitant to civilization, seeming by contrast a very pallid,

little, nicely behaved thing indeed.

To the Plantain came Oswald, proposing to dine alone, and in this

dining-room he discovered Slingsby Darton, the fiscal expert, a little

Cockney with scarcely any nose at all, sitting with the utmost impudence

under the largest moose. Oswald was so pleased to discover any one he

knew that he only remembered that he detested Slingsby Darton as he

prepared to sit down with him. There was nothing for it then but to make

the best of him.

Oswald chose his dinner and his wine with care. Red wines were forbidden

him, but the wine waiter had good authority, authority from India and

gastrically very sensitive, for the Moselle he recommended. And in

answer to Slingsby Darton’s enquiries, Oswald spread out his theory that

he was an amiable, pleased sort of person obliged to come home from

Uganda, sorry to leave Uganda, but glad to be back in the dear old

country and “at the centre of things,” and ready to take up anything——

“Politics?” said Slingsby Darton. “We want a few voices that have got

out of sight of the parish pump.”

Politics—well, it might be. But it was a little hard to join on to

things at first. “Fearful lot of squabbling—not very much doing. Not

nearly as much as one had hoped.”

That seemed a restrained, reasonable sort of thing to say. Nor was it

extravagant to throw out, “I thought it was ’Wake up, England’; but she

seems just to be talking in her sleep.”

Out flares the New Imperialism at once in Oswald’s face. “But have you

read Chamberlain’s great speeches?” Slingsby Darton protests.

“I had those in mind,” said Oswald grimly.

Both gentlemen were in the early phase of encounter. It was not yet time

to join issue. Slingsby Darton heard, but made no retort. Oswald was

free to develop his discontents.

Nothing seemed to be getting done, he complained. The army had been

proved inefficient, incapable even of a colonial war, but what were we

doing?

“Exactly,” said Slingsby Darton. “You dare not even whisper

’conscription.’”

Oswald had not been thinking of that but of a technical reorganization,

more science, more equipment. But all that he could see in the way of a

change were “these beastly new caps.” (Those were the days of the hated

’Brodrick.’) Then economic reorganization hung fire. “Unemployed”

processions grew bigger every winter. (“Tariff,” whispered Darton.

“Intelligent organization,” said Oswald.) Then education——

“Education,” said Oswald, “is at the heart of the whole business.”

“I wouldn’t say _that_ altogether,” said Slingsby Darton.

“At the heart of the whole business,” Oswald repeated as though Slingsby

Darton had not spoken. “The people do not know. Our people do not

understand.” The Boer war had shown how horribly backward our education

was—our higher education, our scientific and technical education, the

education of our officials and generals in particular. “We have an

empire as big as the world and an imagination as small as a parish.” But

it would be a troublesome job to change that. Much too troublesome.

Oswald became bitter and accusatory. His living side sneered. It would

bother a lot of Balfour’s friends quite uncomfortably. The dear old

Church couldn’t keep its grip on an education of that sort, and of

course the dear old Church must have its grip on education. So after a

few large-minded flourishes, the politicians had swamped the whole

question of educational reform in this row about church schools and the

Passive Resistance movement, both sides only too glad to get away from

reality. Oswald was as bitter against the Passive Resister as he was

against the Church.

“I don’t know whether I should give quite the primary place to

education,” said Slingsby Darton, battling against this tirade. “I don’t

know whether I should quite say that. Mr. Chamberlain——”

The fat, as the vulgar say, was in the fire.

October, 1903, was a feverish and impassioned time in English affairs.

From Birmingham that month the storm had burst. With a great splash Mr.

Joseph Chamberlain had flung the issue of Protection into the sea of

political affairs; huge waves of disturbance were sweeping out to the

uttermost boundaries of the empire. Instead of paying taxes we were to

“tax the foreigner.” To that our fine imperial dream had come. Over

dinner-tables, in trains and smoking-rooms, men were quarrelling with

their oldest friends. To Oswald the conversion of Imperialism into a

scheme for world exploitation in the interests of Birmingham seemed the

most atrocious swamping of real issues by private interests that it was

possible to conceive. The Sydenham strain was an uncommercial strain.

Slingsby Darton was manifestly in the full swirl of the new movement,

the man looked cunning and eager, he put his pert little face on one

side and raised his voice to argue. A gathering quarrelsomeness took

possession of Oswald. He began to speak very rapidly and pungently. He

assumed an exasperating and unjustifiable detachment in order to quarrel

better. He came into these things from the outside, he declared, quite

unbiased, oh! quite unbiased. And this “nail-trust organizer’s campaign”

shocked him—shocked him unspeakably. Here was England confessedly in a

phase of inefficiency and deterioration, needing a careful all-round

effort, in education, in business organization, in military preparation.

And suddenly drowning everything else in his noise came “this demagogue

ironmonger with his panacea!”

Slingsby Darton was indignant. “My dear Sir! I cannot hear you speak of

Mr. Chamberlain in such terms as that!”

“But consider the situation,” said Oswald. “Consider the situation! When

of all things we want steady and harmonious constructive work, comes all

the uproar, all the cheap, mean thinking and dishonest spouting, the

music-hall tricks and poster arguments, of a Campaign.”

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