CHAPTER XXVII.

THE BATTLE OF CHATTANOOGA.

GRANT'S ARRIVAL AT CHATTANOOGA--GENERAL ROSECRANS'S INACTION--OPENING

A NEW LINE OF SUPPLY--DESPERATE FIGHTING UNDER GENERAL

SHERMAN--PAROLED PRISONERS FORCED INTO THE CONFEDERATE ARMY--FIGHTING

AROUND KNOXVILLE--THE BATTLE ABOVE THE CLOUDS--CAPTURE OF MISSIONARY

RIDGE--BRAGG'S ARMY COMPLETELY DEFEATED--PICTURESQUE AND ROMANTIC

INCIDENTS.

A month after the battle of Chickamauga the National forces in the

West were to some extent reorganized. The departments of the Ohio, the

Cumberland, and the Tennessee were united under the title of Military

Division of the Mississippi, of which General Grant was made

commander, and Thomas superseded Rosecrans in command of the Army of

the Cumberland. General Hooker, with two corps, was sent to Tennessee.

Grant arrived at Chattanooga on the 23d of October, and found affairs

in a deplorable condition. It was impossible to supply the troops

properly by the one wagon road, and they had been on short rations for

some time, while large numbers of the mules and horses were dead.

From the National lines the tents and batteries of the Confederates on

Lookout Mountain and Missionary Ridge were in plain sight; their

sentinels walked the rounds in a continuous line not a thousand yards

away; and from these heights their guns occasionally sent a shot

within the lines. When General Sherman, on his arrival, walked out and

surveyed the situation, he turned to Grant and exclaimed in surprise,

"Why, General, you are besieged." "Yes," said Grant, "it is too true,"

and pointed out to him a house on Missionary Ridge which was known to

be Bragg's headquarters. General Rosecrans, like a similar commander

at the East, was able to give most excellent reasons for his prolonged

inaction. And so able a soldier as Gen. David S. Stanley, in an

article read by him before the Ohio Commandery of the Loyal Legion,

seems to justify Rosecrans. The unpleasant and unsatisfactory

correspondence of this period, between Rosecrans and the War

Department, culminated when the former, having reported the success of

an expedition against McMinnville, received a despatch from General

Halleck, which said: "The Secretary of War says you always report your

successes, but never report your reverses." And Rosecrans replied: "If

the Secretary of War says I report my successes, but do not report my

reverses, the Secretary of War lies."

It may be that the poor condition of the cavalry, and other

discouraging circumstances, were really a proper cause for non-action

to a general who was more inclined to study the safety of his own army

than the destruction of the enemy; but somehow or other, wherever

General Grant appeared, reasons for inactivity seemed to melt away,

and the spirit of determined aggression to take their place.

[Illustration: GENERAL SHERMAN'S HEADQUARTERS AT CHATTANOOGA.]

Grant's first care was to open a new and better line of supply.

Steamers could come up the river as far as Bridgeport, and he ordered

the immediate construction of a road and bridge to reach that point by

way of Brown's Ferry, which was done. Within five days the "cracker

line," as the soldiers called it, was opened, and thenceforth they had

full rations and abundance of everything. The enemy attempted to

interrupt the work on the road; but Hooker met them at Wauhatchie,

west of Lookout Mountain, and after a three hours' action drove them

off.

Chattanooga was now no longer in a state of siege; but it was still

seriously menaced by Bragg's army, which held a most {306} singular

position. Its flanks were on the northern ends of Lookout Mountain and

Missionary Ridge, the crests of which were occupied for some distance,

and its centre stretched across Chattanooga Valley. This line was

twelve miles long, and most of it was well intrenched.

Grant ordered Sherman to join him with one corps, and Sherman promptly

obeyed; but, as he did considerable railroad repairing on the way, he

did not reach Chattanooga till the 15th of November. Moreover, he had

to fight occasionally, and be ready to fight all the time. At

Colliersville he was aroused from a nap in the car by a great noise

about the train, and was informed that the pickets had been driven in,

and there was every reason to suppose that a large cavalry force would

soon make an attack. Sherman immediately got his men out of the train

and formed them in a line on a knoll near a railroad cut. Presently a

Confederate officer appeared with a flag of truce, and Sherman sent

out two officers to meet him, secretly instructing them to keep him in

conversation as long as possible. When they returned, it was with the

message that General Chalmers demanded the surrender of the place.

Sherman ordered his officers to return again to the line and talk as

long as possible with the Confederate officer, but finally give him a

negative answer. In the little time thus gained he got a telegraph

message sent to Memphis and Germantown, ordering Corse's division to

hurry forward, and at the same time backed the train into the depot,

which was a loopholed brick building, and drew his men into some

smaller works that surrounded it. In a few minutes the enemy swooped

down, cutting the wires and tearing up the rails on both sides, and

then attacked Sherman's little band in their intrenchments. Sherman

ordered all the houses that were near enough to shelter the enemy's

sharp-shooters to be set on fire, and, finding some muskets in the

depot, put them into the hands of the clerks and orderlies, making

every man available for an active defence. The Confederates had some

artillery, with which they knocked his locomotive to pieces, and set

fire to the train; but many of Sherman's men were excellent marksmen

and trained soldiers, and they not only kept the enemy at bay but

managed to put out the fire. This state of things lasted about three

hours, when the approach of Corse's division caused the enemy to

withdraw. Corse's men had come twenty-six miles on the double quick.

[Illustration: BREVET MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN W. GEARY.]

[Illustration: DESPATCHES FOR HEADQUARTERS.]

General Sherman, in his graphic "Memoirs," gives many incidents of

this march, some of which were not only interesting but significant.

Just before he set out, a flag of truce came in one day, borne by a

Confederate officer with whom he was acquainted, and escorted by

twenty-five men. Sherman invited the officer to take supper with him,

and gave orders to his own escort to furnish the Confederate escort

with forage and whatever else they wanted during their stay. After

supper the conversation turned upon the war, and the Confederate

officer said: "What is the use of your persevering? It is simply

impossible to subdue eight millions of people. The feeling in the

South has become so embittered that a reconciliation is impossible."

Sherman answered: "Sitting as we are here, we appear to be very

comfortable, and surely there is no trouble in our becoming friends."

"Yes," said the Confederate officer, "that is very true of us; but we

are gentlemen of education, and can easily adapt ourselves to any

condition of things; but this would not apply equally well to the

common people or the common soldiers." Thereupon, General Sherman took

him out to the campfires behind the tent and showed him the men of the

two escorts mingled together, drinking coffee, and apparently having a

happy time. "What do you think of that?" said he. And the Confederate

officer admitted that Sherman had the best of the argument.

Nevertheless, in spite of the fact that the war had now continued more

than two years, that the territory held by the Confederates had

steadily diminished, that they had passed the climax of their military

resources while those of the North were still abundant, that

Gettysburg and Vicksburg had rendered their terrible verdicts, and

that all hope of foreign assistance or even recognition was at an

end--the opinions {307} expressed by the officer just quoted were very

generally held at the South. It is perhaps not wonderful that the

ordinary people and the soldiers in the ranks, few of whom understood

the philosophy of war in its larger aspects, and to all of whom their

generals and their Government continually misrepresented the state of

affairs, should have believed that they were invincible. But their

educated generals and statesmen ought to have known better; yet either

they did not know better, or they concealed their real opinions.

Alexander H. Stephens, by many considered the ablest statesman in the

Confederacy, late in July of this year (1863), made a speech at

Charlotte, N. C., in which he assured his hearers that there was no

reason for anything but the most confident hope. He said that the loss

of Vicksburg was not as severe a blow as the loss of Fort Pillow,

Island No. 10, or New Orleans, and, as the Confederacy had survived

those losses, it would also survive this one. He declared that if they

were to lose Mobile, Charleston, and Richmond, it would not affect the

heart of the Confederacy, which would survive all such losses and

finally secure its independence. The enemy, he said, had made two

years of unsuccessful war, and thus far had not broken the shell of

the Confederacy. He alluded to the fact that during the Revolutionary

war the British at one time had possession of North Carolina, South

Carolina, New York, and Philadelphia, and yet did not conquer our

forefathers; and he added: "In the war of 1812 the British captured

the capital of the nation, Washington city, and burned it, yet they

did not conquer us; and if we are true to ourselves now, true to our

birthright, the Yankee nation will utterly fail to subjugate us.

Subjugation would be utter ruin and eternal death to Southern people

and all that they hold most dear. Reconstruction would not end the

war, but would produce a more horrible war than that in which we are

now engaged. The only terms on which we can obtain permanent peace is

final and complete separation from the North." With such argument and

appeal as this, from statesmen, demagogues, generals, ministers of the

gospel, journalists, and other citizens of lesser note, the Southern

people were induced to continue the terrible struggle, until, when the

final surrender came, they had hardly anything left to surrender

except the ground on which they stood.

Another incident of the march was one that gave the Fifteenth Corps

its badge. An Irish soldier of that corps one day straggled out and

joined a party of the Twelfth Corps at their campfire. Seeing a star

marked on every tent, wagon, hat, etc., he asked if they were all

brigadier-generals in that corps; and they explained that the star was

their corps badge, and then in turn asked him what was the badge of

his (the Fifteenth) corps. Now, this corps as yet had not adopted any

badge, and the Irishman had never before even heard of a corps badge;

but he promptly answered, "Forty rounds in the cartridge box and

twenty in the pocket." When General Logan heard this story, he adopted

the cartridge box and forty rounds as the badge of his corps.

[Illustration: MAJOR-GENERAL HUGH EWING.]

[Illustration]

[Illustration: BREVET MAJOR-GENERAL ABSALOM BAIRD.]

The condition of affairs at this time in that department, and the

reasons for it, are set forth with admirable clearness in a letter

addressed by General Halleck to General Grant, under date of October

20, 1863:

"It has been the constant desire of the Government, from the beginning

of the war, to rescue the loyal inhabitants of East Tennessee from the

hands of the rebels, who fully appreciated the importance of

continuing their hold upon that country. In addition to the large

amount of agricultural products drawn from the upper valley of the

Tennessee, they also obtained iron and other materials from the

vicinity of Chattanooga. The possession of East Tennessee would cut

off one of their most important railroad communications, and threaten

their manufactories at Rome, Atlanta, etc.

"When General Buell was ordered into East Tennessee in the summer of

1862, Chattanooga was comparatively unprotected; but Bragg reached

there before Buell, and, by threatening his communications, forced him

to retreat on Nashville and Louisville. Again, after the battle of

Perryville, General Buell {308} was urged to pursue Bragg's defeated

army and drive it from East Tennessee. The same was urged upon his

successor; but the lateness of the season, or other causes, prevented

further operations after the battle of Stone River.

"Last spring, when your movements on the Mississippi River had drawn

out of Tennessee a large force of the enemy, I again urged General

Rosecrans to take advantage of that opportunity to carry out his

projected plan of campaign, General Burnside being ready to coöperate

with a diminished but still efficient force. But he could not be

persuaded to act in time, preferring to lie still till your campaign

should be terminated.

"When General Rosecrans finally determined to advance, he was allowed

to select his own lines and plans for carrying out the objects of the

expedition. He was directed, however, to report his movements daily,

till he crossed the Tennessee, and to connect his left, so far as

possible, with General Burnside's right. General Burnside was directed

to move simultaneously, connecting his right, as far as possible, with

General Rosecrans's left, so that, if the enemy concentrated upon

either army, the other could move to its assistance. When General

Burnside reached Kingston and Knoxville, and found no considerable

number of the enemy in East Tennessee, he was instructed to move down

the river and coöperate with General Rosecrans. These instructions

were repeated some fifteen times, but were not carried out, General

Burnside alleging as an excuse that he believed that Bragg was in

retreat, and that General Rosecrans needed no reinforcements. When the

latter had gained possession of Chattanooga he was directed not to

move on Rome as he proposed, but simply to hold the mountain-passes,

so as to prevent the ingress of the rebels into East Tennessee. That

object accomplished, I considered the campaign as ended, at least for

the present.

"The moment I received reliable information of the departure of

Longstreet's corps from the Army of the Potomac, I ordered forward to

General Rosecrans every available man in the Department of the Ohio,

and again urged General Burnside to move to his assistance. I also

telegraphed to Generals Hurlbut, Sherman, and yourself, to forward all

available troops in your department. If these forces had been sent to

General Rosecrans by Nashville, they could not have been supplied; I

therefore directed them to move by Corinth and the Tennessee River.

The necessity of this has been proved by the fact that the

reinforcements sent to him from the Army of the Potomac have not been

able, for the want of railroad transportation, to reach General

Rosecrans's army in the field.

"It is now ascertained that the greater part of the prisoners paroled

by you at Vicksburg, and General Banks at Port Hudson, were illegally

and improperly declared exchanged, and forced into the ranks to swell

the rebel numbers at Chickamauga. This outrageous act, in violation of

the laws of war, of the cartel entered into by the rebel authorities,

and of all sense of honor, gives us a useful lesson in regard to the

character of the enemy with whom we are contending. He neither regards

the rules of civilized warfare, nor even his most solemn engagements.

You may, therefore, expect to meet in arms thousands of unexchanged

prisoners released by you and others on parole not to serve again till

duly exchanged. Although the enemy, by this disgraceful means, has

been able to concentrate in Georgia and Alabama a much larger force

than we anticipated, your armies will be abundantly able to defeat

him. Your difficulty will not be in the want of men, but in the means

of supplying them at this season of the year. A single-track railroad

can supply an army of sixty or seventy thousand men, with the usual

number of cavalry and artillery; but beyond that number, or with a

large mounted force, the difficulty of supply is very great."

Meanwhile, General Longstreet, with about twenty thousand men, was

detached from Bragg's army and sent against Burnside at Knoxville,

which is about one hundred and thirty miles northeast of Chattanooga.

After Sherman's arrival, Grant had about eighty thousand men. He

placed Sherman on his left, on the north side of the Tennessee,

opposite the head of Missionary Ridge; Thomas in the centre, across

Chattanooga valley; and Hooker on his right, around the base of

Lookout Mountain. He purposed to have Sherman advance against Bragg's

right and capture the heights of Missionary Ridge, while Thomas and

Hooker should press the centre and left just enough to prevent any

reinforcements from being sent against Sherman. If this were

successful Bragg's key-point being taken, his whole army would be

obliged to retreat. Sherman laid two bridges in the night of November

23d, and next day crossed the river and advanced upon the enemy's

works; but he met with unexpected difficulties in the nature of the

ground, and was only partially successful. Hooker, who had more genius

for fighting than for strictly obeying orders, moved around the base

of Lookout Mountain, and attacked the seemingly impregnable heights.

General Geary's command led the way, encountering intrenchments and

obstructions of all sorts, both in the valley and on the slope of the

mountain. Having crossed the Tennessee River below, it moved eastward

across Lookout Creek, and thence marched directly up the mountain till

its right rested on the palisaded heights. At the same time Grose's

brigade advanced farther up stream, drove the Confederates from a

bridge, put it into repair, and then moved on. At this moment the

Confederates were seen leaving their camps on the mountain and coming

down to the rifle-pits and breastworks at its foot to dispute the

progress of their enemy. Then another brigade was sent still farther

up the stream to make a crossing, and a section of artillery was

placed where it could enfilade the position just taken by the

Confederates, while another section was established to enfilade the

route they had taken in coming down the mountain. All the batteries

within range began to play upon the Confederates, and it was made so

hot for them that they were glad to abandon their intrenchments in the

valley. Then the remainder of Hooker's men were pushed across the

stream, and the ascent of the mountain began in earnest. They climbed

up over ledges and bowlders directly under the muzzles of the guns on

the summit, driving their enemy from one position after another, and

following him as closely as possible, in order to make him a shield

from the fire of the batteries. The advance had begun at eight o'clock

in the morning, and by noon Geary's men had reached the summit of the

mountain. Other brigades came up in rapid succession at various

points, and on the summit the Confederates found themselves surrounded

and subjected to a rapid fire from every direction save one, in which

direction (southward along the ridge) all of them who could get away

retreated, but many were taken prisoners. At this point the movement

of Hooker's men was arrested by darkness. Clouds had been hanging over

the summit of the mountain during the morning, and had gradually

settled down toward the valley, so that the last of the battle was

fought above them, spectators from below seeing the troops go up into

those clouds and disappear. Hooker's line was then established on the

east side of the mountain, with the left near the mouth of Chattanooga

Creek, {309} and the right on the palisades. To prevent the bringing

forward of artillery, the Confederates had undermined the road and

covered it with felled timber. During the night Hooker's men removed

the timber and placed the road in a serviceable condition, while all

the time an irregular fire was kept up along the line, and once a

serious attack was threatened by the Confederates. But before morning

they abandoned the mountain entirely, leaving behind the camp equipage

of three brigades. This action is famous as Hooker's "battle above the

clouds," and that evening, when the moon rose over the crest of the

mountain, a strange spectacle was seen of troops apparently marching

across its yellow disk.

[Illustration: BATTLE OF LOOKOUT MOUNTAIN.]

The next day, the 25th, Hooker was to pass down the eastern slope of

Lookout Mountain, cross Chattanooga valley, and strike the left of

Bragg's position, as now held on the crest and western slope of

Missionary Ridge. But the destruction of a bridge by the retreating

enemy delayed him four hours, and Grant saw that Bragg was weakening

his centre to mass troops against Sherman. So, without waiting longer

for Hooker, he ordered an advance of the centre held by Thomas. Under

the immediate leadership of Generals Sheridan and Wood, Thomas's men

crossed the valley, walked right into the line of Confederate works at

the base of Missionary Ridge, followed the retreating enemy to a

second line halfway up the slope, took this, and still keeping at the

very heels of the Confederates, who thus shielded them from the

batteries at the top, reached the summit and swept everything before

them.

{310} [Illustration: LOOKOUT MOUNTAIN AND TENNESSEE RIVER. (From a

photograph owned by the United States Government.)]

General Sherman advanced, according to orders, against Missionary

Ridge, but met with a more determined resistance, and had a much

slower fight on the 25th. The enemy massed heavily in his front, and

Thomas sent a division to his assistance, when the whole line was

pushed forward; and at length the enemy retired hastily, abandoning

the works at the foot of the hill, and were closely followed up the

slope to the crest, which was soon captured, with many prisoners and

all the guns. Gen. Thomas J. Wood says in his report:

"Troops in line and column checkered the broad plain of Chattanooga.

In front, plainly to be seen, was the enemy, so soon to be encountered

in deadly conflict. My division seemed to drink in the inspiration of

the scene, and, when the advance was sounded, moved forward in the

perfect order of a holiday parade.

"It has been my good fortune to witness, on the Champs-de-Mars and on

Long Champ reviews of all arms of the French service, under the eye of

the most remarkable man of the present generation. I once saw a

review, followed by a mock battle, of the finest troops of El Re

Galantuomo. The pageant was held on the plains near Milan, the queen

city of Lombardy, and the troops in the sham conflict were commanded

by two of the most distinguished officers of the Piedmontese

service--Cialdini, and another whose name I cannot now recall. In none

of these {311} displays did I ever see anything to exceed the

soldierly bearing and the steadiness of my division, exhibited in the

advance on Monday afternoon. There was certainly one striking

difference in the circumstances of these grand displays. The French

and Italian parades were peaceful pageants; ours involved the

exigencies of stern war--certainly an immense difference. I should do

injustice to the brave men who thus moved forward to the conflict in

such perfect order, were I to omit to record that not one straggler

lagged behind to sully the magnificence and perfectness of the grand

battle array.... As soon as our troops began to move forward, the

enemy opened a terrific fire from his batteries on the crest of the

ridge. It would not, perhaps, be an exaggeration to say that the enemy

had fifty pieces of artillery disposed on the crest of Missionary

Ridge. But the rapid firing of all this mass of artillery could not

stay the onward movement of our troops. When the first line of

intrenchments was carried, the goal for which we had started was won.

Our orders carried us no further. We had been instructed to carry the

line of intrenchments at the base of the ridge, and then halt. But the

enthusiasm and impetuosity of the troops were such that those who

first reached the intrenchments at the base of the ridge bounded over

them and pressed on up the ascent after the flying enemy. Moreover,

the intrenchments were no protection against the enemy's artillery on

the ridge. To remain would be destruction; to retire would be both

expensive in life and disgraceful. Officers and men all seemed

impressed with this truth. In addition, the example of those who

commenced to ascend the ridge so soon as the intrenchments were

carried was contagious. Without waiting for an order, the vast mass

pressed forward in the race of glory, each man eager to be the first

on the summit. The enemy's artillery and musketry could not check the

impetuous assault. The troops did not halt to fire; to have done so

would have been ruinous. Little was left to the immediate commanders

of the troops but to cheer on the foremost, to encourage the weaker of

limb, and to sustain the very few who seemed to be faint-hearted."

[Illustration: COLONEL GREEN B. RAUM.]

[Illustration: BREVET BRIGADIER-GENERAL JOHN B. TURCHIN.]

[Illustration: BRIGADIER-GENERAL CHARLES R. WOODS.]

By this brilliant battle, which occupied portions of three days,

Bragg's army was completely defeated, and its captured guns were

turned upon it as it fled. His men seemed to have lost all respect for

him, for when he rode among the fugitives and vainly tried to rally

them by shouting, "Here's your commander," he was derisively answered,

"Here's your mule," and was obliged to join in the flight. This

practically closed his military career. He had been a special favorite

of Mr. Davis, who is accused by some Confederate writers of

obstinately placing him where it was obvious he should have placed an

abler man. He was relieved soon after this battle from command, and

called to Richmond as the military adviser of Mr. Davis.

In these battles the National loss was nearly six thousand men. The

Confederate loss was about ten thousand (of whom six thousand were

prisoners) and forty-two guns. Bragg established the remainder of his

army in a fortified camp at Dalton, Ga., and was soon superseded by

Gen. Joseph E. Johnston. Granger and Sherman were sent to the relief

of Burnside at Knoxville, and Longstreet withdrew to Virginia.

The Chattanooga campaign was perhaps the most picturesque of any in

the war, and was full of romantic incidents.

[Illustration: A DEAD CONFEDERATE IN THE TRENCHES.]

[Illustration: WAITING FOR ORDERS.]

All the armies were followed by correspondents of the great

newspapers, some of whom were men of high literary ability and were

alive to the inspiration of the great drama they witnessed. Americans

may be pardoned for some considerable degree of pride when they

consider that in the emergency of that great war they not only had men

of sufficient skill and valor for every possible and some seemingly

impossible tasks, but also had the resources and the art to

manufacture nearly all the arms and material that were called for, and

writers capable of putting into dignified and often brilliant

literature the rapidly moving story of those terrible days. Among

these correspondents was Benjamin F. Taylor, the journalist and poet,

who followed the Army of the Cumberland as the representative of the

_Chicago Journal_. He witnessed the battles before Chattanooga, and

had a son among the blue-coated boys that scaled the mountain. From

his description, written very soon after the events, we take the

following passages:

"Let me show you a landscape that shall not fade out from 'the lidless

eye of time' long after we are all dead. A half mile {312} from the

eastern border of Chattanooga is a long swell of land, sparsely

sprinkled with houses, flecked thickly with tents, and checkered with

two or three graveyards. On its summit stand the red earthworks of

Fort Wood, with its great guns frowning from the angles. Mounting the

parapet and facing eastward you have a singular panorama. Away to your

left is a shining elbow of the Tennessee, a lowland of woods, a

long-drawn valley, glimpses of houses. At your right you have wooded

undulations with clear intervals extending down and around to the

valley at the eastern base of Lookout. From the fort the smooth ground

descends rapidly to a little plain, a sort of trough in the sea, then

a fringe of oak woods, then an acclivity, sinking down to a second

fringe of woods, until full in front of you, and three-fourths of a

mile distant, rises Orchard Knob, a conical mound, perhaps a hundred

feet high, once wooded, but now bald. Then ledges of rocks, and narrow

breadths of timber, and rolling sweeps of open ground for two miles

more, until the whole rough and stormy landscape seems to dash against

Missionary Ridge, three miles distant, that lifts like a sea-wall

eight hundred feet high, wooded, rocky, precipitous, wrinkled with

ravines. This is, in truth, the grand feature of the scene, for it

extends north as far as you can see, with fields here and there cut

down through the woods to the ground, and lying on the hillsides like

brown linen to bleach; and you feel, as you look at them, as if they

are in danger of slipping down the Ridge into the road at its base.

And then it curves to the southwest, just leaving you a way out

between it and Lookout Mountain. Altogether the rough, furrowed

landscape looks as if the Titans had ploughed and forgotten to harrow

it. The thinly fringed summit of the Ridge varies in width from twenty

to fifty feet, and houses looking like cigar-boxes are dotted along

it. On the top of that wall are rebels and batteries; below the first

pitch, three hundred feet down, are more rebels and batteries; and

still below are their camps and rifle-pits, sweeping five miles. At

your right, and in the rear, is Fort Negley, the old 'Star' fort of

Confederate _régime_; its next neighbor is Fort King, under the frown

of Lookout; yet to the right is the battery of Moccasin Point. Finish

out the picture on either hand with Federal earthworks and saucy

angles, fancy the embankment of the Charleston and Memphis Railroad

drawn diagonally, like an awkward score, across the plain far at your

feet, and I think you have the tremendous theatre.... At half-past

twelve the order came; at one, two divisions of the Fourth Corps made

ready to move; at ten minutes before two, twenty-five thousand Federal

troops were in line of battle. The line of skirmishers moved lightly

out, and swept true as a sword-blade into the edge of the field. You

should have seen that splendid line, two miles long, as straight and

unwavering as a ray of light. On they went, driving in the pickets

before them. Shots of musketry, like the first great drops of summer

rain upon a roof, pattered along the line. One fell here, another

there, but still, like joyous heralds before a royal progress, the

skirmishers passed on. From wood and rifle-pit, from rocky ledge and

mountain-top, sixty-five thousand rebels watched these couriers

bearing the gift of battle in their hands. The bugle sounded from Fort

Wood, and the divisions of Wood and Sheridan began to move; the

latter, out from the right, threatened a heavy attack; the former,

forth from the left, dashed on into the rough road of the battle.

Black rifle-pits were tipped with fire; sheets of flame flashed out of

the woods; the spatter of musketry deepened into volleys and rolled

like muffled drums; hostile batteries opened from the ledges; the

'Rodmans' joined {313} in from Fort Wood; bursting shell and gusts of

shrapnel filled the air; the echoes roused up and growled back from

the mountains; the rattle was a roar--and yet those gallant fellows

moved steadily on. Down the slope, through the wood, up the hills,

straight for Orchard Knob as the crow flies, moved that glorious wall

of blue. The air grew dense and blue, the gray clouds of smoke surged

up the sides of the valley. It was a terrible journey they were

making, these men of ours; and three-fourths of a mile in sixty

minutes was splendid progress. They neared the Knob; the enemy's fire

converged; the arc of batteries poured in upon them lines of fire,

like the rays they call a 'glory' about the head of the Madonna and

Child;--but they went up the rugged altar of Orchard Knob at the

double-quick with a cheer; they wrapped like a cloak round an Alabama

regiment that defended it, and swept them down on our side of the

mound. Prisoners had begun to come in before; they streamed across the

field like files of geese. Then on for a second altar, Brush Knob,

nearly a half-mile to the northeast, and bristling with a battery; it

was swept of foes and garnished with Federal blue in thirty minutes.

Perhaps it was eleven o'clock on Tuesday morning when the rumble of

artillery came in gusts from the valley to the west of Lookout.

Climbing Signal Hill, I could see volumes of smoke rolling to and fro,

like clouds from a boiling caldron. The mad surges of tumult lashed

the hills till they cried aloud, and roared through the gorges till

you might have fancied all the thunders of a long summer tumbled into

that valley together. And yet the battle was unseen. It was like

hearing voices from the under-world. Meanwhile it began to rain;

skirts of mist trailed over the woods and swept down the ravines. But

our men trusted in Providence, kept their powder dry, and played on.

It was the second day of the drama; it was the second act I was

hearing; it was the touch on the enemy's left. The assault upon

Lookout had begun! Glancing at the mighty crest crowned with a

precipice, and now hung round about, three hundred feet down, with a

curtain of clouds, my heart misgave me. It could never be taken.

Hooker thundered, and the enemy came down like the Assyrian; while

Whittaker on the right, and Colonel Ireland of Geary's command on the

left, having moved out from Wauhatchie, some five miles from the

mountain, at five in the morning, pushed up to Chattanooga Creek,

threw over it a bridge, made for Lookout Point, and there formed the

right under the shelf of the mountain, the left resting on the creek.

And then the play began; the enemy's camps were seized, his pickets

surprised and captured, the strong works on the Point taken, and the

Federal front moved on. Charging upon him, they leaped over his works

as the wicked twin Roman leaped over his brother's mud wall, the

Fortieth Ohio capturing his artillery and taking a Mississippi

regiment, and gained the white house. And there they stood, 'twixt

heaven and--Chattanooga. But above them, grand and sullen, lifted the

precipice; and they were men, and not eagles. The way was strewn with

natural fortifications, and from behind rocks and trees they delivered

their fire, contesting inch by inch the upward way. The sound of the

battle rose and fell; now fiercely renewed, and now dying away. And

Hooker thundered on in the valley, and the echoes of his howitzers

bounded about the mountains like volleys of musketry. That curtain of

cloud was hung around the mountain by the God of battles--even our

God. It was the veil of the temple that could not be rent. A captured

colonel declared that, had the day been clear, their sharp-shooters

would have riddled our advance like pigeons, and left the command

without a leader; but friend and foe were wrapped in a seamless

mantle, and two hundred will cover the entire Federal loss, while our

brave mountaineers strewed Lookout with four hundred dead, and

captured a thousand prisoners. Our entire forces bore themselves

bravely; not a straggler in the command, they all came splendidly up

to the work, and the whole affair was graced with signal instances of

personal valor. Lieutenant Smith, of the Fortieth Ohio, leaped over

the works, discharged his revolver six times like the ticking of a

clock, seized a sturdy foe by the hair, and gave him the heel of the

'Colt' over the head. Colonel Ireland was slightly wounded, and Major

Acton, of the Fortieth Ohio, was shot through the heart while leading

a bayonet charge. And now, returning to my point of observation, I was

waiting in painful suspense to see what should come out of the roaring

caldron in the valley, now and then, I confess, casting an eye up to

the big gun of Lookout, lest it might toss something my way, over its

left shoulder--I, a non-combatant, and bearing no arms but a Faber's

pencil 'Number 2'--when something was born out of the mist (I cannot

better convey the idea) and appeared on the shorn side of the

mountain, below and to the west of the white house. It was the head of

the Federal column! And there it held, as if it were riveted to the

rock, and the line of blue, a half mile long, swung slowly around from

the left, like the index of a mighty dial, and swept up the brown face

of the mountain. The bugles of this city of camps were sounding high

noon, when in two parallel columns the troops moved up the mountain,

in the rear of the enemy's rifle-pits, which they swept at every fire.

Ah, I wish you had been here! It needed no glass to see it; it was

only just beyond your hand. And there, in the centre of the columns,

fluttered the blessed flag. 'My God! what flag is that?' men cried.

And up steadily it moved. I could think of nothing but a gallant

ship-of-the-line grandly lifting upon the great billows and riding out

the storm. It was a scene never to fade out. Pride and pain struggled

in my heart for the mastery, but faith carried the day; I believed in

the flag, and took courage. Volleys of musketry and crashes of cannon,

and then those lulls in a battle even more terrible than the tempest.

At four o'clock an aid {314} came straight down the mountain into the

city--the first Federal by that route in many a day. Their ammunition

ran low--they wanted powder up on the mountain. He had been two hours

descending, and how much longer the return!

"Night was closing rapidly in, and the scene was growing sublime. The

battery at Moccasin Point was sweeping the road to the mountain. The

brave little fort at its left was playing like a heart in a fever. The

cannon upon the top of Lookout were pounding away at their lowest

depression. The flash of the guns fairly burned through the clouds;

there was an instant of silence, here, there, yonder, and the tardy

thunder leaped out after the swift light. For the first time, perhaps,

since that mountain began to burn beneath the gold and crimson sandals

of the sun, it was in eclipse. The cloud of the summit and the smoke

of the battle had met halfway and mingled. Here was Chattanooga, but

Lookout had vanished! It was Sinai over again, with its thunderings

and lightnings and thick darkness, and the Lord was on our side. Then

the storm ceased, and occasional dropping shots told off the evening

till half-past nine, and then a crashing volley, and a rebel yell, and

a desperate charge. It was their good-night to our boys; good-night to

the mountain. They had been met on their own vantage-ground; they had

been driven one and a half miles. The Federal foot touched the hill,

indeed, but above still towered the precipice.

"At ten o'clock a growing line of lights glittered obliquely across

the breast of Lookout. It made our eyes dim to see it. It was the

Federal autograph scored along the mountain. They were our campfires.

Our wounded lay there all the dreary night of rain, unrepining and

content. Our unharmed heroes lay there upon their arms. Our dead lay

there, 'and surely they slept well.' At dawn Captain Wilson and

fifteen men of the Eighth Kentucky crept up among the rocky clefts,

handing their guns one to another--'like them that gather

samphire--dreadful trade!'--and stood at length upon the summit. The

entire regiment pushed up after them, formed in line, threw out

skirmishers, and advanced five miles to Summerton. Artillery and

infantry had all fled in the night, nor left a wreck behind.

"If Sherman did not roll the enemy along the Ridge like a carpet, at

least he rendered splendid service, for he held a huge ganglion of the

foe as firmly on their right as if he had them in the vice of the

'lame Lemnian' who forged the thunderbolts. General Corse's, General

Jones's, and Colonel Loomis's brigades led the way, and were drenched

with blood. Here Colonel O'Meara, of the Ninetieth Illinois, fell.

Here its lieutenant-colonel, Stuart, received a fearful wound. Here

its brave young captains knelt at the crimson shrine, and never rose

from worshipping. Here one hundred and sixty of its three hundred and

seventy heroes were beaten with the bloody rain. The brigades of

Generals Mathias and Smith came gallantly up to the work. Fairly blown

out of the enemy's guns, and scorched with flame, they were swept down

the hill only to stand fast for a new assault. Let no man dare to say

they did not acquit themselves well and nobly. To living and dead in

the commands of Sherman and Howard who struck a blow that day--out of

my heart I utter it--hail and farewell! And as I think it all over,

glancing again along that grand, heroic line of the Federal epic--I

commit the story with a childlike faith to history, sure that when she

gives her clear, calm record of that day's famous work, standing like

Ruth among the reapers in the fields that feed the world, she will

declare the grandest staple of the Northwest is Man."

[Illustration: MAJOR-GENERAL A. P. STEWART, C. S. A.]

[Illustration: MAJOR-GENERAL WILLIAM B. BATE, C. S. A.]

[Illustration: MAJOR-GENERAL JEREMY F. GILMER, C. S. A. Chief Engineer

Army of the Tennessee.]

[Illustration: A TYPICAL SOUTHERN MANSION. (From a war-time

photograph.)]

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