IX.

For the farther illustration of what has been here advanced, it will

be requisite to observe, that two æra’s were antiently followed at

Sidon; the æra of Seleucus, and another peculiar to the inhabitants

of that city[196]. On the Greek brass coins of Sidon, according to

F. Frœlich[197], both these epochs seem to have been used. However,

the supputation pointed out to us by the date on the Greek medal

above-mentioned was undoubtedly made according to the æra of Seleucus;

since otherwise the year exhibited by that date must have been nearly

coincident with the 266th of CHRIST, which by those versed in this kind

of literature will never be allowed. For had the piece presented to

our view so recent a date, as Sidon first became a Roman colony in the

reign of Elagabalus[198], above forty years before; the reverse ought

to have been adorned with some other letters intimating this, as were

those of the Sidonian[199] coins posterior to that event. As certain

is it that all the Phœnician medals of Sidon, whose numeral characters

have been interpreted here, acknowledge no other epoch than the proper

one of that city, which commenced in the year[200] of Rome 643. This, I

flatter myself, from the following considerations, exclusive of others

that might, with equal facility, be offered, will even to demonstration

appear.

1. The fifth year mentioned by the oldest of these coins cannot be

the fifth year of the æra of Seleucus, because the Sidonians were

then subject to Antigonus[201], in whose territories the supputation

according to that epoch did not take place; and consequently the piece

itself must have been struck in the fifth year of the proper æra of

Sidon, nearly coincident with the 648th of Rome[202].

2. No dates ever occurred upon the medals of the Syrian kings presiding

over the people of Sidon, either to F. Frœlich or Dr. Vaillant[203],

who have so eminently distinguished themselves in this branch of

literature, before the year of Seleucus 112; and therefore neither

the Phœnician dates preserved on the aforesaid Sidonian coins whose

numeral characters do not amount to 112, nor the Greek dates on others

falling short of that number, can rationally be supposed to bear any

relation to the æra of that prince. This certainly must be considered

as a strong presumption, or rather an incontestable proof, that the

last-mentioned Phœnician dates were deduced from the commencement of

the proper Sidonian epoch, as from their genuine cardinal point. Which

reasoning will by analogy extend, as the numeral characters exhibited

by all the coins here explained are of the same kind, to every one of

the rest.

3. None of the medals of the Syrian kings, with Phœnician letters

upon them[204], hitherto published, bear any Phœnician dates. This,

after what has been said, renders it extremely probable, that the

pieces of Sidon I am considering were posterior to those coins; and

even that their Phœnician dates referred to an æra different from that

of Seleucus, followed by the Greek dates on the medals of the Syrian

kings. Which if we admit, this æra could have been no other than the

new one of the Sidonians, that commenced in the seventh century of Rome.

4. That the dates visible on these coins were supputed according to

the latter epoch of Sidon, will be manifest from an examination of

the Greek and Phœnician brass medals of that city explained, in[205]

the beginning of this paper; whose type and workmanship are extremely

similar, if not almost intirely the same. For this circumstance is

to me an evident proof, that they could not have been struck at very

distant times. Now if we take the Greek coin to have followed the æra

of Seleucus, as was undoubtedly the case, and the others that peculiar

to Sidon; the first of the Phœnician dates[206] will not be prior to

the Greek one above fifty-three years, nor the last of them precede it

above forty-three years. Whereas if we suppose the numeral inscriptions

in the exergues of the Phœnician Sidonian coins to have been supputed

according to the Seleucian epoch, the difference between the aforesaid

dates will be five times as much; which with the similarity of

workmanship and type, already observed, will be altogether incompatible.

5. As the Jews[207], about the time that the first of our medals was

struck, denominated the æra of Seleucus, THE ÆRA OF THE KINGDOM OF

THE GREEKS; we cannot well doubt but it went amongst the Sidonians,

who were neighbours to the Jews, under the same denomination. From

whence it will follow, that the epoch styled by them emphatically, THE

ÆRA OF SIDON, must have been different from the æra of Seleucus; and

consequently that which, after the 643d year of Rome, was peculiar to

them.

[Illustration: _Philos. Trans. Vol. L._ TAB. XXXII. _p. 804_

PHŒNICIAN Numerals antiently used at SIDON, from _One_ to a _Thousand_.

_J. Mynde sc._]

The powers of the Phœnician numeral characters antiently used at Sidon,

which I flatter myself are now discovered, having been for many ages

unknown; the Society will perhaps not be displeased to see accurate

draughts of the principal Phœnician medals, from whence they are

deduced. I have therefore taken the liberty to transmit them[208] such

draughts, which may be intirely depended upon. I have also constructed

a table[209] of the numeral characters themselves, from UNITY TO A

THOUSAND; which will demonstrate, in the clearest manner possible, the

great affinity between them and those of the Palmyrenes.

1. From this table it plainly appears, that the people of Sidon had

no particular character to denote Five, whilst the Phœnician numerals

here explained were in vogue amongst them; that they expressed TWENTY

by a character, during that period, not very different from the

correspondent one used at Tadmor; and that in all other respects the

Phœnician notation then prevailing at Sidon was, in a manner, the same

with that of the[210] Palmyrenes.

2. It may not be improper to observe, that two of the Sidonian coins I

have been considering[211] exhibit the Phœnician word מא, equivalent

to the Hebrew מאה, and Syriac מאא, AN HUNDRED, instead of the centenary

numeral character. This, in conjunction with the appearance of that

character, occupying the very place of the term אמ, on others of those

coins, first induced me to believe, that the inscription preserved by

every one of them in the exergue could be nothing else but a date.

3. I shall beg leave farther to remark, that none of the indubitable

medals of Tyre, adorned with Phœnician letters, as far as I have been

able to discover, present to our view any Phœnician dates at all.

This still more clearly evinces the second element prefixed to the

Phœnician numerals in the exergue to point out to us the city of Sidon,

and not that of Tyre; which[212], indeed, seems already to have been

sufficiently proved.

4. From the foregoing observations we may likewise collect, that

the coin assigned to Demetrius III. by Mr. Masson, F. Frœlich[213],

and Sig. Haym, exhibiting a Phœnician legend, without a Phœnician

date, in the exergue, ought in reality to be attributed to Demetrius

I. Those three learned men therefore have been guilty of a mistake in

this particular. Nor can the head on this medal be denied to bear some

resemblance to that of Demetrius I.[214] with a moderate beard, as it

appears on a coin published by Dr. Vaillant, and in one of F. Frœlich’s

plates. That the letters A K, behind the head, indicate the piece

to have been struck in the twenty-first year of the proper Sidonian

æra[215], as Mr. Masson and F. Frœlich are pleased to assert, can never

be proved. On the contrary, the improbability of such a notion may be

inferred from two similar letters, behind the turrited head of the _Dea

Syria_[216], on a Phœnician coin, which Mr. Masson makes to point out

the forty-first year of the proper epoch of Sidon; whereas, in truth,

that piece seems to have been struck either in the reign of Demetrius

I. or Antiochus IV.[217] many years before. Nay, that it was actually

struck when Demetrius I. sat upon the Syrian throne, is rendered almost

incontestable by a medal of that prince now in my possession, with a

_Beta_ behind the head on the anterior part, and the very reverse of

the last-mentioned coin. From the former of which circumstances it

farther appears, that the alphabetic characters MA, supposed by Mr.

Masson to denote 41, are by no means to be taken for a date. To which

we may add, that the head on a Phœnician medal, with the two Greek

elements AK behind it, published by Mr. Reland[218], is apparently that

of Demetrius I.; and that the posterior part of this coin is nearly

the same, in all respects, with the reverse of that supposed to[219]

appertain to Demetrius III. by Mr. Masson and Sig. Haym. But to wave

all other considerations, relative to the point in view, that may

occur, the features and turns of the face on the medals of Demetrius

III. are so different[220], that no inference of any validity can be

drawn from the pretended identity or similitude of them, in support of

Mr. Masson’s opinion.

5. The Palmyrene and Phœnician numerals, deduced from coins and

inscriptions, may perhaps be thought not unworthy a place amongst the

arithmetical characters of various nations, formerly[221] collected

by Bishop Beveridge; and consequently may be allowed to render

somewhat more complete the chronological institutions, or rather the

chronological arithmetic, of that learned and judicious author.

You will pardon the prolixity of this letter, which the novelty of

the subject may perhaps render a little more excusable than it would

otherwise have been; and believe me to be, with the most perfect

consideration and esteem,

SIR,

Your most obedient humble Servant,

J. Swinton.

Christ Church, Oxon. Nov. 17. 1758.

[Illustration: _Philos. Trans. Vol. L._ TAB. XXXIII. _p. 809_.

_J. Mynde sc._]

CX. _Of the Irregularities in the Motion of a Satellite arising from

the spheroidical Figure of its Primary Planet: In a Letter to the Rev._

James Bradley _D. D. Astronomer Royal, F.R.S. and Member of the Royal

Academy of Sciences at_ Paris; _by Mr._ Charles Walmesley, _F.R.S.

and Member of the Royal Academy of Sciences at_ Berlin, _and of the

Institute of_ Bologna.

[Read Dec. 14, 1758.]

Reverend Sir,

SINCE the time that astronomers have been enabled by the perfection of

their instruments to determine with great accuracy the motions of the

celestial bodies, they have been solicitous to separate and distinguish

the several inequalities discovered in these motions, and to know their

cause, quantity, and the laws according to which they are generated.

This seems to furnish a sufficient motive to mathematicians, wherever

there appears a cause capable of producing an alteration in those

motions, to examine by theory what the result may amount to, though

it comes out never so small: for as one can seldom depend securely

upon mere guess for the quantity of any effect, it must be a blameable

neglect entirely to overlook it without being previously certain of its

not being worth our notice.

Finding therefore it had not been considered what effect the figure

of a planet differing from that of a sphere might produce in the

motion of a satellite revolving about it, and as it is the case of the

bodies of the Earth and Jupiter which have satellites about them, not

to be spherical but spheroidical, I thought it worth while to enter

upon the examination of such a problem. When the primary planet is an

exact globe, it is well known that the force by which the revolving

satellite is retained in its orbit, tends to the center of the planet,

and varies in the inverse ratio of the square of the distance from

it; but when the primary planet is of a spheroidical figure, the

same rule then no longer holds: the gravity of the satellite is no

more directed to the center of the planet, nor does it vary in the

proportion above-mentioned; and if the plane of the satellite’s orbit

be not the same with the plane of the planet’s equator, the protuberant

matter about the equator will by a constant effort of its attraction

endeavour to make the two planes coincide. Hence the regularity of

the satellite’s motion is necessarily disturbed, and though upon

examination this effect is found to be but small in the moon, the

figure of the earth differing so little from that of a sphere, yet in

some cases it may be thought worth notice; if not, it will be at least

a satisfaction to see that what is neglected can be of no consequence.

But however inconsiderable the change may be with regard to the moon,

it becomes very sensible in the motions of the satellites of Jupiter

both on account of their nearer distances to that planet when compared

with its semidiameter, as also because the figure of Jupiter so far

recedes from that of a sphere. This I have shewn and exemplified in

the fourth satellite; in which case indeed the computation is more

exact than it would be for the other satellites: for as my first design

was to examine only how far the moon’s motion could be affected by

this cause, I supposed the satellite to revolve at a distance somewhat

remote from the primary planet, and the difference of the equatoreal

diameter and the axis of the planet not to be very considerable. There

likewise arises this other advantage from the present theory, that

it furnishes means to settle more accurately the proportion of the

different forces which disturb the celestial motions, by assigning the

particular share of influence which is to be ascribed to the figure of

the central bodies round which those motions are performed.

I have added at the end a proposition concerning the diurnal motion

of the earth. This motion has been generally esteemed to be exactly

uniform; but as there is a cause that must necessarily somewhat alter

it, I was glad to examine what that alteration could amount to. If we

first suppose the globe of the earth to be exactly spherical, revolving

about its axis in a given time, and afterwards conceive that by the

force of the sun or moon raising the waters its figure be changed into

that of a spheroid, then according as the axis of revolution becomes a

different diameter of the spheroid, the velocity of the revolution must

increase or diminish: for, since some parts of the terraqueous globe

are removed from the axis of revolution and others depressed towards

it, and that in a different proportion as the sun or moon approaches

to or recedes from the equator, when the whole quantity of motion

which always remains the same is distributed through the spheroid, the

velocity of the diurnal rotation cannot be constantly the same. This

variation however will scarce be observable, but as it is real, it may

not be thought amiss to determine what its precise quantity is.

I am sensible the following theory, as far as it relates to the motion

of Jupiter’s satellites, is imperfect and might be prosecuted further;

but being hindered at present from such pursuit by want of health and

other occupations, I thought I might send it you in the condition it

has lain by me for some time. You can best judge how far it may be of

use, and what advantage might arise from further improvements in it. I

am glad to have this opportunity of giving a fresh testimony of that

regard which is due to your distinguished merit, and of professing

myself with the highest esteem,

Reverend Sir,

Your very humble Servant,

C. Walmesley.

Bath, Oct. 21. 1758.

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