had pronounced their illnesses fatal._ 87
_Membertou called "the Captain" after his death._ 93
_Membertou, of all the Canadians who were baptized, profited by his
baptism._ 109
_Membertou the first Sagamore to be baptized._ 158
_Membertou lodged and cared for by the Jesuits in their cabin up to
the time of his death._ 158
_Membertou asks to be buried with his fathers; the Jesuits urge
that this would be contrary to Christianity; he insists for some
time, then finally yields._ 160, 162
_Membertou wishes to be well instructed, to make himself a Preacher
of the Gospel._ 163
_Membertou advises Father Enemond, who is sick, to write to
Biencourt, that they did not kill him, but that he died of
illness._ 202
_Mementos of France effaced in Canada, by English._ 265, 271
_Merveille, Captain, a native of St. Malo, being a prisoner,
performs all the duties of a good Christian._ 173
_Meuano, Island at the mouth of French Bay._ 254
_Mine of silver at Baye sainte Marie, in Canada._
_Mine of iron at the river St. John._ 32
_Mines of copper at port Royal and Bay of mines._ 32
_Mocosa, the mainland in which the Virginia of the English is
situated._ 227
_Months. Every month of the year in Canada has an abundance of fish
or game, or both._
_Montaguets, Souriquois, Etechemins, allies of the French in
Canada._ 34
_Mount desert, Island, called_ Pemetiq. 219
_Dead people buried in a sitting posture, the knees against the
stomach, the head upon the knees._ 91
_Codfish abound near the seacoast from the beginning of May until
the middle of September._ 45
_N_
_Nattes de rozeau, fort menues, & bien tissues, deffendent les cabanes
de la pluye._ 42
_Nauire arriue à propos à ceux de port Royal en leur grande disette._
186
_Nauire captif des François de S. Sauueur commandé par Turnel Anglois
est porté par le vent aux Açores Isles de la coronne d'Espagne._ 281
_Nauire de la Saussaye arriue en Canada._ 216
_Nicolas Adams Iuge de Pembroch en Angleterre, charitable enuers les
Iesuites captifs._ 295
_Noyers frequents en la coste de la riuiere sainct Iean._ 31
_Noms changez aux trespassez apres qu'ils sont enterrez._ 9
_Nopces des Canadois auec solemnelle Tabagie, chants, & danses._ 62
_Norembegue, terre de Canada aussi bonne que nostre France._ 26
_Norembegue, & Acadie païs de la France nouuelle._ 4
_Normans sont allez en la France nouuelle, l'an_ 1500. _deux ans apres
les Bretons._ 3
_Nouuelle France separée de la Guienne de huict cens, ou mille lieües
par mer._
_Nouuelle France, partie occidentale de l'Amerique._ 1
_N_
_Mats of reeds, well woven, and very fine, protect the cabins from
rain._ 42
_Ship arrives very opportunely for those at port Royal in their
great need._ 186
_Ship captured from the French of St. Sauveur, commanded by Turnel,
an Englishman, is carried by the wind to the Açores Islands of the
crown of Spain._ 281
_Ship of la Saussaye arrives in Canada._ 216
_Nicolas Adams, Judge, of Pembroch in England, kind to the captive
Jesuits._ 295
_Nuts abundant upon the banks of the river saint John._ 31
_Names of the dead changed after they are buried._ 9
_Nuptials of the Canadians with solemn Tabagie, songs, and dances._
62
_Norembegua, country of Canada, as good as France._ 26
_Norembegua and Acadia, countries of new France._ 4
_Normans went to new France in the year_ 1500, _two years after the
Bretons._ 3
_New France separated from Guienne by eight hundred or one thousand
leagues of the sea._
_New France, the western part of America._ 1
_O_
_Oeufs d'oyseaux de proye d'eau abondent en Canada._ 45
_Oyes blanches, & grises, passageres en Canada._ 46
_Oyseaux de proye de mer couurent les Isles de Canada de leurs oeufs._
45
_Oyseaux originaires, & passagers rares en Canada; ceux de proye sont
frequents._ 46
_Onction d'huyle de Loup marin vsitée en Canada contre le chaud, & le
froid._ 77
_Orignacs sont de saison en Feurier & Mars._ 43
_Ours bons à manger en Canada aux mois de Feurier & Mars._ 43
_Outardes, ou Canes sauuages se prennent en Auril._ 45
_Outardes passageres en Canada._ 46
_O_
_Eggs of marine birds of prey abundant in Canada._ 45
_White and grey geese, birds of passage in Canada._ 46
_Marine birds of prey cover the Islands of Canada with their eggs._
45
_Native birds and birds of passage rare in Canada; birds of prey
common._ 46
_Anointing with Seal oil used in Canada against heat and cold._ 77
_The season for moose is in February and March._ 43
_Bears good to eat in Canada in the months of February and March._
43
_Bustards, or wild Ducks, are taken in April._ 45
_Bustards, birds of passage in Canada._ 46
_P_
_Pembroch, ville principale de Galles en Angleterre._ 292
_Pentegoët riuiere, a vne Sagamie du long de son riuage._ 53
_Pencoït, Isles à vingtcinq lieües de sainct Sauueur._ 228
_Perdrix grises à grãd queüe en Canada._ 46
_Pere Enemond Massé se loge auec Membertou pour apprendre la langue
Canadine._ 200
P_ere Enemond Massé, luy quinziesme renuoyé par l'Anglois en France
dans vne chaloupe._ 252
P. _Biard tient auec soy vn Canadin, pour apprendre la langue sauuage._
201
_Pere Biard, & P. Enemond Massé destinez pour Canada._ 129
_Pere Biard ne veut enseigner aux Anglois le logis de saincte Croix,
dont il court peril de sa vie._ 264
_P. Biard court fortune d'estre ietté en terre deserte, ou en mer par
les soupçons de l'Anglois._ 268
_Pere Biard preuue efficacement au Capitaine Anglois, que les François
de S. Sauueur sont bien aduoüés du Roy de France._ _p._ 244.
_Pesche abondante depuis May, iusques à my-Septembre._ _p._ 45.
_Pesche successiue de diuers poissons dés la my-Mars iusques en
Octobre._ _p._ 44. 45. 46.
_Petun, & fumée d'iceluy practiquée par les Canadois, contre le mauuais
temps, la faim, & autres maux._ _p._ 78.
_Peuples de Canada trois en tout alliés des François._ _p._ 34.
_Pierre du Gas, sieur de Monts Lieutenant du Roy Henry IIII. en la
France nouuelle._ _p._ 5.
_Pilotois, Medecin sorcier._ _p._ 80.
_Pilote François Caluiniste offre toute amitié aux Iesuites captifs des
Anglois._ _p._ 245.
_Plastrier recognoist le sieur de Biencourt._ 157.
_Plaisant discours de Louys Membertou auec le P. Enemond Massé malade._
202.
_Ponamo poisson de Canada fraye sous la glace en Decembre._ _p._ 47.
_Port Royal & Saincte Croix, deux logis bastis par le sieur de Monts en
la France nouuelle._ _p._ 8.
_Port Royal a forme de Peninsule._ _p._ 24.
_Puritain procure tout le mal qu'il peut aux Iesuites._ _p._ 268.
_Port Royal mal enuitaillé sur l'Hyuer, pour grand nombre de
personnes._ _p._ 144.
_Port aux Coquilles à vingt & vne lieuës de Port Royal._ 155.
_Port au Mouton._ 255.
_Port Royal bruslé par l'Anglois._ 271.
_Port Royal à quelles conditions cedé au sieur de Potrincourt par le
sieur de Monts._ 122.
_Port Royal sans aucune def[~e]se perdu pour les Frãçois, & pillé &
bruslé par l'Anglois._ 266
_Port de S. Sauueur nouuellement appellé de ce nom, & destiné à
nouuelle habitatiõ de François._ 220.
_Port de S. Sauueur fort capable, & à l'abry du vent._ 225.
_Presage mauuais d'vn signe paroissant au ciel._ 167.
_Proprieté de Canadois est en la possession du chien, & du sac._ 51.
_Prouision pour Port Royal mal mesnagée à Dieppe, & dans le nauire._
194.
_Pyramides de perches sur les tombeaux des nobles de Canada._ 92.
_P_
_Pembroke, the principal city of Wales in England._ 292
_Pentegoët river has a Sagamie along its banks._ 53
_Pencoït, Islands twenty-five leagues from saint Sauveur._ 228
_Gray partridges with large tails, in Canada._ 46
_Father Enemond Massé goes to live with Membertou to learn the
Canadian language._ 200
_Father Enemond Massé, one of fifteen sent by the English to France
in a shallop._ 252
_Father Biard keeps with him a Canadian, to learn from him the
language of the savages._ 201
_Father Biard and Father Enemond Massé appointed to Canada._ 129
_Father Biard refuses to disclose to the English the position of
sainte Croix, for which he is in danger of losing his life._ 264
_Father Biard runs the risk of being cast upon a desert land, or
into the sea, through the suspicions of the English._ 268
_Father Biard proves satisfactorily to the English Captain, that
the French of St. Sauveur are under the protection of the King of
France._ _p._ 244
_Fish abundant from May to the middle of September._ _p._ 45
_Continuous fishing for different kinds of fish from the middle of
March until October._ _p._ 44, 45, 46
_Tobacco used among the Canadians as a protection against bad
weather, famine, and other evils._ _p._ 78
_Tribes of Canada, only three are allies of the French._ _p._ 34
_Pierre du Gas, sieur de Monts, Lieutenant of King Henry IIII. in
new France._ _p._ 5
_Pilotois, Medicine man and sorcerer._ _p._ 80
_French Pilot, a Calvinist, shows great friendliness to the Jesuit
prisoners of the English._ _p._ 245
_Plastrier acknowledges sieur de Biencourt._ 157
_Amusing talk of Louys Membertou with Father Enemond Massé, when he
was ill._ 202
_Ponamo, a fish of Canada, spawns under the ice in December._ _p._
47
_Port Royal and Sainte Croix, two stations established by sieur de
Monts, in new France._ _p._ 8
_Port Royal in the form of a Peninsula._ _p._ 24
_Puritan makes all the trouble he can for the Jesuits._ _p._ 268
_Port Royal badly provisioned for the Winter, on account of the
great number of persons._ _p._ 144
_Port aux Coquilles, twenty-one leagues from Port Royal._ 155
_Port au Mouton._ 255
_Port Royal burned by the English._ 271
_Port Royal, on what conditions ceded to sieur de Potrincourt by
sieur de Monts._ 122
_Port Royal, defenseless, is lost to the French, and pillaged and
burned by the English._ 266
_Port of St. Sauveur newly called by this name, and intended as a
new habitation for the French._ 220
_Port of St. Sauveur very spacious, and protected from the wind._
225
_Presage of evil in a phenomenon appearing in the heavens._ 167
_Property of the Canadians lies in the possession of a dog and a
bag._ 51
_Provisions for Port Royal badly managed at Dieppe and in the
ship._ 194
_Pyramids of poles upon the tombs of the grandees of Canada._ 92
R.
_Racine_ Chiquebi _à guise de truffes._ 213.
_Raisons obligeãtes le François à cultiuer Canada._ 331.
_Religion des Canadois, pure sorcelerie._ 93.
_Riuieres & bras de mer fort frequens, rendent Canada beaucoup plus
froid._ 24.
_Robe sacrée, & pretieuse des Autmoins._ 96.
_Roland Sagamo, & autres donnent du pain aux François de S. Sauueur._
255.
R.
_Root_, Chiquebi, _resembles truffles._ 213
_Reasons why the French ought to cultivate Canada._ 331
_Religion of the Canadians, pure sorcery._ 93
_Rivers, and many arms of the sea, make Canada much colder._ 24
_Robe of the Autmoins, sacred and precious._ 96
_Roland, a Sagamore, and others give bread to the French of St.
Sauveur._ 255
S.
_Sac, fleches, peaux, chiens, & autres meubles du defunct enseuelis
auec luy._ 92.
_Sagamie au riuage de Saincte Croix._ 53.
_Sagamie au bord de la riuiere S. Iean._ 53.
_Sagamochin, petit Sagamo._ 52.
_Sagamo, est le chef, & Capitaine de quelque puissante famille._ 51.
_Sagamos recogneus de leurs sujects en payant le droict de chasse, & de
pesche._ 51.
_Sagamies diuisées selon la portée des Bayes & Costes de riuieres._ 53.
_Sagamos tiennent les Estats en Esté._ 53.
_Sagamos & Autmoins seuls ont voix és assemblées publiques._ 53. 54.
_Sagamos Armouchiquois retirent bien à propos leurs gens du nauire
François, pour euiter querelle._ 179
_Sainct Iean, riuiere en Canada._ 31
_Sainct Iean, riuiere fort perilleuse en son emboucheure._ 165
_Sainct Laurens, riuiere charrie des glaces enormes bien auant en haute
mer._ 139
_Sainct Sauueur, habitation des François en Canada, en la terre de la
Norembegue._ 19
_Sainct Sauueur, port ainsi nommé de nouueau en la coste d'Acadie,
destiné à vne habitation nouuelle._ 229
_Sainct Sauueur, prins & pillé par les Anglois._ 237
_S. Sauueur bruslé par les Anglois._ 265
_Saincte Croix est au païs des Eteminquois._ 7
_Saincte Croix, Isle en la France nouuelle, premiere demeure du sieur
de Monts, Lieutenant pour le Roy._ 7
_Saincte Croix, Isle de riuiere à six lieües de port aux Coquilles._ 156
_Saussaye arriue en Canada pour dresser nouuelle habitation, & separer
les Iesuites de port Royal._ 215
_Saussaye Capitaine s'amuse trop à cultiuer la terre, & neglige le
bastiment, cause de de la perte de S. Sauueur._ 226.
_Saussaye Capitaine de S. Sauueur ne peut produire ses lettres de
Commission, luy ayans esté secrettement enleuées par l'Anglois._ 239.
_Saussaye Capitaine renuoyé en France par l'Anglois, auec quatorze
François._ 252.
_Schoudon Sagamo, nommé le Pere apres sa mort._ 93.
_Scurbot, ou maladie de la terre, coustumier en Canada._ 14.
_Sepulcres des Canadois voutés auec des bastons, & de la terre dessus._
92.
_Soissons. Le Prince de Soissons Gouuerneur de Canada._ 330.
_Souliers, & greues des Canadois._ 39.
Souriquois, Montaguets & Etechemins _alliés des François en Canada._ 34.
_Tabagie, banquet des Canadois._ 46.
_Tabagie des prouisions du malade ayant testé._ 89.
_Testament des Canadois auant la mort._ 88.
_Thomas Aubert, Normand va en la France nouuelle l'an 1508._ 2
_Thomas Deel, Mareschal d'Angleterre à la Virginie, homme fort aspre
enuers les François captifs._ 261. 300
_Thomas Robin associé du sieur de Potrincourt au negoce de Canada._ 127
_Tortues abondent en Decembre._ 47
_Trocque des peaux de Castors, Eslants, Martres, loups marins en Esté._
33
_Trois peuples alliés aux François en Canada._ 34
_Turnel, Capitaine Anglois tourne son amour en haine contre le P.
Biard, & pourquoy._ 276
_Turnel Lieutenant Anglois soupçonné de son Capitaine pour auoir
conferé auec le P. Biard._ 267
_Turnel Capitaine Anglois porté cõtre son gré aux terres d'Espagne, se
reconcilie aux Iesuites, pour y auoir leur faueur._ 282.
S.
_Sack, arrows, skins, dogs, and other property of the deceased
buried with him._ 92
_Sagamie on the banks of Sainte Croix._ 53
_Sagamie on the banks of the river St. John._ 53
_Sagamochin, little Sagamore._ 52
_Sagamore is the chief and Captain and some powerful family._ 51
_Sagamores acknowledged by their subjects by paying a tax of game
and of fish._ 51
_Sagamies divided according to the extent of the Bays and river
Banks._ 53
_Sagamores hold State Councils in Summer._ 53
_Sagamores and Autmoins alone have a voice in the public
assemblies._ 53, 54
_Sagamores of the Armouchiquois very opportunely withdraw their
people from the French ship to avoid a quarrel._ 179
_Saint John, a river of Canada._ 31
_Saint John, a river which is very dangerous at its mouth._ 165
_Saint Lawrence, a river whose drift ice extends far out into the
open sea._ 139
_Saint Sauveur, a settlement of the French in Canada, in the land
of Norembegua._ 19
_Saint Sauveur, a port so named recently, on the coast of Acadia,
intended for a new settlement._ 229.
_Saint Sauveur, taken and pillaged by the English._ 237
_St. Sauveur burned by the English._ 265
_Sainte Croix is in the country of the Eteminquois._ 7
_Sainte Croix, an Island in new France, first residence of sieur de
Monts, Lieutenant for the King._ 7
_Sainte Croix, an Island of the river, six leagues from port aux
Coquilles._ 156
_Saussaye arrives in Canada to establish a new settlement, and take
the Jesuits from port Royal._ 215
_Saussaye, Captain, in amusing himself too much with the
cultivation of the land, neglects the construction of buildings,
and causes the loss of St. Sauveur._ 226
_Saussaye, Captain of St. Sauveur, cannot produce the letters
containing his Commission, these having been secretly appropriated
by the English._ 239
_Saussaye, Captain, sent back to France by the English with
fourteen Frenchmen._ 252
_Schoudon, Sagamore, called "the Father" after his death._ 93
_Scurvy, or land disease, common in Canada._ 14
_Sepulchres of the Canadians arched over with sticks, with earth on
top._ 92
_Soissons. The Prince de Soissons, Governor of Canada._ 330
_Shoes and leggings of the Canadians._ 39
Souriquois, Montaguets, and Etechemins, _allies of the French in
Canada._ 34
_Tabagie, a Canadian banquet._ 46
_Tabagie from the provisions of a sick man who has made his will._
89
_Testament of the Canadians before death._ 88
_Thomas Aubert, Norman, goes to new France in the year 1508._ 2
_Thomas Deel, English Marshal in Virginia, a man very severe to the
French captives._ 261, 300
_Thomas Robin associated with sieur de Potrincourt in the affairs
of Canada._ 127
_Turtles abundant in December._ 47
_Trade in the skins of Beavers, Elks, Martens, and seals, in
Summer._ 33
_Three tribes allied with the French in Canada._ 34
_Turnel, English Captain, has his love for Father Biard changed
into hate, and why._ 276
_Turnel, English Lieutenant, suspected by his Captain for having
conferred with Father Biard._ 267
_Turnel, English Captain, carried against his will to the lands of
Spain, becomes reconciled to the Jesuits, in order to have their
favor._ 282
V.
_Vessies d'orignac à garder l'huile du loup marin._ 43
_Vible Bullot reçoit en son nauire vne partie des François de S.
Sauueur._ 256
_Virginie. Fort des Anglois en la terre ferme de Mocosa à_ 250. _lieuës
de S. Sauueur._ 227
_Vigne sauuage en plusieurs endroits de Canada, qui meurit en sa
saison._ 31.
FIN.
V.
_Bladders of moose skin in which to keep the seal oil._ 43
_Vible Bullot receives in his ship a part of the French of St.
Sauveur._ 256
_Virginia. A fort of the English on the mainland of Mocosa_, 250
_leagues from St. Sauveur._ 227
_Vine, wild, in many places in Canada, which ripens in its season._
31
END.
Privilege.
MICHEL COYSSARD, Vice-[pro]uincial de la Compagnie de IESVS, en la
Prouince de Lyon, permet, (suiuant le Priuilege dõné par les Roys
tres-Chrestiens à la mesme Compagnie) à LOVYS MVGVET de faire imprimer,
& vendre la Relation de la nouuelle France en Canada, & ce pour le
terme de quatre ans. Faict à Lyon, ce 23. Ianuier 1616.
M. COYSSARD.
License.
MICHEL COYSSARD, Vice-provincial of the Society of JESUS, in the
Province of Lyons, permits, (according to the License granted by
the most Christian Kings to the same Society) to LOUYS MUGUET to
have printed, and to sell, the Relation of new France in Canada,
and this for the term of four years. Done at Lyons, this 23rd of
January, 1616.
M. COYSSARD.
XV-XVII
THREE LETTERS BY CHARLES LALEMANT
XV.--Au Sievr de Champlain; Kebec, Juillet 28, 1625
XVI.--Au R. P. Prouincial des RR. Pères Recollects; Kebec, Juillet
28, 1625
XVII.--Epistola ad Præpositum Generalem; Nova Francia, Augustus 1,
[1626]
SOURCE: Documents XV. and XVI., are reprinted from Sagard's _Histoire
du Canada_ (Paris, 1636), pp. 868-870. In Document XVII., we follow
Father Felix Martin's apograph (now in the Archives of St. Mary's
College, Montreal) of the original Latin MS. in the Archives of the
Gesù, Rome.
Lettre du R. P. Charles Lallemant Superievr des Missions en Canada au
Sievr de Champlain.
[868] M_ONSIEVR_,
_Nous voicy graces à Dieu dans le resort de vostre Lieutenance où nous
sommes heureusement arriuez, aprés auoir eu vne des belles trauerses_
[869] _qu'on aye encor experimenté. Monsieur le General aprés nous
auoir declaré qu'il luy estoit impossible de nous loger ou dans
l'habitation où dans le fort, & qu'il faudroit ou, repasser en France,
ou nous retirer chez les Peres Recollects, nous a contrainct d'accepter
ce dernier offre. Les Peres nous ont receus auec tant de charité qu'il
nous ont obligez pour vn iamais. Nostre Seigneur sera leur recompence.
Vn de nos Peres estoit allé à la traicte en intention de passer aux
Hurons ou aux Hiroquois, auec le Pere Recollect qui est venu de Frãce,
selon qu'ils aduiseroient auec le Pere Nicolas, qui se deuoit treuuer à
la traicte & conferer auec eux, mais il est arriué que le pauure Pere
Nicolas au dernier saut s'est noyé, ce qui a esté cause qu'ils sont
retournez, n'ayans ny cognoissance, ny langue, ny information: nous
attendons donc vostre venuë, pour resoudre ce qui sera à propos de
faire. Vous sçaurez tout ce que vous pourrez desirer de ce pays du P.
Ioseph, c'est pourquoy ie me contente de vous asseurer que ie suis,_
_Monsieur, Vostre tres-affectionné seruiteur_,
_Charles Lalemant._
_De Kebec ce 28. Iuillet 1625._
Letter from the Reverend Father Charles Lallemant,[20] Superior of
the Missions in Canada, to Sieur de Champlain.
[868] S_IR,_
_Thanks to God, here we are in the district of your Lieutenancy,
where we arrived after having one of the most successful voyages_
[869] _ever yet experienced. Monsieur the General,[21] after
having told us that was impossible to give us lodging either in
the settlement or in the fort, and that we must either return to
France, or withdraw to the Recollect Fathers'[22] obliged us to
accept the latter offer. The Fathers received us with so much
charity, that we feel forever under obligations to them. Our
Lord will be their reward. One of our Fathers, together with the
Recollect Father who came from France,[23] went to the trading
station[24] with the intention of going to the Hurons or to the
Hiroquois, as they should think best after consulting Father
Nicolas, who was to be at this station to confer with them. But it
happened that poor Father Nicolas was drowned in the last of the
rapids,[25] for which reason they returned, as they knew no one
there, and had no knowledge of the language or of the country. We
are therefore awaiting your arrival, to determine what it will be
well to do. You will hear all you wish to know of this country from
Father Joseph,[26] therefore I am content to assure you that I am,_
_Sir, Your very affectionate servant,_
_Charles Lalemant._
_Kebec, this 28th of July, 1625._
Lettre du R. P. Charles Lallemant Superievr des Missions en Canada au
R. P. Prouincial des RR. Pères Recollects.
M_ON REUEREND PERE,
Pax Christi._
_Ce seroit estre par trop mescognoissant de ne point escrire à vostre
Reuerence, pour la remercier, tant des lettres qui furent dernierement
escrites en nostre faueur aux Peres qui sont icy en_ [870] _la
nouuelle France, comme de la charité que nous auons receues desdits
Peres, qui nous ont obligez pour vn iamais, ie supplie nostre bon
Dieu qu'il soit la grande recompence & des vns & des autres, pour mon
particulier i'escris à nos Superieurs, que i'en ay vn tel ressentiment
que l'occasion ne se presentera point que ie ne le fasse paroistre,
& les supplie quoy que d'ailleurs bien affectionnez de tesmoigner à
tout vostre sainct Ordre le mesme ressentiment. Le P. Ioseph dira à
vostre Reuerence le suict de son voyage pour le bon succez duquel,
nous ne cesserons d'offrir & prieres & sacrifices à Dieu, il faut
ceste fois aduancer à bon escient les affaires de nostre Maistre, & ne
rien obmettre de ce qu'on pourra s'aduiser estre necessaire, i'en ay
escrit à tous ceux que i'ay creu y pouuoir contribuer que ie m'asseure
s'y emploieront si les affaires de France le permettent, ie ne doute
point que vostre Reuerence ne s'y porte auec affection, & ainsi_ virtus
vnita, _fera beaucoup d'effet, en attendant le succez ie me recommande
aux saincts Sacrifices de vostre Reuerence, de laquelle ie suis._
De Kebec ce 28. Iuillet
1625.
Tres-humble seruiteur
Charles Lalemant.
A mon Reuerend Pere le P. Prouincial
des RR. Peres Recollects.
Letter from the Reverend Father Charles Lallemant, Superior of
the Missions of Canada, to the Reverend Father Provincial of the
Reverend Recollect Fathers.
M_Y REVEREND FATHER:
The peace of Christ be with you._
_It would be altogether too ungrateful not to write to your
Reverence to thank you, both for the letters which were recently
written in our behalf to the Fathers who are here in [870] new
France, and for the kindness which we have received from these
Fathers, who have placed us under everlasting obligations to them.
I pray our good Lord that he may be an ample recompense for both.
As to me I write to our Superiors that I am so grateful for this
that I shall lose no opportunity to show my appreciation of it;
and I implore them, although they are already very much attached
to your Fathers, to express the same gratitude to all your holy
Order. Father Joseph will tell your Reverence the purpose of his
voyage,[27] for the success of which we shall not cease to offer
prayers and sacrifices to God. The affairs of our Master must be
advanced in earnest this time, and nothing must be omitted which
may be deemed necessary. I have written to all of those who, I
thought, could contribute to this enterprise, and who, I believe,
will occupy themselves with it, the affairs of France permitting. I
do not doubt that your Reverence will take an interest in the work,
and thus_ virtus unita _will achieve good results. In awaiting our
success I commend myself to the holy Sacrifices of your Reverence,
of whom I am,_
Kebec, this 28th of July,
1625.
The very humble servant,
Charles Lalemant.
To my Reverend Father, the Father Provincial
of the Reverend Recollect Fathers.
Epistola Patris Caroli Lalemant Superioris Missionis Canadensis ad
Reverendissimum Patrem Mutium Vitelleschi, Præpositum Generalem
Societatis Jesu, Romæ.
(_Transcripsit Pater Felix Martinus ex codice Latino qui in Archivis
Jesu, Romæ, conservatur_).
ADMODUM REVERENDE IN CHRISTO PATER.
Pax Christi.
Non miretur Paternitas vestra si nullas a postremis, hoc est ab anno
litteras habuerit a nobis, adeo enim remoti sumus a littore maris,
ut semel duntaxat singulis annis visitemur a Gallis et quidem ab iis
tantum quibus libera est ad nos navigatio, nam cæteris est interdicta;
quo fit ut si casu aliquo perirent naves illæ onerariæ vel certe
a prædonibus caperentur, ab una Dei providentia expectanda essent
alimenta quibus vitam sustentare possemus; a barbaris enim hominibus
vix necessaria ad vitam habentibus nihil sperandum, sed qui hactenus
providit Gallis, hic jam tot annis commorantibus et nihil nisi lucrum
temporale quærentibus non deerit suis uni Dei gloriæ et animarum saluti
invigilantibus. Hoc igitur anno toti pene fuimus in perdiscendo barbaro
idiomate, uno aut altero mense excepto quibus terram coluimus unde
tenuem nobis victum comparare utcumque possemus. Pater Joannes Brebeuf
vir et pius et prudens et corpore robustus acerbum hyemis tempus cum
barbaris transegit, unde maximam peregrinæ linguæ cognitionem hausit;
nos interim ab interpretibus licet maxime alienis a communicando
barbaro hoc idiomate obtinuimus, præter spem et expectationem
omnium, quod sperare poteramus. Sed hæc sunt tantum gemini idiomatis
rudimenta, multo plura supersunt. Ad multiplicationem quippe nationum
multiplicantur idiomata; ac terram hanc longe lateque diffusam incolunt
quinquaginta ut minimum nationes, ingens sane campus in quo nostra
excurrat industria; messis multa operarii pauci qui tamen eo sunt
animo, per Dei gratiam, ut nullis terreantur difficultatibus, quamvis
fructus spes magna nondum affulgeat, adeo rudes sunt incolæ et proxime
at bestias accedentes. Certe hoc unum solatur nos quod Deus optimus,
maximus, in repetenda mercede, fructus non tam sit habiturus rationem
quam voluntatis nostræ et laboris impensi, modo grata sit ipsi hæc
nostra qualiscumque voluntas, non est quod male locatam operam nostram
existimemus: nullus ergo alius hoc anno fructus quam loci, personarum
et idiomatis duarum nationum cognitio, si barbarorum ratio habeatur,
nam Gallis nostris qui tres hic tantum supra quadraginta numerantur
præsto fuimus, quorum generales totius vitæ confessiones audivimus,
habita prius exhortatione de ejus confessionis necessitate, singulis
præterea mensibus geminam ad eos concionem habuimus; his majora dabit
sequens annus Deo bene juvante et totum hoc negotium ut hactenus fecit
promovente.
Letter from Father Charles Lalemant, Superior of the Missions of
Canada, to the Very Reverend Father Mutio Vitelleschi,[28] General
of the Society of Jesus, at Rome.
(_Transcribed by Father Felix Martin from the original Latin MS.,
preserved in the Archives of the Gesù, Rome._)
VERY REVEREND FATHER IN CHRIST:
The peace of Christ be with you.
Your Paternity need not be surprised to have received no letters
from us during the year since our last; for we are so remote from
the sea-coast that we are visited only once a year by French
vessels, and then only by those to whom navigation hither is
allowed, for to others it is interdicted; so that, if by any
mischance those merchant ships should be wrecked, or be taken
by pirates,[29] we could look to Divine providence alone for
our daily bread. For from the savages, who have scarcely the
necessaries of life for themselves, nothing is to be hoped; but
he who has hitherto provided for the needs of the French, who
have dwelt here so many years only with a view to temporal gain,
will not abandon his faithful ones who seek only the glory of God
and the salvation of souls. During the past year we have devoted
ourselves almost entirely to learning the dialect of the savages,
excepting a month or two spent in cultivating the soil, in order to
obtain such slight means of subsistence as we could. Father Jean
Brebeuf,[30] a pious and prudent man, and of a robust constitution,
passed the sharp winter season among the savages, acquiring a
very considerable knowledge of this strange tongue. We, meantime,
learning from interpreters who were very unwilling to communicate
their knowledge, made as much progress as we could hope, contrary
to the expectation of all. But these are only the rudiments of two
languages; many more remain. For the languages are multiplied with
the number of the tribes; and this land, extending so far in every
direction, is inhabited by at least fifty different tribes, truly
an immense field for our zeal. The harvest is great, the laborers
are few; but they have, by God's grace, a courage undaunted by
any obstacles, although the promise of success is not yet very
great, so rude and almost brutish are the natives. We have, truly,
this one consolation, that God in his goodness and power, in the
distribution of his rewards will not so much consider our success
as our good will and our efforts. Provided only that our desires,
such as they may be, be pleasing in his sight, we shall have no
reason for deeming our efforts misspent. Our labors this year
have had no further fruit than a knowledge of the country, of the
natives, and of the dialects of two tribes, if the savages alone
be considered. As regards the French, whose number does not exceed
forty-three, we have not been negligent. We have heard their
general confessions, relating to their whole past life, after first
holding an exhortation on the necessity of this confession. Each
month, moreover, we have preached two sermons to them. To these
efforts the following year will add still greater ones, if God help
and promote our enterprise as he has done hitherto.
Valent nostri omnes, per Dei gratiam.... Vix unus utitur linteis cum
decumbit. Quod superest nobis temporis a propria et proximorum salute
id totum in excolenda terra insumitur. Longe alia fuissent virtutum
incrementa, si alium Nostri non desiderassent superiorem. Facile est
Paternitati Vestræ remedium adhibere, longe melius obsequentis quam
imperantis personam sustineo. Dabit hoc mihi ut bene spero Paternitas
Vestra a qua id, qua possum animi demissione, peto, nec hujus remedii
defectu remorabitur diutius alacritatem nostrorum in augendis
virtutibus. E Gallia missi sunt ad nos hoc anno operarii primum hic
domicilium Societatis erecturi quod omnino necessarium indicavimus
propter Gallos nostros hic commorantes et nusquam alibi. Erigentur
postea in aliis nationibus in quibus major speratur fructus. Certas
enim et statas sedes habent, ad eas brevi missuri sumus unum e nostris
vel duos potius, nimirum Patrem Joannem de Brebeuf et Patrem Annam de
Noue, quorum missio si succedat lætissimus aperitur Evangelio campus;
barbarorum opera eo deducendi sunt, neque enim aliis vectoribus uti
possunt. Cum bona superiorum venia redit in Galliam Pater Philibertus
Noyrot, hoc totum negotium ut hactenus fecit promoturus. Indiget
Paternitatis Vestræ auctoritate ut libere possit agere cum iis qui res
nostras curant. Facessunt ipsi aliquid negotii Lutetiæ Patres nostri,
nescio quam ob rem, nonnihil videntur alieni ab hac missione, cui nisi
favisset bonæ memoriæ Pater Cottonus omnino jacuissent res nostræ....
Verum quia rediturus est ineunte vere Pater Noyrot, omnino alius e
nostris erit necessarius Lutetiæ vel Rothomagi qui in ipsius locum
sufficiatur et rerum nostrarum curam suscipiat, necessaria singulis
annis mittat et litteras nostras accipiat; si tamen ita judicaverit
Paternitas Vestra. Septem ergo hic residui erimus. Patres quatuor: P.
Enemundus Masse, admonitor et confessarius, P. Joannes de Brebeuf, P.
Annas de Noue et ego. Coadjutores vero tres: Gilbertus Burel, Joannes
Goffestre et Franciscus Charreton, parati omnes ad quosvis labores pro
Dei gloria suscipiendos. Sanctissimis Paternitatis Vestræ Sacrificiis
commendant se omnes.
P. V. filius humillimus
Carolus Lalemant.
E Nova Francia
Cal. Aug.
We are, God be thanked, all well.... Hardly one of us uses
bed-linen when he sleeps. All our time that is not devoted to
seeking the salvation of our fellow-men and of ourselves is
occupied in tilling the soil. Far greater would be our growth in
virtue, if another of Our Brothers were not more desirable as
superior. This it is easy for Your Paternity to remedy, as I feel
myself far better fitted for obedience than for command. I truly
hope that Your Paternity, from whom I ask it with all possible
submission, will grant me this, and will not longer hinder, for
lack of this remedy, the eagerness of our brethren to increase
their virtues. Some workmen have been sent to us this year from
France, to construct the first dwelling of the Society here, which
we considered as quite indispensable on account of our French, who
settle here and nowhere else. Others will be built later among
other tribes from whom we expect greater results. To those that
have fixed settlements we shall in a short time send one of our
number or rather two; Father Jean de Brebeuf and Father Anne de
Noue.[31] If their mission is successful, a most promising field
will be opened for the Gospel. They must be taken there by the
savages, for they can not use any other boatmen. With consent of
his superiors, Father Philibert Noyrot[32] returns to France to
promote as hitherto the interests of our enterprise. He stands
in need of the influence of Your Paternity in order to negotiate
freely with those who have charge of our affairs. Our own Fathers
at Paris, for some reason, put difficulties in our way, and seem
rather unfriendly to our mission; so that, but for the favor of
Father Cotton,[33] of blessed memory, our affairs would have fallen
to the ground.... As Father Noyrot is to return at the beginning
of spring, another of our members will be absolutely necessary
at Paris, or at Rouen, to fill his place and to look after our
interests, sending us yearly what supplies we need, and receiving
our letters, if Your Paternity so decide. There thus remain seven
of us here; four priests, Father Enemond Masse,[34] as admonitor
and confessor, Father Jean de Brebeuf, Father Anne de Noue, and
myself; and three lay brothers, Gilbert Burel, Jean Goffestre,
and François Charreton, all of us ready to undertake any labors
whatsoever for the glory of God. We all commend ourselves to the
Most Holy Sacrifices of Your Paternity.
Your Paternity's most humble son
Charles Lalemant.
New France,
August 1st.
XVIII
CHARLES LALEMANT'S
Lettre au Hierosme l'Allemant
Kebec, Aoust 1, 1626
PARIS: JEAN BOUCHER, 1627
SOURCE: Title-page and text reprinted from original in Lenox Library.
LETTRE
DV PERE
CHARLES
L'ALLEMANT
SVPERIEVR DE LA MISSION
de Canadas; de la Compagnie
de I E S V S.
_Enuoyee au Pere Hierosme l'Allemant
son frere, de la mesme Compagnie_
Où sont contenus les moeurs & façons de viure des Sauuages habitans
de ce païs là; & comme ils se comportent auec les Chrestiens
François qui y demeurent.
_Ensemble la description des villes de ceste contree._
[Illustration]
A PARIS,
PAR IEAN BOVCHER, ruë des Amandiers
à la Verité Royale. 1627.
LETTER
FROM FATHER
CHARLES
L'ALLEMANT
SUPERIOR OF THE MISSION
of the Canadas; of
the Society of JESUS.
_Sent to Father Jerome l'Allemant, his brother,
of the same Society_
In which are contained the manners and customs of the Savages
inhabiting that country; and on what terms they live with the
French Christians who reside there.
_Together with the description of the towns of that country._
PARIS,
JEAN BOUCHER, ruë des Amandiers
Verité Royale. 1627.
[1 i.e., 3] Lettre dv Pere Charles L'Allemant Superieur de la Mission
de Canadas, de la Compagnie de IESVS. Au Pere Hierosme l'Allemant son
frere.
Pax Christi.
I'ESCRIVIS l'an passé à Vostre Reuerence (enuiron la my-Iuillet) le
succés de nostre voyage; depuis ce temps ie n'ay peu vous escrire, à
cause que les vaisseaux n'abordent icy qu'vne fois l'an. C'est pourquoy
il ne faut attendre des nouuelles de nous que d'annee en annee: Et si
ces vaisseaux venoient vne fois à manquer, ce seroit bien merueille
si vous en receuiez deuant deux ans; outre qu'il nous faudroit ceste
annee attendre de l'vnique prouidence de Dieu les choses necessaires à
l'entretien de ceste vie. Donc depuis mes dernieres, voicy ce que i'ay
peu recognoistre de ce païs, & ce qui s'est passé: Ce païs est d'vne
grande estenduë, ayant bien mille ou douze cens lieuës de longueur; sa
largeur, enuiron le 40. degrez vers l'Orient; il est borné de la mer
Oceane, & vers l'Occident, de la mer de la Chine. Plusieurs Nations
l'habitent: lon m'en a nommé 38. ou 40. sans celles que lon ne cognoist
pas, que les Sauages neantmoins asseurent. Le lieu où les François se
sont habituez appellé Kebec, est par les 46. degrez & demy, sur le
bord d'vn des plus beaux fleuues du monde, appellé par les François,
la riuiere de sainct Laurens, esloigné pres de deux cens lieuës de
l'emboucheure du dit fleuue, & cep[~e]dãt le flot monte encore 35. ou
40. lieuës au dessus de nous. [4] L'endroit le plus estroit de ceste
riuiere est vis à vis de l'habitation, & toutesfois sa largeur y est
plus d'vn quart de lieuë. Or quoy que le païs où nous sommes soit
par les 46 degrez & demy plus Sud que Paris de pres de deux degrez,
si est-ce que l'Hyuer, pour l'ordinaire, y est de 5. mois & demy;
les neiges de 3. ou 4. pieds de hauteur; mais si obstinees qu'elles
ne fondent point pour l'ordinaire que vers la my-Auril, & commencent
tousiours au mois de Nouembre, pendant tout ce temps on ne void point
la terre; voire mesme nos François m'ont dit, qu'ils auoient traisné
le may sur la nege, au premier iour de May: L'annee mesme que nous
arriuasmes, & ce auec des raguettes; car c'est la coustume en ce païs
de marcher sur des raguettes pendãt l'Hyuer, de peur d'enfoncer dans
la neige, à l'imitation des Sauuages, qui ne vont point autrem[~e]t à
la chasse de l'orignac. Le plus doux Hyuer qu'on ait veu, est celuy
que nous y auons passé (disent les Anciens habitans) & cependant les
neiges commencerent le 16. Nouembre, & vers la fin de Mars commencerent
à fondre, la longueur & continuation des neiges est cause que lon
pourroit douter si le froment & le seigle reussiroit bien en ce païs;
i'en ay veu neãtmoins d'aussi beau qu'en vostre France, & mesme le
nostre que nous y auons semé, ne luy cede en rien; pour plus grande
asseurance il faudroit y semer du bled mesteil; l'orge & l'auoine y
viennent le mieux du monde, plus grainuës beaucoup qu'en France. C'est
merueille de voir nos pois tant ils sont beaux. Ainsi la terre n'est
pas ingrate (comme vostre Reuerence peut voir.) Plus on va montant la
riuiere, & plus on s'apperçoit de la bonté d'icelle. Les vents qui
regnent en ce païs, sont, le Nor-d'Est, le Nor-Ouest, & le Sur-Ouest.
Le Nor-d'Est ameine les neges en Hyuer, & les pluyes en autre saison.
Le Nor-Ouest est si froid qu'il penetre iusques aux moüelles des os; le
Ciel est fort serein quand il souffle. Depuis l'emboucheure de ceste
Riuiere iusques icy, il n'y a point de terre defrichee, ce ne sont que
bois. Ceste Nation icy ne s'occupe point à cultiuer la tetre [terre],
il n'y a que 3. ou 4. familles qui en ont defriché 2. ou 3. arpens où
ils sement du bled d'Indes; & ce depuis peu de temps. On m'a dit que
c'estoit les RR. PP. Recolects qui leurs auoient persuadé. Ce qui a
esté cultiué en ce lieu par les François est peu de chose, s'il y a
18. ou 20. arpens de terre [5] c'est tout le bout du monde. A deux
cens lieuës d'icy en montant la Riuiere, il se trouue des Nations plus
stables que celles cy, qui bastissent de grands villages, lesquels
ils fortifient contre leurs ennemis; & trauaillent à bon escient
à la terre; d'où vient qu'elles ont quantité de bled d'Inde, & ne
meur[~e]t pas de faim comme celles cy, si sont-elles plus sauuages en
leurs moeurs, commettans sans se cacher, & sans honte aucune, toute
sortes d'impudences. Or quoy que ceste Riuiere nous conduise à ces
Nations là, si est-ce pourtant qu'il y a bien de la difficulté à y
aller, à cause des saults qui se trouu[~e]t sur la Riuiere (qui sont
de certains precipices d'eau, qui empesch[~e]t tout à fait qu'on ne
puisse nauiger.) C'est pourquoy lors que les Sauuages arriuent à ces
saults là, il faut qu'ils portent leurs batteaux sur leurs espaules,
auec tout leur bagage, & qu'ils s'en aillent par terre quelquesfois
2. 3. 4. & 8 lieuës, & ainsi que passent les François lors qu'ils y
vont. Les RR. PP. Recolects y sont allez quelquesfois, & y ont porté
tous leurs viures pour vn an, ou dequoy en acheter; car d'attendre que
les Sauuages vous en donn[~e]t c'est folie, si ce n'est qu'ils vous
ayent pris sous leur protection, & que vous vouliez demeurer dans leurs
villages & cabanes; car alors il vous nourriront pour rien; Mais qui
s'y pourroit resoudre! les yeux religieux ne peuuent supporter tant
d'impudicitez qui s'y commettent à descouuert: c'est pourquoy les RR.
PP. Recolects ont esté contraints de bastir des Cabanes à part; mais
aussi falloit il qu'ils achetassent leurs viures. En ces Nations il n'y
a eu ceste annee aucun Religieux; quand nous arriuasmes icy l'an passé
il y auoit vn P. Recolet qui s'en venoit auec les Sauuages, au lieu de
la traitte 35. lieuës au dessus de ceste habitation; mais au dernier
sault qu'il passa son canal se renuersa & se noya: En descendant les
Sauuages ne mettent pied à terre pour les sauls; mais seulem[~e]t
en montant. Ainsi ces saults font que ces Nations sont de difficile
abord. Or bien qu'il n'y ait point eu de Religieux en ces Nations, les
marchands n'ont pas laissé d'y enuoyer des François pour entretenir
les Sauuages, & les amener tous les ans à la traitte. Ces François par
consequent n'ont oüy la Messe toute l'annee, ne se sont ny confessez,
ny communiez à Pasques, & viuent dans des occasions tres-grandes de
pecher. _Quæritur_, s'ils peuuent en cõscience y aller de la forte;
Vostre [6] Reuer[~e]ce me fera plaisir de consulter quelqu'vn de nos
Peres pour en sçauoir la resolution & me l'escrire.
[1 i.e.,3] Letter[35] from Father Charles L'Allemant, Superior of
the Mission of Canadas, of the Society of JESUS. To Father Jerome
l'Allemant, his brother.[36]
The peace of Christ be with you.
LAST year (about the middle of July) I wrote to Your Reverence
in regard to the success of our voyage. I have not been able to
communicate with you since then, because the ships touch here only
once a year; and therefore news can be expected from us only from
year to year. And if these ships failed once, it would not be
surprising if you did not receive news before two years; besides,
during the intervening year we should be obliged to look entirely
to the providence of God for the necessaries of life. Now, since
my last letters, the following is what I have been able to learn
about this country, and what has been done here. This country is
of vast extent, being easily a thousand or twelve hundred leagues
long, and in width extending about 40 degrees toward the Orient.
It is bounded by the Ocean sea, and towards the West by the sea of
China. Many Tribes inhabit it, about 38 or 40 having been named to
me, besides those which are unknown; of the existence of which,
however, the Savages assure us. The place inhabited by the French,
called Kebec, is in 46 and one-half degrees, upon the shore of one
of the most beautiful rivers in the world, called by the French
the river saint Lawrence. Kebec is about two hundred leagues
from the mouth of this river, and yet the tide ascends 35 or 40
leagues above us. [4] The narrowest part of this river is opposite
the settlement, and yet its width here is more than one-fourth of
a league. Now although the country where we are, being in latitude
about 46 and one-half degrees, is farther South than Paris by
nearly two degrees, yet the Winter generally lasts here 5 months
and a half; the snow is 3 or 4 feet deep, but it is so firm that
it does not usually melt until near the middle of April, and it
always begins in the month of November. During all this time the
earth is never seen; indeed our Frenchmen have even told me that
they dragged their maypole over the snow on the first day of May,
in the very year of our arrival, and that with snowshoes; for it
is the custom in this country to walk on snowshoes during the
winter, for fear of sinking into the snow, in imitation of the
Savages; who never go otherwise to hunt the moose. The mildest
Winter that has been seen is the one that we have passed here (say
the Old inhabitants), and yet the snow began to fall on the 16th of
November and to melt towards the end of March. The long duration of
the snow might cause one to somewhat doubt whether wheat and rye
would grow well in this country. But I have seen some as beautiful
as that produced in your France, and even that which we have
planted here yields to it in nothing. To better provide against
scarcity, it would be well to plant some meslin;[37] rye and oats
grow here the best in the world, the grains being larger and more
abundant than in France. Our peas are so beautiful; it is wonderful
to see them. So the earth is not ungrateful (as your Reverence may
see.) The farther up the river we go, the more we see of the
fertility of the soil. The prevailing winds in this country are
the Northeast, Northwest, and Southwest. The Northeast brings the
snows in Winter, and the rains in other seasons. The Northwest is
so cold that it penetrates even to the marrow of the bones; yet the
Sky is very serene when it blows. From the mouth of the River to
this place, none of the land is cleared, there being nothing but
forests. This Tribe does not occupy itself in tilling the soil;
there are only 3 or 4 families who have cleared 2 or 3 acres,
where they sow Indian corn, and they have been doing this for only
a short time. I have been told that it was the Reverend Recolect
Fathers who persuaded them to do it. That cultivated by the French
in this place is of small area, only 18 or 20 acres [5] at the
most.[38] Two hundred leagues from here, ascending the River,
Tribes are found which are more sedentary than those which are
here; they build large villages which they fortify against their
enemies, and cultivate the land in earnest. It thus happens that
they have stores of Indian corn, and do not die of starvation like
those here. Yet they are more savage in their customs, and commit
all kinds of shameless acts, without disgrace or any attempt at
concealment. Now, although this River takes us to these Tribes, yet
truly the difficulty in getting there is very great, on account of
the rapids which are found in the River; (these are certain falls
of water which entirely prevent navigation.) Therefore, when the
Savages reach these rapids, they are compelled to carry their boats
upon their shoulders with all their baggage, and to go overland,
sometimes 2, 3, 4, or 8 leagues; and the French have to do the
same when they go there. The Reverend Recolect Fathers made this
journey occasionally and carried all their food for a year, or the
means of buying it; for to expect the Savages to give it to you is
folly, unless they have taken you under their protection, and you
wish to live in their villages and cabins; then they would feed you
for nothing. But who could make up his mind to do this? Religious
eyes could not support the sight of so much lewdness, carried on
openly. Therefore, the Reverend Recolect Fathers were compelled to
build their cabins apart; but they also, on that account, had to
buy their food. There has been no Religious among these Tribes this
year. When we arrived here last year, there was one Recolet Father
who came with the Savages to the trading station, 35 leagues above
this settlement; but when coming down the last of the rapids, his
canoe upset and he was drowned.[25] In descending the river, the
Savages do not land on reaching the rapids, but only in going up.
Thus the rapids make these Tribes difficult of access. Although
there have been no Religious among these Tribes, the merchants have
not failed to send Frenchmen there to gain the good will of the
Savages, and to induce them to come yearly to the trading station.
As a consequence, these Frenchmen have not heard Mass during the
entire year, have not confessed nor taken the Easter Sacrament, and
their surroundings are such that there are frequent opportunities
for sin. _Quæritur_: can they conscientiously go thither under
these circumstances? Your [6] Reverence will do me the favor to
consult some one of our Fathers, to know his decision and to write
to me about it.
Quant aux façons de faire des Sauuages, c'est assez de dire qu'elles
sont tout à fait sauuages. Depuis le matin iusques au soir, ils
n'ont autre soucy que de remplir leur ventre. Ils ne viennent point
nous voir si ce n'est pour demander à manger, & si vous ne leur en
donnez ils tesmoignent du mescontentement. Ils sont de vrais gueux
s'il en fut iamais, & neantmoins superbes au possible. Ils estiment
que les François n'ont point d'esprit au prix d'eux; les vices de la
chair sont fort frequ[~e]ts chez eux; tel qui y espousera plusieurs
femmes qu'il quittera quand bon luy semblera & en prendra d'autres.
Il y en a icy vn qui a espousé sa propre fille; mais tous les autres
Sauuages s'en sont trouuez indignez; de netteté chez eux il ne s'en
parle point, ils sont fort sales en leur manger & dans leurs cabanes,
ont force vermine qu'ils mangent quand ils l'ont prise. La coustume
de ceste Nation est de tuër leurs peres & meres lors qu'ils sont si
vieux qu'ils ne peuu[~e]t plus marcher, pensans en cela leur rendre
de bons seruices; car autrement ils seroient contraints de mourir de
faim, ne pouuans plus suiure les autres lors qu'ils changent de lieu;
& comme ie fis dire vn iour à vn qu'on luy en feroit autant lors qu'il
seroit deuenu vieil; il me respondit qu'il s'y attendoit bien. La
façon de faire la guerre auec leurs ennemis c'est pour l'ordinaire
par trahison, les allans espier lors qu'ils sont à l'escart; & s'ils
ne sont assez forts pour emmener prisonniers ceux ou celuy qu'ils
rencontreut, ils tirent des fleches dessus, puis leur coupp[~e]t la
teste, qu'ils emportent pour monstrer à leurs gens, que s'ils les
peuuent emmener prisonniers iusques en leurs cabanes ils leur font
endurer des cruautez nompareilles, les faisant mourir à petit feu: &
chose etrange! pendant tous ces tourmens, le patient chante tousiours,
resputans à deshonneur s'ils crient & s'ils se plaignent. Apres que
le pati[~e]t est mort, ils le mangent, & n'y a si petit qui n'en ait
sa part, ils font des festins ausquels ils se conuient les vns les
autres, & mesme ils conuient quelques François de leur cognoissance,
& en ces festi[n]s ils donnent à chacun sa part dans des plats ou
escuelles d'escorce & lors que ce sont festins à tout manger, il ne
faut rien laisser, autremement vous estes obligez à payer quelque
chose, & perdriez la reputation de braue [7] homme. Aux festins qu'ils
font pour la mort de quelqu'vn ils font la part au defunt aussi bien
qu'aux autres, laquelle ils iettent dans le feu, & se donnent bien
garde que les chiens ne participe[~e]t à ce festin; & pource ramassent
tous les os & les iettent dans le feu. Ils enterrent les morts & auec
eux tout ce qu'ils auoient, comme chandeliers, peaux, cousteaux, &c.
Et comme ie demãday vn iour à vn vieillard pourquoy ils mettoient tout
ce bagage dans les fosses, il me respondit qu'ils le mettoient afin
que le mort s'en seruist dans l'autre monde; & comme ie luy repartis
que toutes les fois que lon regardoit dãs les fosses on y trouuoit
tousiours le bagage, qui estoit vn temoignage que le mort ne s'en
seruoit pas; il me respõdit, qu'à la verité le corps des chaudieres,
peaux, cousteaux, &c. demeuroit; mais que l'ame des chaudieres,
cousteaux, &c. s'en alloit dans l'autre monde auec le mort, & que là
il s'en seruoit. Ainsi ils croyent, (comme V.R. void) l'immortalité
de nos Ames; & de fait ils asseurent qu'apres la mort, ils vont au
Ciel où elles mangent des champignons, & se communiquent les vnes auec
les autres. Ils appellent le Soleil IESVS; & lon tient en ce païs que
ce sont les Basques qui y ont cy-deuant habité, qui sont Autheurs de
ceste denomination. De là vient que quand nous faisons nos Prieres,
il leur semble que comme eux nous addressons nos Prieres au Soleil. A
ce propos du Soleil, ces Sauuages icy croyent que la terre est percee
de part en part, & que lors qu'il se couche, il est caché en vn trou
de la terre, & sort le lendemain par l'autre. Ils n'ont aucun culte
diuin, ny aucunes sortes de Prieres. Ils croyent neantmoins qu'il y en
a Vn qui a tout fait; mais pourtant ils ne luy rendent aucun honneur.
Entr'eux ils ont quelques personnes qui font estat de parler au Diable;
ceux là sont aussi les Medecins, & guarissent de toute maladie. Les
Sauuages craignent grandement ces gens-là, & les caress[~e]t de peur
qu'ils n'en reçoiuent du mal. Nous apprendrons peu à peu ce qui est des
autres Nations, lesquelles sont plus stables en leurs demeures; Car
pour celles-cy où nous sommes maintenant auec les François, elle est
seulement vagabonde six mois l'annee, qui sont les six mois d'Hyuer,
errans çà & là selon la chasse qu'ils trouuent, & ne se cabanent
que deux ou trois familles ensemble en vn endroit, deux ou trois en
l'autre, & les autres de mesme. Ez autres [8] six mois de l'annee,
vingt ou trente s'assemblent sur le bord de la Riuiere pres de nostre
habitation, autant à Thadoussac, & autant à quarante lieuës au dessus
de nous, & là ils viuent de la chasse qu'ils ont faicte l'Hyuer,
c'est à dire, de viande d'orignac, boucanee, & de viures qu'ils ont
traité auec les François. Ie croy auoir escrit l'an passé ce qui est
de leurs vestemens, & comme ils sont tousiours nud teste, leurs corps
sont seulem[~e]t couuerts d'vne peau, ou d'orignac, ou d'vne robbe de
Castor, qui sont 5. ou 6. Castors cousus ensemble, & vestent ces peaux,
comme sans comparaison, les Ecclesiastiques les Chappes, n'estans
attachez par deuant que d'vne courroye: quelquefois ils se ceignent
d'vne ceinture, quelquefois ils n'en ont point du tout, & neantmoins
pour lors on ne void rien de deshonneste, cachans fort decemment les
parties que l'honnesteté veut estre couuertes. En Hyuer ils ont des
chausses & des souliers faits de peau d'orignac; mais les souliers,
tant dessus que dessous sont souples comme vn gand. Ils ont la plus
part du temps leurs visages peints de rouge ou de gris brun & ce en
diuerses façons, selon la fantaisie des femmes, qui peignent leurs
maris & leurs enfans, desquels ils graissent aussi les cheueux de
graisse d'ours, ou d'orignac. Les hommes n'ont non plus de barbe que
les femmes, ils se l'arrachent afin de plaire dauantage aux femmes.
Ie n'en ay veu que trois ou quatre qui ne se la sont point arrachee
depuis peu de temps à l'imitation des François; mais pourtant ils n'en
sont pas fournis. La couleur de leur chair tire fort sur le noir; on
n'en void pas vn qui aye la charnure blanche, neantmoins il n'y a rien
de si blanc que leurs dents. Ils võt sur les riuieres dans de petits
canaux d'escorce de bouleau, fort proprement faits: dans les moindres
il y peut tenir 4 ou 5. personnes, encore y mettent-ils leurs petits
bagages. Les auirons sont proportionnez aux canaux l'vn deuant l'autre
derriere, c'est d'ordinaire la femme qui tient celuy de derriere, & par
consequent qui gouuerne. Ces pauures femmes sont de vrais mulets de
charge, portant toute la fatigue; sont-elles accouchees, deux heures
apres elles s'en vont aux bois pour fournir au feu de la cabane. En
Hyuer lors qu'ils decabanent elles trainent les meilleurs pacquets
sur la neige; bref les hommes ne semblent auoir pour partage que la
chasse, la guerre, & la traitte. A propos de la [9] traitte, ie n'en ay
encores rien dit, aussi est-ce l'vnique chose qui me reste touchant les
Sauuages. Toutes leurs richesses sont les peaux de diuers animaux; mais
principalement de Castors. Auparauant l'association de ces Messieurs
ausquels le Roy a donné ceste traitte pour certain temps, moïennant
quelques conditions portees par les Articles, les Sauuages estoient
visitez de plusieurs personnes, iusques là qu'vn des Anci[~e]s m'a
dit qu'il a veu iusques à vingt nauires dans le port de Tadoussac;
mais maintenant que ceste traitte a esté accordee à l'association qui
est auiourd'huy priuatiuement à tous autres, lon ne void plus icy que
deux nauires qui appartiennent à l'Association, & ce, vne fois l'an
seulement, enuiron le commencement du mois de Iuin. Ces deux nauires
apportent toutes les marchandises que ces Messieurs traictent auec
les Sauuages, c'est à sçauoir des capaux, des couuertures, bonnets de
nuict, chapeaux, chemises, draps, haches, fers de fleches, aleines,
espees, des tranches pour rompre la glace en Hyuer, des coutteaux, des
chaudieres, pruneaux, raisins, du bled d'Inde, des pois, du biscuit,
ou de la galette, & du petun; & outre ce qui est necessaire pour le
viure des François, qui demeur[~e]t en ce païs là, en eschange ils
emportent des peaux d'orignac, de loup ceruier, de regnard, de loutre,
& quelquefois il s'en rencontre de noires, de mattre, de blaireau, &
de rat musqué; mais principalement de Castor, qui est le plus grand
de leur gain: On m'a dit que pour vne annee ils en auoient remporté
iusques à 22000. L'ordinaire de chaque année est de 15000. ou 12000.
à vne pistole la piece, ce n'est pas mal allé; il est bien vray que
les frais qu'ils font sont assez grands, ayant icy quarante personnes
& plus qui sont gagez & nourris; outre les frais de tout l'equipage
de deux nauires, où il se retrouue bien 150. hõmes qui reçoiuent
des gages & se nourrissent. Ces gages ne sont pas tous d'vne façon:
L'ordinaire est de 106. liures, il y en a qui ont cent escus. Ie
cognois vn Truchement qui a cent pistoles, & quelque nombre de peaux
qu'il luy est permis d'emporter chaque annee. Il est vray qu'il les
traicte de sa marchãdise. Vostre Reuerence le verra ceste annee, c'est
vn de ceux qui nous ont grandement aidé. Vostre Reuerence lui fera,
s'il luy plaist, bon raqueil; il est pour retourner & rendre icy de
grands seruices à N. Seigneur. Reste maintenant [10] à mander à vostre
Reuerence ce que nous auons fait depuis nostre arriuee en ce païs, qui
fut à la fin de Iuin. Le mois de Iuillet & d'Aoust se passerent, partie
à escrire des lettres, partie à nous recognoistre vn peu dans le païs,
& à chercher quelque lieu propre pour y establir nostre demeure: Afin
de tesmoigner aux RR. PP. Recolects, que nous desiriõs les deliurer au
plustost de l'incõmodité que nous leur apportions. Apres auoir bien
consideré tous les endroits, & apres auoir pris langue des François, &
principalement des Reuerends Peres Recolects le 1. iour de Septembre
nous plantasmes la saincte Croix, au lieu que nous auions choisi, auec
toute la solemnité qui nous fut possible. Les Reuerends Peres Recolects
y assisterent auec les plus apparens des François, qui apres le disner
se mirent tous à trauailler. Nous auons depuis tousiours continué,
nous cinq, à desraciner ler [les] arbres, & à bescher la terre
tant que le t[~e]ps nous a permis. Les neiges venantes nous fusmes
contraints de sursoir iusques au Prin-temps pendant le trauail nous
ne laissions pas de penser comment nous viendrions à bout du langage
du païs; car des Truchemens, disoit-on il ne faut rien attendre; si
est-ce neantmoins qu'apres auoir recommandé l'affaire à Dieu, i'ay
pris resolution de m'addresser au Truchement de ceste Nation, quitte,
disie en moy-mesme pour estre refusé aussi bien que les autres. Donc
apres m'estre efforcé par des exhortations que ie faisois & par nostre
conuersation, de donner d'autres impressiõs de nostre Compagnie, qu'on
n'auoit en ce païs, Vostre Reuerence croiroit-elle bien que nous y auõs
trouué l'Anti-Coton, que lon faisoit courir de chambre en chambre,
& qu'enfin lon a bruslé quatre mois apres nostre arriuee; ayant,
disie, tasché de donner d'autres impressions. Ie m'adressay donc au
Truchement de ceste Nation, & le priay de nous donner cognoissance du
langage. Chose estrãge, il me promist sur l'heure, qu'il me donneroit
pendant l'hyuer tout le cõtentement que ie pourrois desirer de luy.
Or c'est icy où il faut admirer vne particuliere prouidence de Dieu:
car il faut remarquer, que le General estoit chargé de ses associez de
repasser en France, ou bien de luy diminuer ses gages & luy pressoit
si fort de retourner la mesme annee que nous arriuasmes qu'il fallut
que le General vsast de commandement absolu auec asseurance que ses
gages ne luy seroient [11] point diminuees, pour le faire demeurer
cette annee; & de fait il est demeuré à nostre grand contentement.
_Secundo notandum_; Que ce Truchement n'auoit iamais voulu communiquer
a personne la cognoissance qu'il auoit de ce langage, non pas mesme
aux RR. PP. Recolects, qui depuis dix ans n'auoient cessé de l'en
importuner; & cependant à la premiere priere que ie luy fis, me
promist ce que ie vous ay dit, & s'est acquité fidelement de sa
promesse pendant cet Hyuer. Or neantmoins parce que nous n'estions
pas asseurez qu'il deust estre fidele en sa promesse, craignans que
l'Hyuer se passast sans rien auancer en la cognoissance de la langue.
Ie consultay auec nos Peres, s'il ne seroit point à propos que deux
de nous allassent passer l'Hyuer auec les Sauuages, bien auant dans
les bois, afin que leur hantise nous donnast la cognoissance que nous
cherchions; nos Peres fur[~e]t d'auis que ce seroit assez qu'vn y
allast, & que l'autre demeureroit pour satisfaire à la deuotion des
François. Ainsi ce fut le P. Brebeuf qui eut ce bonheur; il partit
le 20. d'Octobre, & retourna le 27. de Mars, ayant tousiours esté
esloigné de nous de 20. ou 25. lieux. Pendant son absence ie sommay le
Truchement de sa promesse à laquelle il ne manqua point; A peine eusie
tiré de luy ce que ie desirois, que ie me resolus d'aller passer le
reste de l'Hyuer auec le premier Sauuage qui nous viendroit voir; Ie
m'y en allay donc le 8. de Ianuier; mais ie fus contraint de retourner
11. iours apres; car ne trouuans pas dequoy viure eux-mesme, ils furent
contraints de retourner voir les François. A mon retour, sans perdre
temps, ie sollicitay le Truchement d'vne autre Nation de me communiquer
ce qu'il sçauoit; dont ie m'estonne comme il le fit si franchement,
ayant esté par le passé si reserué a l'endroit des Reuerends Peres
Recolets. Il nous donna tout ce que nous luy demandasmes; il est bien
vray que nous ne luy demandasmes pas tout ce qu'eussions bien desiré;
car comme nous recogneusmes en luy vn esprit assez grossier, ce n'eust
pas esté nostre aduantage de le presser par de la sa portee, nous
fusmes neantmoins tres contens de ce qu'il nous donna; & ce qui est à
remarquer afin de recognoistre d'auantage la prouidence de Dieu en ce
fait, cedit Truchement s'en deuoit retourner en France la mesme annee
que nous ariuasmes, & ce par l'entremise des Peres Recolets, & de nous
qui le iugiõs necessaire pour [12] le bien de son ame, & de fait nous
l'emportasmes pardessus le General de la flotte, qui a toute force le
vouloit renuoyer en la Nation de laquelle il est Truchement, le voila
donc arriué icy où nous sommes auec des François qui reuenoient de la
traitte, en resolution de s'en retourner en France, les vaisseaux sont
sur le point de partir: la veille du depart il vint nous voir chez
les Reuerends Peres Recolets pour nous dire Adieu. Ce grand Dieu fit
ioüer tout à propos vn ressort de sa Prouidence, comme il estoit chez
nous voila vne forte pleuresie qui le prend & le voilà couché au lict,
si bien & si beau qu'il fallut que les vaisseaux s'en retournassent
sans luy; & par ce moyen le voilà qui nous demeure, hors des dangers
neantmoins de se perdre, ce qui nous auoit fait solliter son retour.
Ie vous laisse à penser si pendant sa maladie nous oubliasmes de luy
rendre tout deuoir de charité; il suffit de dire qu'auparauant qu'il
fust releué de ceste maladie, pour laquelle il n'attendoit que la mort;
il nous asseura qu'il estoit entierement à nostre deuotion, & que s'il
plaisoit à Dieu luy rendre la santé, l'Hyuer ne ce passeroit iamais
sans nous donner tout contentement, dequoy il s'est fort bien acquitté,
graces à Dieu.
As to the customs of the Savages, it is enough to say that they
are altogether savage. From morning until night they have no
other thought than to fill their stomachs. They come to see us
only to ask for something to eat; and if you do not give it to
them they show their dissatisfaction. They are real beggars, if
there ever were any, and yet proud as they can be. They consider
the French less intelligent than they. Vices of the flesh are very
common among them. One of them will marry several women, and will
leave them when he pleases, and take others. There is one here who
married his own daughter, but all the other Savages were indignant
at him for it. As to cleanliness among them, that never enters
into the question; they are very dirty about their eating, and in
their cabins they are covered with vermin, which they eat when they
catch them. It is a custom of this Tribe to kill their fathers and
mothers when they are so old that they can walk no longer, thinking
that they are thus doing them a good service; for otherwise they
would be compelled to die of hunger, as they have become unable
to follow the others when they change their location. When I had
it explained to one of them one day that the same thing would be
done for him when he became old, he answered that he certainly
expected it. Their method of making war against their enemies is
generally through treachery, watching to find them alone; and, if
they are not strong enough to make prisoners of those whom they
encounter, they shoot them with their arrows, then cut off their
heads, which they bring back to show their people. But, if they
can take them to their cabins as prisoners, they subject them to
unparalleled cruelties, killing them by inches; and, strange to
say, during all of these tortures, the victim sings constantly,
considering it a dishonor if he cries out or complains. After
the victim is dead, they eat him, and no one is so insignificant
that he does not get his share. They have feasts to which they
invite each other, and even some of their French acquaintances; at
these feasts they give to each one his part on a dish or plate of
bark; and when they are "eat-all" feasts, nothing must be left,
otherwise you would be compelled to pay something, and would lose
your reputation as a brave [7] man. At the feasts which are given
in honor of the death of some one, they set aside a part for the
deceased as well as for the others, which they throw into the fire;
they are very careful that the dogs shall not share in this feast,
and to this end, they gather up all the bones and throw them into
the fire. They bury the dead, and with them all their belongings,
such as candlesticks, furs, knives, etc. When I asked an old man
one day why they placed all this baggage in the grave, he replied
that they did so in order that the deceased might use it in the
other world; and when I answered him that when any one looked into
the grave all the baggage was seen there, which was a proof that
the deceased did not use it, he replied, that in truth the body of
the kettles, furs, knives, etc., remained, but that the soul of
the kettles, knives, etc., went off to the other world with the
deceased, and that he made use of them there. Thus they believe
(as Your Reverence sees) in the immortality of our Souls; and, in
fact, they assure you that after death they go to Heaven, where
they eat mushrooms and hold intercourse with each other. They call
the Sun JESUS;[39] and it is believed that the Basques,[40] who
formerly frequented these places, Introduced this name. It thus
happens that when we offer Prayers, it seems to them that we
address our Prayers to the Sun, as they do. While on the subject
of the Sun, the Savages here believe that the earth is pierced
through and through; and that, when the sun sets, it hides in one
hole in the earth, and comes out next morning through the other.
They have no form of divine worship, nor any kind of Prayers. They
believe, however, that there is One who made all, but they do not
render him any homage. Among them there are persons who make a
profession of talking to the Devil; these are also the Physicians,
and cure all kinds of diseases. The Savages have great fear of
these people, and humor them lest they do them some injury. Little
by little we shall learn more of the other Tribes, who are more
sedentary in their habits; but, as to these where we now are with
the French, they are wanderers only during six months of the year,
which are the six Winter months,--roving here and there, according
as they may find game, only two or three families erecting their
cabins together in one place, two or three in another, and so
on. The other [8] six months of the year, twenty or thirty come
together upon the shore of the River near our settlement, part at
Thadoussac, and the same number forty leagues above us; and there
they live upon the game which they have captured during the Winter;
that is to say, on smoked moose meat, and food for which they have
traded with the French. I believe I wrote something about their
clothing last year, and how they always go bare-headed; they wear
no other clothes than a moose skin or a Beaver robe, which consists
of 5 or 6 Beaver Skins sewed together; and they wear these skins
as, without making any comparison, the Ecclesiastics wear their
Capes, attached in front only by a leather strap. Sometimes they
wear a belt, sometimes none at all, and nevertheless, nothing
improper is noticed on that account, as they very modestly cover
the parts which decency demands should be covered. In Winter they
have leggings and shoes made of moose skin, but the shoes, the
uppers as well as the soles, are as pliable as a glove. Their faces
are usually painted red or grayish brown, and this is done in
different styles, according to the fancy of the women, who paint
their husbands and children, whose hair they also oil with bear or
moose grease. The men are no more bearded than the women; they pull
their beards out in order to be more agreeable to the women. I have
seen only three or four who had not done so, and this but recently
in imitation of the French; yet they did not have beards. The color
of their skin is strongly inclined to black; not one is seen whose
skin is white, and yet nothing is so white as their teeth. They go
upon the rivers in light birch-bark canoes, very neatly made; the
smallest of them can hold 4 or 5 persons and leave room for their
little baggage. The oars are proportioned to the canoes, one at
the bow and one at the stern; ordinarily, the woman holds the one
at the stern, and consequently steers. These poor women are real
pack mules, enduring all hardships. When delivered of a child,
they go to the woods two hours later to replenish the fire of the
cabin.[41] In the Winter, when they break camp, the women drag the
heaviest loads over the snow; in short, the men seem to have as
their share only hunting, war, and trading. Apropos of [9] trading,
I have as yet said nothing, and it is also the last thing which
remains to be said in regard to the Savages. All of their wealth
consists in the furs of different animals, but principally of the
Beaver. Before the time of the association of those Gentlemen to
whom the King gave this trade for a certain time in consideration
of certain conditions mentioned in the Articles,[21] the Savages
were visited by many people, to such an extent that an Old Man told
me he had seen as many as twenty ships in the port of Tadoussac.
But now since this business has been granted to the association,
which to-day has a monopoly over all others, we see here not more
than two ships which belong to it, and that only once a year, about
the beginning of the month of June. These two ships bring all the
merchandise which these Gentlemen use in trading with the Savages;
that is to say, the cloaks, blankets, nightcaps, hats, shirts,
sheets, hatchets, iron arrowheads, bodkins, swords, picks to
break the ice in Winter, knives, kettles, prunes, raisins, Indian
corn, peas, crackers or sea biscuits, and tobacco; and what is
necessary for the sustenance of the French in this country besides.
In exchange for these they carry back hides of the moose, lynx,
fox, otter, black ones being encountered occasionally, martens,
badgers, and muskrats; but they deal principally in Beavers, in
which they find their greatest profit. I was told that during one
year they carried back as many as 22,000. The usual number for one
year is 15,000 or 12,000, at one pistole each, which is not doing
badly.[19] It is true their expenses are very heavy, as they keep
here forty persons and more, who are paid and maintained; this in
addition to the expense of the crews of two ships, which consist of
at least 150 men, who receive their wages and food. These wages are
not all the same. They are generally 106 livres, but some receive
a hundred écus. I know an Interpreter who receives one hundred
pistoles, and a certain number of hides which he is permitted to
carry away each year.[42] It is true that he trades them off as
his own merchandise. Your Reverence will see him this year; he is
one of those who have very effectively assisted us. Your Reverence
will, if you please, give him a kind greeting; for he is going to
return, and do great service here for Our Lord. It remains now [10]
to tell your Reverence what we have done since our arrival in this
country, which was the last of June. The months of July and August
passed by, partly in writing letters, partly in getting a little
acquainted with the country, and in seeking a proper place for our
settlement, that we might show the Reverend Recolect Fathers that
we desired to relieve them as soon as possible of the inconvenience
which we caused them. After having carefully considered all the
places, and after having consulted with the French people, and
especially with the Reverend Recolect Fathers, we planted the holy
Cross on the 1st day of September, with all possible solemnity,
upon the place which we had chosen. The Reverend Recolect Fathers
took part in the ceremony with the most prominent of the French,
and after dinner all of them went to work. We have continued
this work ever since, we five, uprooting trees and breaking the
ground whenever we had time. The snow intervened, and we were
compelled to give up our work until Spring. During the work, the
thought of acquiring a knowledge of the language of this country
was constantly in our minds; for it was said that we could expect
nothing from the Interpreters. Nevertheless, after having commended
the matter to God, I made up my mind to speak to the Interpreter
of this Tribe, saying to myself that at the worst, I could only
be refused as the others had been. So, after having striven by
my exhortations and our conversation to correct the impressions
concerning our Society that exist in this country, can Your
Reverence believe that we have found here the "Anti-Coton,"[43]
which was circulated from chamber to chamber, and which was finally
burned, about four months after our arrival? Having, I say, tried
to give other impressions, I applied then to the Interpreter of
this Tribe and begged him to teach us the language. Strange to
say, he at once promised me that, during the winter, he would give
me all the help that I could ask of him. Now in this a special
providence of God must be admired, because it must be observed that
the General[21] was ordered by his associates to send him back
to France, or else to reduce his wages; and he [the interpreter]
begged him so earnestly to return the same year that we arrived,
that the General was compelled to use imperative authority, and
to tell him that his wages would [11] not be reduced, to make
him stay this year; and, in fact, he remained, to our great
satisfaction. _Secundo notandum_; This Interpreter had never wanted
to communicate his knowledge of the language to any one, not even
to the Reverend Recolect Fathers, who had constantly importuned him
for ten years; and yet he promised me what I have told you, the
first time I urged him to do so, and he kept his promise faithfully
during that Winter. However, as we did not feel certain that he
would keep his word, and fearing the Winter would pass and we would
make no progress in the language, I consulted with our Fathers
as to the propriety of two of us going to spend the Winter with
the Savages, far into the depths of the forest, in order that, by
constant association with them, we might gain the knowledge we
sought. Our Fathers were of the opinion that it would be sufficient
for one to go, and that the other ought to remain to attend to the
spiritual needs of the French. So this good fortune fell to the lot
of Father Brebeuf.[30] He left on the 20th of October and returned
on the 27th of March, having been distant from us 20 or 25 leagues
all the time. During his absence I reminded the Interpreter of his
promise, which he did not fail to keep. I had hardly learned from
him what I desired, when I determined to go and spend the remainder
of the Winter with the first Savage who should come to see us. So
I went off with one on the 8th of January, but I was compelled
to return 11 days later; for, as they could not find enough for
themselves to eat, they were compelled to come back to the French.
As soon as I returned, I lost no time in urging the Interpreter of
another Tribe to teach me what he knew; and I was astonished that
he should do it so freely, as in the past he had been so reserved
in regard to the Reverend Recolet Fathers. He gave us all that we
asked for; it is quite true that we did not ask all that we would
have wished; as we noticed in him a mind somewhat coarse, it would
not have been to our advantage to have urged him beyond his depth.
We were, however, highly pleased with what he gave us; and what
is noteworthy, in order to better recognize the providence of God
in this matter, this very Interpreter was to return to France the
same year that we arrived, and this was to be done through the
intervention of the Recolet Fathers and through our influence,
as we deemed it necessary for [12] the good of his soul; and in
fact we carried the day over the head of the General of the fleet,
who was resolved in any event to send him back to the Tribe whose
Interpreter he was. So he arrived here where we are, with the
French who were returning from the trading station, resolved to
go back to France, the ships being on the point of leaving. The
evening before his intended departure, he came to see us at the
Reverend Recolet Fathers', to bid us Farewell. The great God showed
his Providential designs very propitiously then; while he was with
us he was taken with a severe attack of pleurisy and was put to
bed, so nicely and comfortably, that the ships were obliged to go
back without him, and by this means he remained with us, out of
all danger of ruining himself; for it was the fear of this which
had caused us to urge his return. You will readily understand that
during his sickness we performed every act of charity for him.
It suffices to say that, before he recovered from this sickness,
in which he expected to die, he assured us that he was entirely
devoted to us; and that if it pleased God to restore his health,
the Winter would never pass by without his giving us assistance, a
promise which he kept in every respect, thank God.