CROMWELL IN IRELAND, 1649
[Sidenote: Reception of Cromwell in Dublin, August 1649.]
[Sidenote: He restores discipline.]
[Sidenote: Civil liberty for peaceful people.]
Jones had pretty well cleared Dublin of all but Protestants, and
it is, therefore, not surprising that the new Lord Lieutenant was
received with much rejoicing. He made a speech, of which no full
report is extant, promising favour and reward to all who helped
'against the barbarous and bloodthirsty Irish, and all their adherents
and confederates, for the propagating of the Gospel of Christ, the
establishing of truth and peace, and restoring of this bleeding nation
of Ireland to its former happiness and tranquillity.' And the people
shouted 'We will live and die with you.' When he had had a week to
look about him, he found that profane swearing and drunkenness were
prevalent, and issued a declaration to the citizens against them.
These offences were forbidden both by civil and military law, and all
officers and soldiers were ordered under the severest penalties to
co-operate with the mayor in suppressing them. A separate declaration
to the army recited the too frequent practice of 'abusing, robbing,
pillaging, and executing cruelties upon the country people.' He was
resolved, he said, to put down such wickedness by the most stringent
enforcement of the articles of war, and officers found negligent would
be cashiered. A free market was granted to all in every garrison, and
ready money was to be always paid. A general protection was granted
till January 1, during which time the inhabitants of the country would
have time to make up their minds. Those who intended to plough and
sow were to apply to the Attorney-General or other authorised persons
for further protection. Some officers who appeared incorrigible
were actually got rid of, and proper discipline was henceforth
established.[147]
[Sidenote: The garrison of Drogheda.]
[Sidenote: Sir Arthur Aston.]
[Sidenote: Cromwell's advance.]
Ormonde's first care when he had rallied after Rathmines was to
garrison Drogheda with about 2000 foot and 300 horse, the flower of
his remaining force, and to victual it for a long siege. Ludlow and
Bate say the majority of the garrison were English, but this has been
denied by modern critics, and there is really no satisfactory evidence
on the point. The choice of a Roman Catholic governor may be thought
to indicate that the defenders were mainly Irish, but Sir Arthur Aston
had been governor of Oxford under the late King's immediate eye, and no
Royalist would be likely to take offence at his appointment. Wood says
he brought 'the flower of the English veterans' to Ireland. Aston was
a brave soldier, and had made a good defence of Reading against Essex,
but he was an unpopular man, and Clarendon, who was at Oxford during
his command there, has little good to say of him. He lost a leg from
the effects of a fall 'when curvetting on horseback in Bullingdon Green
before certain ladies.' At Drogheda he had much trouble with ladies
who insisted on corresponding with Jones. A boy was employed to carry
letters, 'whom, I fear, is of too small a size to be hanged.' Ormonde
did not think there was any serious plot, expressing an opinion that
'woman is given much to make little factions.' On September 2, Aston
sent out men to seize the neighbouring castles, but Cromwell's advanced
parties were beforehand with him, and no outlying obstacle could be
raised against his main body. Next day the infantry made its appearance
with some small field-pieces, and the Boyne was forded at Oldbridge,
but the garrison sallied forth and drove them back. In announcing this
small success to Ormonde the governor hoped 'shortly to understand of
his Excellency's march with a gallant army.'[148]
[Sidenote: Siege of Drogheda, Sept. 3-11.]
[Sidenote: The town carried by storm.]
[Sidenote: No quarter.]
[Sidenote: An avenger of blood.]
On August 31 Cromwell mustered a field force consisting of eight
regiments of foot and six of horse, with some dragoons, in a field
three miles north of Dublin. He marched next day and encamped next
night at Ballygarth on the Nanny River, very near Julianstown, where
the English forces had been routed eight years before. On September
3, Cromwell's lucky day, he was close to Drogheda, where there was a
week's delay before the batteries could be got ready, and the heavy
guns landed below the town. On the 7th, Aston made a successful sally,
but without in any way interrupting the assailants' preparations.
On the morning of the 10th Cromwell summoned the town in the name
of Parliament. 'To the end,' he wrote, 'effusion of blood may be
prevented, I thought fit to summon you to deliver the same into my
hands to their use. If this be refused you will have no cause to
blame me.' Aston did refuse, and a cannonade was opened against the
south-east angle of the town, one battery being against the east, and
the other against the south side of St. Mary's Church. The steeple
fell, but the breach did not prove practicable until the next day. Some
of the siege guns carried shot of sixty-four pounds weight, and the
cannon of the defenders must have been quite overmatched. No regular
approaches were necessary, and about five on the second day the breach
was assaulted. The stormers were repulsed once, according to Cromwell
and Ludlow, twice according to Royalist accounts. The general entered
the breach himself at the head of a reserve of infantry, who carried
the church and some trenches which the defenders had made inside
the walls. These inner works really helped the assailants, for they
prevented Aston from using his cavalry. The bank was too steep for
the English horse, but the foot soldiers seized the entrenchments and
drove a large part of the garrison 'into the Mill-mount, a place very
strong and of difficult access, being exceeding high, having a good
graft and strongly palisaded; the governor, Sir Arthur Aston, and
divers considerable officers being there, our men getting up to them
were ordered by me to put all to the sword; and, indeed, being in the
heat of action, I forbade them to spare any that there were in arms in
the town.' This is Cromwell's own account, and he estimates the slain
at about 2000. A part of the defenders were driven across the bridge
and as far as St. Sunday's Gate, at the far end of the town, where a
tower was occupied, as was another near the west gate. About a hundred
took refuge in St. Peter's Church tower, which was fired by Cromwell's
orders. The parties near the two gates surrendered next day, and in
one case, where fatal shots had been fired, 'the officers were knocked
on the head, and every tenth man of the soldiers killed and the rest
shipped for the Barbadoes; the soldiers in the other tower were all
spared as to their lives only, and shipped likewise for the Barbadoes.
I am persuaded that this is a righteous judgment of God upon these
barbarous wretches, who have imbrued their hands in so much innocent
blood, and that it will tend to prevent the effusion of blood for the
future, which are the satisfactory grounds to such actions, which
otherwise cannot but work remorse and regret.' Sir Arthur Aston was
known to be fond of money, and it was rumoured that much was hidden in
his wooden leg. This turned out not to be the case, but 200 gold pieces
were found in his belt. According to Wood's account he was actually
despatched with this wooden leg. Several friars were in the town, and
they were all killed. That some others of the slain were not soldiers
is at least highly probable, for Cromwell himself mentions 'many
inhabitants,' and in this the case of Drogheda does not differ from a
hundred others, in which no special blame rests on the general. Ormonde
says not a word about women having suffered; but Bate, who was not in
Ireland, states in a book published in the following year that 'there
was not any great respect had to either sex.' The stories attributed to
Thomas Wood, the great antiquary's brother, rest entirely on hearsay
evidence, and Thomas was a noted buffoon.[149]
[Sidenote: The carnage lasted for two days.]
[Sidenote: Richard Talbot.]
[Sidenote: Demoralisation of Ormonde's followers.]
That a garrison duly summoned should be put to the sword after the
storming of their works was not contrary to the laws of war in those
days. Ormonde speaks of 'the book of Martyrs, and the relation of
Amboyna,' but the case of Magdeburg would have been more to the point.
Ludlow says 'The slaughter was continued all that day and the next,
which extraordinary severity, I presume, was used to discourage others
from making opposition,' but he says nothing more, though he did not
love Cromwell. 'And truly I believe,' wrote Oliver to Bradshaw, 'this
bitterness will save much effusion of blood.' The charge that many
were killed after quarter given may be founded on fact, but if quarter
was anywhere promised it was by persons not authorised to give it, for
Cromwell himself says that he forbade it immediately after entering the
town. English and Irish alike were treated as accomplices in the Ulster
massacre, though very few even of the latter could have had anything
to say to it. Among those who escaped was Cornet Richard Talbot,
afterwards Duke of Tyrconnel, who owed his safety to the humanity of
Colonel John Reynolds. According to Hugh Peters the total number slain
was 3552, the loss to the Parliamentarians being only sixty-four,
while Cromwell estimates his killed at under a hundred, but with many
wounded. Aston expected to be relieved, and was himself expected to
hold out much longer. He complained that ammunition ran out fast, but
it was certainly not exhausted when Cromwell forced the place, and
Ormonde expressly states that there was enough for a long siege. He
was not in a position to do anything, though he had about 3000 men,
for they were demoralised by the Rathmines disaster, and decreased
daily, either by going to their own homes, 'or by the revolt of some
officers and many private soldiers, the rest showing such dejection
of courage, and upon all occasions of want, which are very frequent
with us, venting their discontent in such dangerous words, that it
was held unsafe to bring them within that distance of the enemy, as
was necessary to have kept him united, and consequently, one side of
the town open to receive continual supplies.' As many as forty-three
troopers deserted in one batch. Colonel Mark Trevor, with a strong
party of horse, was in charge of ammunition and provisions at Ardee,
but was unable to approach Drogheda on the north side.[150]
[Sidenote: Ormonde's treaty with O'Neill, Oct. 20.]
[Sidenote: Terms of their agreement.]
Even before the loss of Drogheda, Ormonde saw clearly that his only
chance was in an alliance with Owen Roe O'Neill, who could still
dispose of 6000 foot and 500 horse. He wrote to him immediately after
the battle of Rathmines, and a few days later sent John Leslie, Bishop
of Raphoe, and Audley Mervyn to confer with him. They were followed by
the ubiquitous Daniel O'Neill, who was believed to have influence with
his silent uncle. Immediately before the attack on Drogheda, Charles
II. wrote from St. Germains to the Irish general, urging him to return
to his allegiance, and Father Thomas Talbot, an elder brother of the
more famous Richard, was sent by him to Ireland. Talbot was directed by
Ormonde to carry his letters to Owen O'Neill, along with others for his
nephew, 'and to proceed by the said Daniel his advice and direction,
and not otherwise.' The negotiations ended in a treaty, but this was
not concluded until October 20, and a great deal had happened in the
meantime. The terms finally agreed upon were that the Kilkenny peace
should include Ulster, and that O'Neill should be general of that
province with 6000 foot and 800 horse. In case of his death or removal,
the provincial nobility and gentry were to nominate a successor for
the approval of the King's Lord Lieutenant. A part of the Ulster army
co-operated with Ormonde, but O'Neill was already ill and unable to
lead them himself after the capture of Drogheda.[151]
[Sidenote: Dundalk and Trim abandoned]
[Sidenote: Carlingford, Newry, Lisburn, and Belfast taken.]
[Sidenote: Coleraine taken.]
[Sidenote: Death of O'Neill, Nov. 6.]
[Sidenote: His last letter to Ormonde.]
[Sidenote: His character.]
Ormonde had given directions to burn and abandon Dundalk and Trim,
but the garrisons fled in too great haste, leaving their guns behind
them. Having secured these important places Cromwell sent Venables to
join Coote, while he turned his own steps southwards. Carlingford,
which contained the largest magazine in Ulster, capitulated after
some well-directed shots had been fired at Captain Fern's frigate;
seven cannon and a thousand muskets, with much powder and many pikes,
fell into the victor's hands. Newry also surrendered on articles. At
Lisburn, Trevor with his cavalry surprised Venables' camp by night and
very nearly gained a complete victory, but the trained soldiers soon
recovered from their panic, and re-formed in a position where horsemen
could not reach them. Trevor had to fall back as far as the Bann, and
Belfast capitulated soon afterwards, leaving guns and powder to the
enemy. A large number of the Scotch inhabitants were driven out. Coote
made himself master of Coleraine, and by the end of November Ormonde
reported that Carrickfergus, Charlemont, and Enniskillen were the
only considerable Ulster garrisons still in Royalist hands. Before
that time Owen Roe O'Neill had died at Cloughoughter, in Cavan. In
the previous May he had likened Ormonde to Baal, and rejoiced that he
was one of those who had not bowed the knee; but he saw clearly that
it would be necessary to join either the King's or the Parliament's
party, though opposed to both, unless help came from abroad. He was
driven to extremity, and could not otherwise support his army, which he
regarded as the last hope of Ireland. It was with this object that he
had dealings with Coote, Monck, and Jones, and was driven finally to
unite with Ormonde, to whom he wrote only five days before his death.
'Being now in my death-bed,' he wrote, 'I call my Saviour to witness
that, as I hope for salvation, my resolution, ways, and intentions from
first to last of these unhappy wars tended to no particular ambition or
private interest of my own, notwithstanding what was or may be thought
to the contrary, but truly and sincerely to the preservation of my
religion, the advancement of his Majesty's service, and just liberties
of this nation, whereof, and of my particular reality and willingness
to serve your Excellency (above any other in this kingdom), I hope that
God will permit me to give ample and sufficient testimony in the view
of the world ere it be long.' He concludes by recommending his son
Henry to Ormonde's care. As a soldier all accounts agree in praising
O'Neill, whose word was always kept, and who is not charged with any
acts of cruelty or unnecessary severity. Of his patriotism there can
be no doubt, but of Ireland as a separate nation he seems to have had
no definite idea. He was a Royalist, and his natural leaning would
have been towards Ormonde as the special representative of the Crown.
But he was above all things attached to the religion of Rome, and
Rinuccini's ban weighed heavily upon him. It was this that separated
him so long from his natural ally, while it did not prevent him from
helping Monck and Coote. 'The Bishop of Raphoe and Sir Nicholas
Plunket,' wrote Daniel O'Neill, 'have agreed upon an expedient about
the excommunication which has so troubled that superstitious old uncle
of mine in his sickness that I could render him to no reason.' The
expedient was a letter signed by Plunket and Barnewall on behalf of the
nuncio's opponents in the late Confederation, who agreed to petition
the Pope to remove his censure, and also to write a sort of apology 'in
a loving and friendly manner' to Rinuccini himself.[152]
[Sidenote: Siege of Wexford, Oct. 1-11.]
[Sidenote: Ulster troops in the town]
[Sidenote: Proposals of the governor.]
[Sidenote: Terms offered by Cromwell]
After a few days' rest in Dublin, Cromwell marched towards Wexford.
Fortified posts near Delgany, at Arklow, 'which was the first seat
and honour of the Marquis of Ormonde's family,' and at Limerick, 'the
ancient seat of the Esmonds,' were taken without firing a shot. Ferns
and Enniscorthy also surrendered without resistance, and on October 1
the army came before Wexford, where there was a garrison under Colonel
David Synnott, who was an old adherent of Preston, and therefore not
very popular with the townsmen, who had favoured the nuncio. Two days
later a summons was sent in the usual terms 'to the end effusion
of blood may be prevented,' and Synnott was willing to parley, but
Cromwell refused any truce during negotiations, 'because our tents
are not so good a covering as your houses.' It was arranged that four
persons should come out under safe conduct, but while Cromwell was
expecting them Castlehaven managed to introduce 1500 Ulster foot on
the north side of the town, and Synnott then changed his mind. The
safe conduct was withdrawn, and in the meantime Jones led a party
of horse and foot round to the long point of Rosslare, at the end
of which was a fort whose defenders at once took to the water and
were all captured by the Parliamentary fleet. The weather was rough,
and it took some days to land the siege train, but all was ready by
the evening of the 10th. The battery was placed at the south-east
corner of the town opposite the castle, which was outside the wall,
Cromwell seeing that if it was once taken the town could make little
further resistance. After nearly a hundred shots had been fired, 'the
governor's stomach came down,' and he sent out four representatives on
safe conduct with written propositions, which Cromwell forwarded to
Lenthall 'for their abominableness, manifesting also the impudency of
the men.' The principal demands were that the inhabitants should for
ever have liberty publicly to profess and practise the Roman Catholic
religion, retaining all the churches and religious houses without
interference, that Bishop French and his successors should have full
jurisdiction in the diocese of Ferns, that the garrison should march
out with flying colours, and be escorted to Ross with all their arms
and other possessions, and that the townsmen should be guaranteed
their municipal privileges, lives, and properties. Cromwell engaged to
protect the civilians, to give private soldiers leave to go home, 'with
their wearing clothes,' on condition of bearing arms no more against
Parliament, and to spare the lives of the officers, they remaining
prisoners of war.[153]
[Sidenote: Dissensions among the garrison.]
[Sidenote: The castle surrendered.]
[Sidenote: Great slaughter after the assault.]
Considering the state of affairs, Cromwell's terms were not very
hard, but there were divided counsels in Wexford. Synnott did not
command confidence, and Ormonde, who appeared near the river, sent
Sir Edmund Butler to supersede him with a further relief of 500 men.
There was no truce during negotiations, and Captain James Stafford, who
commanded in the castle, was so much alarmed that he surrendered his
post before Synnott's answer was given. The men on the nearest part
of the town wall were panic-stricken when they saw what had happened,
and the Cromwellians scrambled over the battlements with the help
of their pikes. Sir Edmund Butler had just arrived, but had no time
to ferry over his men, and was killed by a shot while attempting to
rejoin them by swimming. Barricades and cables had been drawn across
the streets, and the passage of the assailants was hotly disputed by
the garrison and by many armed citizens. The final contest was in
the market-place, and the total number slain between soldiers and
townsfolk was not far short of 2000. The loss of the besiegers was
trifling, perhaps not more than twenty. For this slaughter Cromwell
is not personally liable as he is for Drogheda, and he expresses some
regret for it, but not very much. He mentions two instances in which,
as he was informed, the Wexford people showed little mercy to others.
'About seven or eight score poor Protestants were put by them into
an old vessel, which being, as some say, bulged by them, the vessel
sank, and they were all presently drowned in the harbour. The other
was thus: they put divers Protestants into a chapel (which since they
have used for a mass-house, and in which one or more of their priests
were now killed), where they were famished to death.' A very large
number of guns and several valuable ships were taken. As at Drogheda,
little or no mercy was shown to priests or friars, the deaths of seven
Franciscans being particularly recorded. As to the tradition of 300
women being slaughtered, the story first appears in Macgeohegan's
history, published in 1758, and Bishop French, writing in 1673, made no
mention of anything of the kind. A contemporary account says 'There was
more sparing of lives of the soldiery part of the enemy here than at
Drogheda.' An empty town remained in the victors' hands.[154]
[Sidenote: New Ross taken, Oct. 19.]
[Sidenote: Cromwell on liberty of conscience.]
[Sidenote: Inchiquin's men join Cromwell.]
Less than a week after the capture of Wexford, Cromwell marched to
New Ross, on the right bank of the Barrow, below its junction with
the Nore. There was then no bridge, and Ormonde with Castlehaven and
Lord Montgomery of Ards were able to ferry over 2500 men into the
town, many of them under Cromwell's very eyes. The governor was Lucas
Taaffe, who made some show of resistance when Cromwell appeared and
sent the usual summons 'to avoid effusion of blood.' Two days later a
breach was effected, and Colonel Ingoldsby was chosen by lot to lead
the stormers. Taaffe knew very well that the case was hopeless, and
accepted the very liberal terms offered. The garrison were to march
away with colours flying and with their arms, leaving the artillery
behind, and 'protection from the injury and violence of the soldiers'
was guaranteed to the inhabitants. Those who wished to depart with
their goods were given three months to think it over. 'For what you
mention,' wrote Cromwell, 'concerning liberty of conscience, I meddle
not with any man's conscience, but if by liberty of conscience you mean
a liberty to exercise the mass, I judge it best to use plain dealing,
and to let you know, where the Parliament of England have power, that
will not be allowed of.' He told Lenthall that there was nothing to
prevent the garrison from recrossing the river without his leave. About
500 English soldiers of the garrison, many of them from Munster, here
joined Cromwell, as they had probably been long anxious to do. There
was a considerable delay after this, for Oliver was determined before
moving to make a satisfactory bridge for access to Kilkenny and the
interior generally. Before the work was completed Cork and Youghal
surrendered, and Inchiquin's once formidable army practically ceased to
exist.[155]
[Sidenote: Broghill adheres to Cromwell.]
[Sidenote: Broghill and Inchiquin.]
[Sidenote: Cork, Kinsale, and Youghal join Cromwell. November.]
Lord Broghill had played a very important part in the earlier years
of the civil war, his last considerable exploit being the relief of
Youghal in September 1645. He was never on very cordial terms with
Inchiquin, but could work with him as the champion of the Protestant
interest in Munster. The scene changed when Inchiquin deserted the
Parliament, and Ormonde was fain to ally himself with the Kilkenny
Confederates. Broghill retired to Marston Bigot in Somersetshire,
which his father had bought for him, and waited there for the times
to disentangle themselves. The execution of Charles I. seems to have
been too much for him, and the Royalist idea prevailed so far that he
was preparing to go to Spa, nominally for the gout, but really to be
within reach of Charles II. According to the Rev. Thomas Morrice, who
is the sole and not very trustworthy authority for this passage of
Broghill's life, Cromwell visited him at this juncture, and offered
him his choice between the Tower and a general's command in Ireland.
He accepted the latter on the understanding that he was not expected
to fight against any but the Irish. It is at all events certain that
he was with Cromwell not very long after his arrival in Ireland, and
that he told Inchiquin that he served upon some such terms and would be
glad to do him personal service, 'though, perhaps, I might not believe
it.' The promise of a general's commission is doubtful from what
Ludlow says, but work was soon found for Broghill, who, in Cromwell's
own words had 'a great interest in the men that came from Inchiquin.'
At the beginning of November 1649, he was at Cork and Youghal as a
commissioner for Munster, along with Sir William Fenton, the two famous
seamen Blake and Deane, and Colonel Phaire, who was on duty at the
late King's execution. The military authority was at first in Phaire's
hands, but a troop of reformadoes--that is, unemployed officers--was
given to Broghill, and before Christmas he was in command of at least
1200 horse. Kinsale was the first Munster garrison to declare for
Cromwell; Cork soon followed, and commissioners from the English
inhabitants were with him before he left Ross. Their first request,
'out of a sense of the former good service and tender care of the Lord
of Inchiquin to and for them,' was that he should enjoy his estate
and have his arrears paid up to the last peace, and that an Act of
oblivion should be passed in his favour. This article Cromwell refused
to answer, but promised that Inchiquin's defection should not be
remembered to their prejudice, and that their charter should be renewed
in its old form. Similar terms were given to the Youghal people, who
abstained by Broghill's advice from making any conditions. He informed
Cromwell that he and his colleagues were received at Youghal 'with all
the real demonstrations of gladness an overjoyed people were capable
of.'[156]
[Sidenote: Inchiquin attempts a diversion,]
[Sidenote: but is defeated.]
After the capture of Ross Cromwell lay there for about a month, his men
being occupied in making a bridge of boats over the Barrow, below its
junction with the Nore. He ordered the invalided soldiers in Dublin
to march along the coast to Wexford, which they did to the number of
1200, of whom nearly one-third were cavalry. Many of them were but
imperfectly recovered. At Glascarrig near Cahore Inchiquin set upon
them with a greatly superior force, the detachment sent to meet them
not arriving in time. 'But it pleased God,' says Cromwell, 'we sent
them word by a nearer way, to march close and be circumspect,' so that
they were not entirely surprised. Inchiquin overtook their rear, but
the passage was narrow between high sand-hills and the sea, so that the
number of his cavalry was of comparatively little advantage. After a
sharp fight the Dublin party were victorious, and pursued Inchiquin's
men for a short distance, after which they proceeded to Wexford without
further molestation. Not many fell on either side, but Colonel Trevor,
who had showed so much enterprise as a cavalry leader, was dangerously
wounded.[157]
[Sidenote: The bridge at Ross.]
[Sidenote: Carrick-on-Suir taken.]
Cromwell was very ill during a part of his stay at Ross, but the bridge
greatly impressed the Irish with a sense of his power as Cæsar's
had impressed the Germans in an earlier age. 'A stupendous work,'
says the author of the 'Aphorismical Discovery,' 'for there were two
main rivers, Nore and Barrow, joining there unto one bed, and the
sea-tide passing over the town in the said rivers six or seven miles,
he was building this bridge upon this swift and boisterous-running
tide-water with barrels, planks, casks and cables.' Ormonde had a
superior force in the neighbourhood, but the dissensions between his
officers and between the English and Irish elements of his army made
it impossible to risk a pitched battle. Taaffe made an unsuccessful
attempt to destroy the unfinished bridge, and Cromwell lost no time in
fortifying Rosbercon, on the Kilkenny bank. Ireton and Jones occupied
Inistioge without fighting, but found the bridge at Thomastown broken
down and the walled town garrisoned, while the bulk of Ormonde's army
retired towards Kilkenny. The road into Tipperary was, however, open
from Inistioge, and Reynolds was detached with a body of cavalry to
Carrick-on-Suir. While he was parleying with the garrison at one gate,
a part of his men surprised the other and took more than a hundred
prisoners, the remainder escaping in boats over the Suir. The castle,
'one of the ancientest seats belonging to the Lord of Ormonde,' made
no further resistance, and Cromwell with the main body of his army,
having taken Knocktopher by the way, passed through Carrick towards
Waterford, which he summoned on November 21.[158]
[Sidenote: Siege of Waterford Nov.-Dec.]
[Sidenote: Castlehaven relieves Duncannon,]
[Sidenote: but is refused admission to Waterford.]
Waterford was unassailable from the left bank of the Suir, and
Cromwell, like Mountjoy before him, had to cross at Carrick. Before
the naval superiority of the Parliament could be made available it was
necessary to secure the forts at Duncannon and Passage below the city.
Duncannon had been in the hands of the Confederates since 1645, and was
commanded by Captain Thomas Roche, a very incompetent officer. Jones
was detached from Ross with 2000 men to besiege the place, and he took
Ballyhack, commanding the ordinary communication between the Fort and
Waterford. Parliamentary ships lay near, and seeing that Duncannon was
in danger Ormonde sent Captain Edward Wogan to supersede Roche. As a
deserter from the Parliamentary army Wogan fought with a rope round
his neck, and he restored the courage of the garrison. Ormonde then
sent Castlehaven to Passage opposite Ballyhack, whence he managed to
get to Duncannon in a boat. After consultation with Wogan, Castlehaven
returned, and that night embarked eighty horses without riders in
boats, which slipped into Duncannon on the tide. Wogan mounted officers
and picked men on the horses thus provided, and immediately attacked
the Parliamentary camp. The appearance of cavalry where there had
been none before seemed to indicate the approach of an army, and the
siege was raised next morning. After this piece of service Ormonde
made Castlehaven governor of Waterford with 1000 men, but the citizens
refused to admit him or his soldiers.[159]
[Sidenote: Ormonde garrisons Waterford.]
[Sidenote: Inchiquin repulsed from Carrick, Nov. 24.]
While Cromwell was threatening Waterford, Ormonde brought his whole
army to Carrick, the recapture of which he left to Taaffe and
Inchiquin, while he marched on with the tidal river between him and
the Parliamentary host. The city was open on the river side, and
there was no difficulty in ferrying over 1500 Ulster soldiers with
Lieut.-General Ferrall as governor. Jones had previously succeeded in
occupying Passage, 'a very large fort with a castle in the midst of
it, having five guns planted in it, and commanding the river better
than Duncannon.' The garrison surrendered on condition of quarter only,
and Ballyhack being already in Cromwell's hands, Waterford was pretty
thoroughly cut off from the sea. The attempt to recapture Carrick
failed, perhaps for want of a good engineer, for the assailants' mine
exploded to their own injury, and without damaging the wall. Reynolds's
men spared their ammunition and defended themselves mainly with stones.
The gates were burned, but quickly barricaded inside with rubble,
and Inchiquin, having no stock of provisions, was forced to retreat
with heavy loss. Ormonde on his return was very nearly captured, for
he expected to find Carrick in the hands of friends, and had to ride
twenty miles round to join his men at Clonmel. He met the Tipperary
rustics flying in all directions with their portable goods, so as to
escape being plundered by the soldiers.[160]
[Sidenote: The siege of Waterford raised, Dec. 2.]
[Sidenote: Death of Michael Jones.]
[Sidenote: Ormonde's difficulties.]
Ormonde said that if the weather 'proved but as usual at this time of
the year,' Cromwell might be repulsed from Waterford. Two days later
the siege was abandoned for this very reason, a great part of the men
being sick, and Cromwell marched to Kilmacthomas on 'as terrible a day'
as he had ever known. He found poor quarters, but in the morning was
encouraged by a messenger from Broghill, who lay at Dungarvan, which
had lately surrendered to him, with about twelve or thirteen hundred
men. Michael Jones died at Dungarvan of 'a pestilent and contagious
spotted fever,' contracted during a cold and wet march, and Cromwell
lamented his loss both as a friend and as a public servant. The
Parliamentary cause certainly owed him a great deal, though there is
reason to believe that he did not approve of the execution of Charles
I. At the moment Ferrall made an attempt to recover Passage, the loss
of which made it very difficult to victual Duncannon, but Colonel
Sankey was despatched with 320 men from Cappoquin, and after a sharp
fight succeeded in taking about the same number of prisoners. Ferrall
retreated into Waterford, where Ormonde was himself present, though
the mayor absolutely refused to let his troops cross the river, saying
that an increase of the garrison would cause a famine in the town. It
was proposed to quarter them in huts outside the walls, but even this
was rejected, and Passage remained in the enemy's hands, though an
overwhelming force was ready to attempt its relief. Wogan was among the
prisoners taken by Sankey, and Cromwell seriously thought of hanging
him; but he was sent to Cork, whence he soon escaped, and went to
England to seek the adventure which has made him famous.[161]
[Sidenote: Ormonde's apparent superiority in numbers.]
[Sidenote: Cromwell in Munster.]
[Sidenote: He is reinforced.]
When Cromwell broke up from before Waterford on December 2, he had not
more than 3000 effective infantry in the field, the garrisons taking
up many and sickness accounting for more. Ferrall had as many men in
Waterford as there were besieging him, and the whole of Ormonde's
army was ten or twelve thousand including O'Neill's men, who were at
least 7000 and all effective, 'these being the eldest sons of the
Church of Rome, most cried up and confided in by the clergy.' The rest
were old English, Irish, some Protestants, some Papists, and other
popish Irish. The interests of Ormonde, Clanricarde, Castlehaven,
Muskerry, Taaffe, and the rest provided a formidable force, who could
live on the country, for there were scarce twenty natives favourable
to Parliament. 'God hath blessed you,' Cromwell wrote, 'with a great
tract of land in longitude, along the shore, yet it hath but a little
depth into the country,' and the inhabitants were so robbed by their
neighbours that they could give little help. Therefore it was still
necessary to send money and stores from England, and to maintain a
strict naval blockade, lest supplies should reach the enemy from
abroad. But Ormonde had to disperse his men in winter quarters for
want of means to support them in the field, and Cromwell did the same,
his headquarters being at Youghal. He spent the short winter days in
visiting Cork and other Munster garrisons. The tradition is that he
went to Glengariffe, where the ruins of 'Cromwell's bridge' may still
be seen, but there seems to be no evidence of his having gone further
west than Kinsale. His applications to Parliament for help were not in
vain, for 1500 fresh men were sent to Dublin about this time, and a few
weeks later Henry Cromwell came to Youghal with further reinforcements,
followed by thirteen ships laden with oats, beans, and pease. The sick
men recovered with rest and dry lodgings, and by the end of January
Cromwell was able to take the field again.[162]
[Sidenote: Broghill's campaign, November.]
[Sidenote: Cork.]
[Sidenote: Kinsale and Bandon.]
[Sidenote: Baltimore, &c.]
Broghill, who was now Master of the Ordnance, left Youghal about the
middle of November with 500 foot and 300 horse. A fort with three
guns on the Corkbeg peninsula partially commanded Cork harbour, and
had annoyed Blake's ships. Captain Courthope, 'who knew not only the
commander of it, but every particular soldier in it, so well persuaded
and terrified them that they delivered up the fort' without fighting.
At Belvelly, commanding the strait between the mainland and the island
on which Queenstown now stands, Colonel Pigott had a strong castle and
three Irish companies. Broghill had formerly 'particularly well known'
this officer, and in half an hour's private conversation satisfied
him that it was a national quarrel. At Cork, Broghill found 700 armed
inhabitants and 500 foot soldiers, who received him 'with as great a
joy as is almost imaginable.' A messenger came from Kinsale to offer
that town to the Parliament, and a detachment was sent strong enough to
check the garrison of the fort. At Bandon, Colonel Courtney, 'who had
ever been my particular friend,' stood for the King; but the townsmen
and most of the soldiers were English Protestants, and he could but
surrender. Broghill armed the inhabitants, and nearly all the officers
and soldiers ultimately joined him. The people showed 'at least an
equal joy to our reception at Cork.' The bridge at Bandon enabled
Broghill to march straight to the south side of Kinsale harbour, where
Rupert had greatly strengthened the fort, which was held by 400 Irish
under a Scotch governor. The works were too strong to attack before
the return of Blake's fleet, but the regiment inside was commanded by
'an Irish Protestant, a great sufferer by the rebellion; an ancient
dependant of our [the Boyle] family, and one particularly recommended
to my care by my father,' who set the governor aside, and persuaded the
soldiers to capitulate. After this Baltimore, Castlehaven, Crookhaven,
and Timoleague surrendered without giving Broghill the trouble of
a march, and Mallow did the same, thus securing the only bridge
over the Blackwater, except that at Cappoquin, which was already in
Parliamentary hands. Colonel Crosby was detached to see what could
be done in Kerry. Cromwell might well say that Broghill had a great
interest in the men and in the districts which were lately Inchiquin's,
and that there could have been no rebellion if every county had
contained an Earl of Cork.[163]
[Sidenote: Surrender of Carrickfergus, Nov. 2.]
While Cromwell was building his bridge at New Ross, Dalziel was
closely besieged in Carrickfergus by Coote and Venables. It was the
most important place in Ulster, and the Scotch veteran made good terms
for himself and his men, agreeing to surrender on December 13 if not
relieved in the meantime. A few days before that date Sir George Monro
with Lords Montgomery and Clandeboye, collected a force which Coote, on
the report of deserters, estimated at 2000 foot and 800 horse, their
object being to relieve Carrickfergus. On December 1 they were at
Comber and next day at Newtownards. After a good deal of manoeuvring
Coote took up his quarters at Lisburn, while Monro crossed the Laggan
somewhere between that place and Moira. On their return upon the
Antrim side of the river, Coote allowed them to pass him, and then
attacked their rear 'upon a boggy pass on the plain of Lisnesreane.'
Sir Theophilus Jones, who had come out of Lisburn with his cavalry, met
with little resistance, and during a pursuit of ten miles over 1000
were killed with scarcely any loss to the victors. Monro and Montgomery
fled to Charlemont, most of their Scots followers leaving them, and
Carrickfergus was then surrendered in due course.[164]
[Sidenote: The Clonmacnoise decrees, Dec. 4.]
[Sidenote: Toleration not to be expected.]
[Sidenote: "Idle Boys" excommunicated.]
Rinuccini having departed and O'Neill being dead, the Irish were as
sheep having no shepherd. Stubborn resistance was made in detail,
but there was very little concerted action after Cromwell's arrival.
The remains of the Confederacy still adhered to Ormonde, but it
became evident after the last peace that he could never rally the
native population. Under these circumstances twenty bishops, with
the procurators of three others, the abbot of Holy Cross and the
Provincials of the Dominicans and Franciscans, met at Clonmacnoise
on December 4, of their own mere motion as they were careful to set
forth. After some days' deliberation they announced that nothing could
be done without unity, and that past differences must be laid aside.
It was, they said, the evident intention of Cromwell and his masters
to root out the Catholic religion, which could only be done by getting
rid of the people and recolonising the country, 'witness the numbers
they have already sent hence for the tobacco islands and put enemies
in their places.' Cromwell had told the governor of Ross that he
meddled with no man's conscience, but that a liberty to exercise the
mass would nevertheless not be allowed of. This was naturally quite
enough for the clergy, and doubtless for most laymen also. The formal
decrees of Clonmacnoise were embodied in four articles. By the first
fasting and prayer were ordered 'to withdraw from this nation God's
anger, and to render them capable of his mercies.' By the second
the people were warned that no mercy or clemency could be expected
'from the common enemy commanded by Cromwell by authority from the
rebels of England.' By the third the clergy were ordered under severe
penalties to preach unity, 'and we hereby manifest our detestation
against all such divisions between either provinces or families, or
between old English and old Irish, or any of the English or Scotch
adhering to his Majesty.' The last decree was one of excommunication
against the highwaymen called Idle Boys, and against all who relieved
them. Clergymen were forbidden on pain of suspension to give them the
Sacrament or to bury them in consecrated ground.[165]
FOOTNOTES:
[147] The two declarations, August 23 and 24, are in the new edition of
Carlyle's _Cromwell_, i. 455 and iii. 410.
[148] Wood's _Fasti_, ed. Bliss, 77, and his _Life and Times_, ed.
Clark, i. 110. The correspondence between Aston and Ormonde, from the
Carte MSS., August 25 to September 10, is in _Contemp. Hist._ ii.
233-261. As to the composition of the garrison see also Gardiner's
_Commonwealth_, i. 124, and the note to Murphy's _Cromwell in Ireland_,
p. 86.
[149] The chief authority for the storm is Cromwell's own letter to
Lenthall, dated September 17; Ormonde's account is dated September
29. The above, with those of Ludlow, Bate, and Wood, are collected in
_Contemp. Hist._ ii. 262-276. For Cromwell's battering train see Mr.
Firth's _Cromwell's Army_, p. 170. Elaborate accounts of the siege,
with maps, are in Gardiner's _Commonwealth_, chap. v., and in Murphy's
_Cromwell in Ireland_, chaps. vii. and viii.
[150] Letters of Peters and Cromwell, September 15 and 16, in
_Whitelock_, iii. 110, which were read in Parliament; letters of
Ormonde and Aston, _ut sup._ For Talbot's obligations to Reynolds see
Clarke's _Life of James II._ i. 326. Hugh Peters says shortly 'Aston
the governor killed, none spared.'
[151] The terms of the treaty between Ormonde and O'Neill from the
Carte papers is in _Contemp. Hist._ ii. 300, the negotiations, _ib._
237 _sqq._ The first mention of O'Neill's illness is in his letter of
September 19, 'an unexpected fit of sickness in my knee, whereof I am
not fully cleared yet.'
[152] Summons to Dundalk, September 12, 1640, in Carlyle. Venables to
Cromwell, September 22, in _Contemp. Hist._ ii. 267; Brief Chronicle,
_ib._ iii. 157; Ormonde's report on the state of the armies, _ib._
ii. 465; O'Neill's last letter to Ormonde, November 1, _ib._ 315;
_Aphorismical Discovery_, chap. xiv. In _Spicilegium Ossoriense_, ii.
33, are four letters from O'Neill, dated May 18, 1649, to Rinuccini, to
Dean Massari, and to Cardinals la Cuena and Pamphili. Daniel O'Neill's
letter of October 6 to Ormonde is in _Contemp. Hist._ ii. 294. There is
no reason whatever to suppose that Owen Roe O'Neill was poisoned.
[153] Cromwell's letters are in _Carlyle_, and the terms demanded by
Synnott in Cary's _Memorials_, ii. 181. Castlehaven's _Memoirs_, p. 80.
[154] Cromwell's despatch of October 11, 1649, in _Carlyle_. There are
elaborate narratives of this siege in Murphy's _Cromwell in Ireland_,
chaps. xiii. and xiv., and in Gardiner's _Commonwealth_, chap. v. There
is a candid note by Father Meehan in the appendix to his _Franciscan
Monasteries_, 4th ed., 1872, p. 296. See also Carte's _Ormonde_ and
Castlehaven's _Memoirs_, p. 80. Peters wrote on October 22, 'It is a
fine spot for some godly congregation, where house and land wait for
inhabitants and occupiers; I wish they would come,' in _Collections of
Letters_, &c., London, November 13, 1649. _The Taking of Wexford_, a
letter from an eminent officer (R. L.), London, October 26, 1649.
[155] The correspondence between Cromwell and Taaffe is in _Carlyle_.
The articles of surrender, dated October 19, are printed in Murphy's
_Cromwell in Ireland_, p. 188, where there is a full account of the
whole affair.
[156] Morrice's Memoir prefixed to _Orrery State Letters_, i. 18;
Inchiquin to Ormonde, December 9, 1649, in _Clar. S.P._; Ludlow's
_Memoirs_, February 8, 1651. The authorities as to the revolt of Cork
and Youghal are collected from various sources in the new edition
of Carlyle's _Cromwell_, some in the Supplement. Lady Fanshawe's
_Memoirs_, p. 53. Blake to Popham, November 5, _Leyborne-Popham
Papers_, p. 49. Cork and Youghal declared for Cromwell about November
1, Kinsale a few days later.
[157] Cromwell to Lenthall, November 14, 1649, Ludlow's _Memoirs_, i.
239; Carte's _Ormonde_.
[158] Cromwell to Lenthall, November 14 and 25, in _Carlyle_; Ormonde
to Charles II., November 30, in _Contemp. Hist._ ii. 329.
[159] Castlehaven's _Memoirs_, p. 81. The siege of Duncannon was raised
November 5.
[160] Cromwell to Lenthall, letter 116, in _Carlyle_; Carte's
_Ormonde_. The attempt on Carrick was on November 24.
[161] Ormonde to Charles II., November 30, _Contemp. Hist._ ii.
330; Cromwell to Lenthall, December 19, 1649, in _Carlyle_; Carte's
_Ormonde_, ii. 103. Concerning Jones see a note in Gardiner's
_Commonwealth_, i. 160. For Wogan see _Clarke Papers_, i. 421.
[162] Cromwell to Lenthall, December 19, 1649, in _Carlyle_. Brief
Chronicle published by authority in 1650, and reprinted in _Contemp.
Hist._ iii. 157; Gardiner's _Commonwealth_, i. 163. note; Murphy's
_Cromwell in Ireland_, chap. xx.
[163] _Relation of the Particulars of the Reduction of the Greatest
Part of the Province of Munster_, &c., London, 1649 (containing
Broghill's letters of November 22 and 26, and the Remonstrance and
Resolution of the Protestant Army at Cork, October 23); Caulfield's
_Council Book of Kinsale_, pp. 55, 357-363; Bennett's _Hist. of
Bandon_, chap. xii.
[164] _Two Letters_ from William Basil, A.G., to Bradshaw and Lenthall,
London, December 12, 1649; _War in Ireland_, p. 100; MacSkimin's
_Carrickfergus_, p. 16, where Dalziel's articles are given; _Two
Letters_ of Sir Charles Coote to Lenthall with Scobell's imprimatur;
December 8 and 13, London, 1649. Coote notes that 'Colonel Henderson
that betrayed Sligo was killed.'
[165] _Certain Acts and Declarations_ made by the ecclesiastical
congregation, &c., printed at Kilkenny and reprinted at London, 1650.
Printed also, with some slight verbal differences, in _Spicilegium
Ossoriense_, ii. 38-42.