RINUCCINI TO CROMWELL, 1649
[Sidenote: Ormonde's commanding position.]
[Sidenote: He tries to gain O'Neill.]
[Sidenote: O'Neill, Jones and Coote.]
Having pacified the Confederates and driven away Rinuccini, Ormonde was
now for the moment almost master of Ireland. If he could only regain
Dublin before Cromwell was ready, the chances of war and politics might
yet turn in the young King's favour. He attempted to win over O'Neill,
who had still 5000 foot and 300 horse, though many chiefs had deserted
him and 2000 of his men had gone to Spain under O'Sullivan Bere.
O'Neill was willing to accept the peace if he might be allowed 6000
foot and 800 horse at the expense of the country, but the Commissioners
of Trust, with whom all such questions rested, would not agree to more
than 4000 foot and 600 horse. When at last they yielded it was only on
condition that the regiments of Sir Phelim O'Neill and others who had
deserted the Ulster general should form part of the force. Suspecting
ill-faith, Owen O'Neill turned to Jones and Monck, from whom he might
expect a supply of powder, and the former actually sold him some.
Ormonde then approached Michael Jones, but he refused to abandon those
from whom he held his command. Coote professed himself ready to obey
the King's orders as soon as his Majesty was in a position to enable
him to do so safely. He was, however, deserted by some of Sir Robert
Stewart's old officers, who seized Enniskillen, imprisoned Sir William
Cole, and declared for the King. Ormonde pressed Charles to come to
Ireland, but Scotch influences proved too strong.[138]
[Sidenote: Charles II. proclaimed, February.]
[Sidenote: Ormonde and Jones.]
[Sidenote: Attitude of Jones.]
[Sidenote: Milton and the Ulster Scots.]
[Sidenote: The Scots a hired army.]
[Sidenote: Ormonde and Cromwell compared.]
[Sidenote: All the treaties with the Irish condemned.]
Ormonde went to Cork early in February in order to communicate with
Prince Rupert. At Youghal on his return he heard of the King's
execution, and immediately proclaimed Charles II. The same was done
wherever his authority extended, and the new sovereign lost no time in
renewing his commission as Lord Lieutenant with the fullest powers.
His negotiations with O'Neill at this time had no result, but he had
some hope that the King's execution would detach Michael Jones from
the Parliament. There was, he said, an evident intention to abolish
monarchy, 'unless their aim be first to constitute an elective kingdom
and Cromwell or some such John of Leyden being elected then by the
same force to establish a perfect Turkish tyranny.' Nothing better
could be expected from 'the dregs and scum of the House of Commons
picked and awed by the army,' which was all that remained of the
ancient constitution. Jones in his answer pointed out that the peace
just concluded scarcely gave any protection to Protestants, and that
none was to be expected from a Papist army. His business was not to
meddle in affairs of State, but to carry out the work for which he was
appointed. The intermeddling of Irish governors with English parties
had always had the effect of weakening the colony, and Ormonde himself
had provided a case in point by sending most of his English army across
the channel, and thus very nearly abandoning Ireland to the rebels.
The English interest could evidently only be preserved by the English,
and it was upon that ground that he had surrendered Dublin to the
Parliament, 'from which clear principle I am sorry to see your lordship
now receding.' Jones said nothing either in approval or condemnation
of the King's execution, but he did not allow it to affect his action.
The Scots in Ulster, while condemning it unreservedly, did not think
it a reason for supporting Ormonde. The Presbytery of Belfast were
chiefly anxious to overthrow the sectaries who had departed from the
Solemn League and Covenant, and even showed an intention of tolerating
all religions, even 'paganism and Judaism.' But they were scarcely
less bitter against those who 'combined themselves with Papists and
other notorious malignants.' Milton, who was just beginning his
career as Latin secretary, was employed by the House of Commons to
answer both Ormonde and the Ulster presbyters. With the latter he had
little difficulty, for they admitted that Ireland was dependent upon
England and not upon Scotland. 'The Presbytery of Belfast, a small
town in Ulster,' said the poet, should have enough to do in overseeing
their own flock, without meddling in affairs of State. The House of
Commons were accused of seizing upon the King's person, 'but was he
not surrendered into their hands an enemy and captive by their own
subordinate and paid army of Scots in England?' And Knox, who was
the founder of Scotch presbytery, 'taught professedly the doctrine
of deposing and of killing kings.' Ormonde on his part made a great
mistake in comparing Cromwell to John of Leyden, for never was any
man more unlike the Puritan chief than the polygamous scoundrel who
had enjoyed a brief royalty at Münster. Cromwell, said Milton, had
'done in few years more eminent and remarkable deeds whereon to found
nobility in his house though it were wanting, and perpetual renown to
posterity, than Ormonde and all his ancestors put together can show
from any record of their Irish exploits, the widest scene of their
glory.' Dealing with the articles of the peace in greater detail than
Jones had done, Milton shows that the Protestants of Ireland were
really left at the mercy of those who were more or less responsible for
the massacres. The cessation of 1643 and the abortive articles of 1646
were open to the same objection, but this last treaty went further in
proposing to give an Irish Parliament power to repeal Poynings' Act,
and by abandoning the militia, 'a trust which the King swore by God at
Newmarket he would not commit to his Parliament of England, no, not for
an hour.' Nor did Milton omit to notice the article 'more ridiculous
than dangerous' which provided for the repeal of laws against ploughing
by the tail and burning in the straw, showing how 'indocible and averse
from all civility and amendment,' the Irish rebels were.[139]
[Sidenote: O'Neill and Monck.]
[Sidenote: They combine against Ormonde and Inchiquin.]
[Sidenote: O'Neill helps Coote.]
George Monck was governor of Ulster for the Parliament. Being deserted
by the Scots under Sir Robert Stewart and Sir George Monro, he found
it hard to maintain himself, but he was able to victual Londonderry,
Coleraine, Greencastle, and Lisburn. He himself lay at Dundalk, where
he feared to be attacked on all sides. To keep O'Neill from joining
with Ormonde was therefore his chief object. Sooner or later O'Neill
would have had to accept the Lord Lieutenant's overtures, for he was
entirely cut off from the sea and had no other means of replenishing
his stock of powder. Monck, who knew that help was coming from England,
resolved to give the necessary powder on condition of an offensive and
defensive alliance for three months, during which O'Neill bound himself
to make no terms with Ormonde or Inchiquin or with any opponent of the
Parliament. Each of these two silent men, who were soldiers and not
politicians, thought the preservation of his army the first object.
O'Neill was responsible to no one; but Monck took the precaution
of reporting all he had done to Cromwell, who would understand the
military argument, and see that political prudery was out of place in
the midst of war. The immediate result of the treaty was to reduce the
activity of the Scots by whom Londonderry was beset. Later on Coote
followed Monck's example, and O'Neill's help enabled him to hold out
until relief came from England. Ormonde, on the other hand, drove
O'Neill out of Leinster, Maryborough, Athy, and other garrisons being
taken by Castlehaven during the month of May.[140]
[Sidenote: Ormonde before Dublin, June.]
[Sidenote: Rupert gave no help.]
[Sidenote: Inchiquin takes Drogheda, June 28.]
[Sidenote: Monck gives powder to O'Neill,]
[Sidenote: but Inchiquin captures it.]
[Sidenote: O'Neill relieves Londonderry.]
On June 19 Ormonde, with 7000 foot and 3000 horse, advanced almost to
the walls of Dublin, and fixed his camp at Finglas, about three miles
north of the town, his tents being visible to the besieged. Jones
had nearly as many foot, besides armed citizens, but only about 500
horse. Outside the capital Parliament now held only Drogheda, Trim, and
Dundalk in Leinster. Jones had no hay or oats for horses and oxen, and
was short of provisions, there being neither fish nor flesh in the
market; but while the sea was open that was not likely to last, though
a more enterprising general might perhaps have succeeded in a sudden
attack. The army, however, as it turned out, was not a very good one,
and doubtless Ormonde knew it. Rupert was at Kinsale with his piratical
fleet, and Ormonde urged him to blockade Dublin, but the prince either
could not or would not comply while the possibility existed, and after
Blake's arrival on May 22 even the possibility ceased. Pressed probably
by want of forage Jones sent most of his cavalry to Drogheda, but
they were attacked on the road by Inchiquin and suffered great loss.
Inchiquin was then detached with 2000 foot and 1500 horse to beleaguer
Drogheda, and on the 28th it capitulated. The garrison were allowed to
go where they pleased, and a few joined Jones, but the greater part
went over to Ormonde. O'Neill's chief strength was at this time in
Cavan and Monaghan, and at the beginning of May he held a provincial
council at Belturbet, where it was decided to help Coote if he would
give the necessary ammunition. This negotiation failed at the time,
and in June O'Neill drew down with 3000 men to the neighbourhood of
Dundalk, where he encamped. Monck was ready to give the powder if
O'Neill would bring it off, and Colonel Ferral with the requisite
carts and an escort of 500 men was sent on this duty. From the town to
the camp was only about seven miles, and the road was open. Inchiquin
found out what was going on, and sent Colonel Trevor with a strong
body of horse to attack the convoy. The Irish soldiers had got drunk
in Dundalk, and made but a poor resistance, so that the stores were
captured and most of the escort killed or taken. O'Neill immediately
fell back to Clones and renewed his negotiations with Coote, who was
now willing to give thirty barrels of powder with sufficient match, and
either three hundred beeves or 400_l._ in money. As soon as O'Neill
approached Londonderry the Scots marched away, and the bulwark of the
North was threatened no more. Inchiquin was left free to deal with
Dundalk, which Monck had no idea of surrendering, had his men allowed
him to hold it. But they were hungry, they were unpaid, and to their
eyes it seemed that their chief was engaged in an unholy transaction
with the authors of the Ulster massacre. Dundalk opened its gates and
Monck was allowed to go where he pleased. He went to England to tell
his own story.[141]
[Sidenote: Ormonde encamps at Rathmines.]
[Sidenote: Inchiquin is detached to Munster.]
[Sidenote: Battle of Rathmines, August 2.]
[Sidenote: Total defeat of the Royalists.]
After Drogheda and Dundalk were taken Ormonde crossed the Liffey and
established his camp at Rathmines, leaving Lord Dillon at Finglas
with a small force. On the same day Jones received a reinforcement of
1500 foot and 600 horse under Reynolds and Venables, and the chance
of taking Dublin was proportionately diminished, for the garrison
had become more numerous than the besieging army. 'We had it,' says
Ormonde, 'from many good hands out of England and from Dublin, that
Cromwell was at the seaside ready to embark for this kingdom, and that
his design was for Munster.' Lest Cork, Kinsale, and Youghal should
fall while Dublin was still untaken it was decided by a council of war
to send Inchiquin to Munster with three regiments of horse. This proved
fatal, but it was supposed that Cromwell meant to land the greater part
of his army in the south, and his intention was made known by some who
came in the ships which brought fresh troops to Jones. Ormonde realised
that if he did not take Dublin before Cromwell came he was not likely
to take it after. He diverted the conduit which brought the Dodder
water from near Templeoge to Dublin, and thus stopped the mills, though
there was still enough to drink from other sources. Wheat was selling
in Dublin at 5_l._ 10_s._ a quarter and rye at 4_l._ 10_s._, yet the
garrison would hardly starve while they had command of the river, but
it was different with the horses who depended upon the grazing of the
meadows between Trinity College and the mouth of the Dodder. Having
first reduced Rathfarnham, which annoyed his rear, Ormonde decided to
fortify Baggotrath Castle, which stood near the point where Waterloo
Road now joins Upper Baggot Street, and thus deprive Jones's cavalry
of their supply of fodder. Soon after dark on the night of August 1 he
sent Purcell with 1500 men to occupy the place, which had already been
examined carefully, and he expected to find tenable entrenchments there
in the morning. The distance was scarcely a mile, and Purcell had been
at Baggotrath during the day; but he wandered about all night, and when
the morning broke nothing had been done. This was attributed to the
treachery of a guide, and Peter Walsh says Edmund O'Reilly, afterwards
Archbishop of Armagh, had been engaged in conducting an intrigue
between Owen O'Neill and Jones, and that he was guilty of betraying the
camp at Rathmines. Ormonde sat up during the night to write despatches,
but rode to Baggotrath with the first light. He found very little
progress made with the entrenchments, while the garrison of Dublin were
evidently on the alert and busily moving about under shelter of their
works. Jones had 4000 foot and 1200 horse under arms, having at first
no intention but to prevent the Royalists from establishing themselves
on the shore, but the first encounter gradually developed into a
general engagement, when the superior quality of the Parliamentarian
troops soon became manifest. Expecting no attack, Ormonde had lain down
to rest about nine o'clock, and some of his officers left their posts,
so that the troops were partly surprised. He himself was roused by
the firing about ten, and most of his men made but slight resistance,
'many of them running away towards the hills of Wicklow, where some
of them were bred, and whither they knew the way but too well.' The
fighting continued for about two hours and ended in a complete rout,
the cavalry dispersing after the death of their commander, Sir William
Vaughan. Jones's loss in killed was not above twenty, and he reported
that he had taken 2517 prisoners and that 4000 Royalists were killed;
but the latter figure is doubtless much exaggerated. A vast quantity
of arms and stores of all kinds fell into the victor's hands. Ormonde
escaped with very few followers, having totally failed to rally his
broken regiments, but that portion of his army which had remained on
the north bank of the Liffey escaped to Drogheda and Trim. Many of
Inchiquin's old soldiers afterwards took service with Jones, and not
a few of Ormonde's did the same, declaring with loud shouts that they
would return to their own countrymen. Jones secured all the guns, and
Ormonde lost his papers, besides 'velvets, silk, scarlets, wines,
grocery, and some convenient quantity of money.' He went to Kilkenny,
and a week after started for Drogheda with 300 horse. Jones, who had
moved northwards to attack that town, thereupon withdrew into Dublin
and awaited Cromwell's arrival. Rathfarnham, Maynooth, and other strong
places near Dublin fell into the victor's hands, but Ormonde took
Ballyshannon immediately after the battle, persuading the governor that
Dublin had surrendered. When the truth was known Inchiquin's soldiers
in Munster began to desert and enter the Parliamentary ranks.[142]
[Sidenote: Charles II. invited to Ireland.]
[Sidenote: But Scotch influences prevail.]
The peace was signed on January 17, and on the 22nd Ormonde sent Lord
Byron to invite the Prince of Wales to Ireland. If he could bring money
and supplies with him he would be doubly welcome, but in any case his
presence would be of the greatest value. All England and Scotland
were either engaged in rebellion or subdued by the rebels, otherwise
Ormonde would not have invited the Prince 'so far from the more vital
part of his hopes.' Byron found Charles at the Hague nearly two months
later surrounded by Scotch lords, who were for the most part opposed
to an Irish venture, though Montrose strongly favoured it. On his way
through Paris Byron had seen Henrietta Maria, who thought the change
of her son's condition from prince to king 'an argument rather to
hasten than retard his repair thither.' Charles himself was anxious
to go, but he had no money and the States would give none unless he
would go to Scotland and take the Covenant. Among the Scots the extreme
Presbyterians even insisted on his parting with Montrose. The idea of
going to Ireland was not abandoned for some months, but the means were
wanting, and Charles spent some time at St. Germains, where he divided
his attentions between Lucy Walter and Mademoiselle de Montpensier.
He reached Jersey in the middle of September, and there heard for the
first time of the defeat at Rathmines. Henry Seymour, who carried a
garter for Ormonde, was sent to find out how things were really going
in Ireland, but the news of the fall of Drogheda and of Cromwell's
progress arrived before he could start. When he reached Ireland he
found Ormonde still anxious for the King's appearance, but he must have
seen that the cause was hopeless. Seymour was back in Jersey about
the end of January 1650, and Charles left the island, which he had
found intolerably dull, about a fortnight later. He went to Breda to
make arrangements for becoming a covenanted King of Scotland and for
denouncing Ormonde's treaty with the Irish Confederates, with which he
had before declared himself highly satisfied.[143]
[Sidenote: Prince Rupert at Kinsale.]
[Sidenote: His behaviour in Ireland.]
[Sidenote: Blockaded by Blake.]
Prince Rupert left Helvoetsluys January 21, 1649, with 'three
flagships, four frigates and one prize ... in company with the
_Amsterdam_, a Dutch ship of 1000 tons, and two others of less burden.'
His own second-rate had but forty sailors and eighty soldiers instead
of the normal complement of 300. The frigates, whose business it
was to prey upon merchantmen, were a little better manned. The Duke
of York was invited to sail with this fleet, but Hyde says he was
dissuaded by 'his old Presbyterian counsellors.' Rupert was blown as
far as Crookhaven, but by the end of the month he had collected his
ships at Kinsale. Fanshawe was at hand to receive such part of the
expected plunder as might help to fill the exiled King's exchequer,
and Hyde impressed upon him the importance of maintaining friendly
relations between Rupert and Ormonde. The Prince of Wales wrote to
the same effect, but Rupert preferred to play an obscure game of his
own and to intrigue with Antrim, O'Neill, and the Irish generally
against the Lord Lieutenant. As a sea-rover he was at first successful
enough, keeping a squadron at Scilly, which had revolted from the
Parliament, and announcing his intention to make a second Venice of
the little archipelago. A great many prizes were taken, but Rupert
lost one frigate, taken at sea by Parliamentarian cruisers. His great
difficulty was want of men, but he picked them up wherever he could
about the Irish coast in sufficient numbers to man some extra ships.
The depredations upon commerce lasted until May, when a powerful fleet
under Deane, Popham, and Blake came before Kinsale. Towards the end of
June Rupert made a show of attempting to break through the blockade,
but had to draw back without fighting. He had greatly strengthened the
fortifications at the harbour's mouth, which prevented the republican
squadron from entering. Then provisions and crews began to dwindle
again, and nothing more was attempted throughout the summer. In
October Blake was driven off the coast by a storm. Rupert seized the
opportunity to slip out, and Ireland knew him no more. His presence at
Kinsale had no real influence on events.[144]
[Sidenote: Cromwell sent to Ireland.]
[Sidenote: Broghill persuaded to serve.]
When there had been a difficulty about getting soldiers for Ireland
in the spring of 1647 the officers in Saffron Walden church, had
shouted 'Fairfax and Cromwell and we all go.' Skippon was chosen, much
against his will, but he never crossed the channel. It was not till
March 1649 that Cromwell was appointed, and he hesitated to accept
the command. He was ready to go where Parliament sent him, but could
hope for no success unless the soldiers were satisfied as to their pay
and arrears. He was much impressed with the importance of reducing
Ireland, lest England should be attacked by Presbyterians and Papists
at once. He would rather see the Cavaliers triumphant than the Scots,
but a predominant Irish interest would be the most dangerous of all.
The money difficulties were got over, and it was decided to send
12,000 men to Ireland, the regiments casting lots for the danger or
honour. No individual was forced to go against his will, but those who
refused were dismissed from the army, and their places easily filled by
volunteers. The troubles with the Levellers followed, and it was not
till July that Cromwell was ready to start. His first idea was to land
in Munster, where the allegiance of Inchiquin's troops was known to be
shaken, but reinforcements were sent to Jones, which enabled him to win
the battle of Rathmines. In the meantime Broghill, who had been for
some time inactive and thought of joining Charles abroad, was gained
over by Cromwell on the understanding that he was expected to fight
only against the Irish.[145]
[Sidenote: Cromwell leaves London, July 10.]
[Sidenote: Lands at Dublin, August 15.]
On July 10 Cromwell left London 'in very noble equipage, with
coaches and six horses apiece, his lifeguard of eighty, who had all
been officers, and a great number of attendants.' Many well-wishers
accompanied him as far as Brentford. It was fifty years and a few weeks
since Essex had started on his ill-fated expedition with the same title
of Lord Lieutenant. Cromwell was at Bristol four days later, where
he spent some days with his wife and other members of his family. A
hundred thousand pounds, the want of which had doubtless caused this
delay, was despatched at the end of the month, and he then pushed on
to Milford Haven, where he saw Monck, who probably dissuaded him from
going with his whole force to Munster. Cromwell was on board ship on
August 13, and 'as sea-sick,' says Hugh Peters, 'as ever I saw a man
in my life,' but before sailing he had the news of Rathmines, which he
described as 'an astonishing mercy.' He reached Dublin two days later,
with about 3000 men in thirty-five vessels. Ireton, with a second and
stronger division, contained in seventy-seven ships, went as far as the
mouth of Youghal harbour, where he, perhaps, expected a welcome; but
the pear was not yet ripe, and he was soon driven by stress of weather
to Dublin. By the middle of September the whole force was assembled in
and about the Irish capital.[146]
FOOTNOTES:
[138] Carte's _Ormonde_, iii. 55-65; Owen O'Neill to Ormonde, March
24, 1648-9; to Plunket and Barnewall, March 25; Relation from Ireland,
April 13--all in _Contemp. Hist. of Affairs_.
[139] _Observations on the Articles of Peace_, May 1649, in Milton's
prose works, Bohn's ed. ii. 139. The articles with Ormonde's and
Jones's letters and the Representation of the Belfast Presbytery are
given in full.
[140] Agreement between Monck and O'Neill, May 8, 1649, with other
papers, reprinted in _Contemp. Hist._ ii. 216 _sqq._
[141] O'Neill's _Journal_; Monck's letters _ut sup._; _The Present
Condition of Dublin_ (two letters), London, June 22, 1649.
[142] Ormonde's account is in a letter to the King, August 8, and in
one to Lord Byron, September 29, Carte's _Original Letters_, ii. 392,
407; and see his answer to the Jamestown prelates, October 2, 1650,
in appendix 48 to Cox's _Hibernia Anglicana_. Colonel John Moore to
Fairfax, August 4, _Egerton MSS._ 2618, _f._ 36. Jones's account,
dated August 6, is in Cary's _Memorials of the Civil War_, ii. 159;
Clarendon's account is virtually Ormonde's, _Hist. of the Rebellion,
Ireland_, pp. 77-79; Walsh's _Hist. of the Remonstrance_, p. 609; the
account given by _Bellings_, vii. 127, does not differ materially
from Clarendon's. The discipline of Ormonde's heterogeneous army was
probably bad. The author of the _Aphorismical Discovery_, ii. 102,
says the Lord Lieutenant 'kept rather a mart of wares, a tribunal of
pleadings, or a great inn of play, drinking, and pleasure, than a
well-ordered camp of soldiers.' For the topography of the battle I
have used Mr. Ellington Ball's article in the _Journal of the Royal
Society of Antiquaries of Ireland_, vol. xxxii. For the plunder taken
see _Contemp. Hist._ iii. 158, and a version of Jones's account rather
fuller than that given by Cary in Z. Grey's _Examination of Neal_, iv.
appendix 6. As to the state of the garrison _see Two Great Fights in
Ireland_, London, 1649, and a _Bloody Fight at Dublin_, July 4.
[143] Ormonde to the Prince of Wales, January 22, 1648-9, in appendix
to Carte's _Ormonde_, No. 601; Lord Byron to Ormonde, March 30 and
April 1, 1649, N.S., in Carte's _Original Letters_, i. 237, and October
12, _ib._ 319; Charles II. to Ormonde, February 2, 1649-50, in Carte's
_Ormonde_, i. 108.
[144] MS. quoted in Warburton's _Life of Rupert_, iii. 281; Hyde to
Fanshawe, January 21, 1648-9, _ib._ 279; Rupert's letter of April 12,
ib. 288; Prince of Wales to Ormonde, _Carte MSS._ vol. lxiii. _f._ 570;
letters of Blake and Deane, May 22, July 10, _Leyborne-Popham Papers_,
pp. 17-21; Carte's _Ormonde_, ii. 65; Relation taken at Havre, April
13, 1649, printed from the Clarendon MSS. in _Contemp. Hist._ ii. 204,
where it is noted that Rupert had met Ormonde at Cork; Sir W. Penn's
_Memorials_, i. 291.
[145] Cromwell's speech to the officers is in _Clarke Papers_, ii. 200,
and in the appendix to the new edition of _Carlyle_. For the episode of
the Levellers, which hardly belongs to Irish history, _see_ Gardiner's
_Commonwealth_, chap. 2, and as to Broghill, _ib._ i. 106.
[146] It is evident from the dates collected in Gardiner's
_Commonwealth_, i. 115, 116, that Monck went from London to Milford and
back again between August 1 and 10. Cromwell's letter to his daughter
Dorothy, August 13, 'aboard the _John_'; Robert Coytmor to Popham,
August 25; Blake to same, September 10; Deane to same, September 14, in
_Leyborne-Popham Papers_, Hist. MSS. Comm.