FIGHTING NORTH AND SOUTH--RINUCCINI, 1645
[Sidenote: Castlehaven in Munster.]
[Sidenote: Cappoquin]
[Sidenote: Mitchelstown.]
[Sidenote: Action near Castle Lyons.]
Military operations in Munster, though contributing towards the general
result of the war, did not at the moment interrupt the negotiations
between Dublin and Kilkenny. As Lord President of Munster for the
Parliament, Inchiquin was not bound by any truces but those of his
own making, and Broghill as governor of Youghal was practically in
the same position. Duncannon being taken, and the truce expiring soon
after, Castlehaven invaded Munster with 5000 foot and 1000 horse.
'The enemy,' wrote Castlehaven long afterwards, 'in this province had
always been victorious, beating the Confederates in every encounter ...
every gentleman's house or castle was garrisoned, and kept the country
in awe. To begin, therefore, this field I made my first rendezvous
at Clonmel, and the army encamped not far from it. Thither came Dean
Boyle, now Lord Chancellor of Ireland, and then married to my Lord
Inchiquin's sister; his business was to persuade me to spare Doneraile
and other houses and castles not tenable.' They parted friends, but
Castlehaven made no promise, and marched to Cappoquin, where he
summoned the castle, believing that the failure to take it before
had been owing to the town being attacked first. Here and elsewhere
his terms were fair quarter in case of immediate surrender, but 'no
quarter at all' in case of prolonged resistance. Cappoquin preferred
the first alternative, but the commandant was afterwards executed by
court-martial for cowardice. According to Broghill and others, articles
of capitulation were not always well observed, but from what we know
of Castlehaven this may have been the fault of his subordinates. The
possession of Cappoquin bridge enabled him to pass the Blackwater at
will, and Inchiquin was too weak both in men and supplies to oppose him
seriously. Youghal was summoned with the boast that mass should be said
there in six days, but Broghill replied that God should be worshipped
there for six months. Mitchelstown refused the first summons, but soon
yielded at discretion, when 'two or three,' says Bellings, 'of which
one was a minister, that were charged to have been upon several actions
cruel to the Irish were hanged for their unsoldierly obstinacy.' The
logic or morality of this is not very clear. Dromana surrendered, as
well as Knockmone, which Sir Richard Osborne had defended since the
beginning; but Lismore held out under Major Power. In the meantime a
strong body of horse under Broghill had crossed the Blackwater by the
ford of Fermoy, and Purcell persuaded Castlehaven to detach his own
cavalry, 'which I count certainly among my other follies.' As Purcell
came on, Broghill retired over the river and faced about at Kilcruig,
half-way between the ford and Castle Lyons, with a scrubby wood between
him and his pursuers. The Irish straggled through the covert, and
before they had time to reform, Broghill charged and defeated them
with great loss. The main body of Castlehaven's army being visible in
the distance, he retired to Castle Lyons and sent all the men he could
spare to Inchiquin.[74]
[Sidenote: Castlehaven generally successful,]
[Sidenote: but Inchiquin holds his own,]
[Sidenote: and Youghal still resists.]
From Fermoy Castlehaven proceeded to clear the country north of the
Blackwater. Mallow, Doneraile, and Liscarroll were taken with little or
no resistance, but Milltown, which had made a brave defence in 1641,
threatened to give trouble. Some boys who made a hole in the courtyard
wall to steal cattle found a way into the castle: soldiers followed,
and the place was taken by assault. Annagh Castle, which was then
surrounded by bog, made a brave resistance under Lieutenant Fisher.
A breach was made with the artillery and the garrison was put to the
sword. The English account says this was done in cold blood after
Fisher had been treacherously killed during a parley in sight of his
own men. Bellings acknowledges the slaughter, but says it was during
an assault. While Castlehaven was busy to the north of the Blackwater
Inchiquin fell upon the district of Imokilly between Cork and Youghal.
Rostellan and Castle Martyr both held for his uncle Edmond Fitzgerald.
In the final division of the spoils the first fell to his lot, and the
second to Broghill's, and no doubt both leaders intended something of
the kind from the first. At Rostellan, says Bellings, 'Sir Richard
Meagh, the Catholic Dean of Cork, and Captain William FitzJames Barry
were hanged, which actions, how justifiable soever by arms, yet made
a great noise and increased the animosities between them, the clergy
of both sides being therein concerned. Hearing of Inchiquin's raid,
Castlehaven hurried to the relief of Castlemartyr, but was delayed by
a flood at Fermoy, and when he passed the river met the late garrison.
He thought that 140 men with plenty of arms and provisions ought to
have made a better fight. He found the castle burned, and having just
failed to intercept part of the Youghal garrison who retreated with
their guns at his approach, he seized Cloyne and Aghada and recaptured
Rostellan after a short struggle. Thomas Barham, Dean of Ross, was
hanged to match the other dean, and Inchiquin's brother Henry, 'one
of the most malicious of our enemies,' would have had the same fate,
but that the officers preferred to reserve him for special judgment
by the King. This was just before Naseby. Ballyhooly and Castle Lyons
were also taken, and at Conna Castlehaven made an example 'by putting
to the sword some, and hanging the rest.' He believed that the siege
of Youghal would 'rather be a work of hours than days,' but there were
plenty of men there, and the sea was open. Broghill hurried off to
England for help and to place his wife and his sister, Lady Barrymore,
with the young Earl, in a place of safety.[75]
[Sidenote: Two baronies depopulated.]
[Sidenote: Fall of Lismore.]
[Sidenote: The Naseby prisoners.]
[Sidenote: Siege of Youghal.]
[Sidenote: Broghill relieves Youghal,]
[Sidenote: and Castlehaven's army is dispersed]
Castlehaven reported that he had cleared the baronies of Imokilly and
Barrymore completely both of people and cattle. 'I conceive in this I
have done my Lord of Inchiquin more mischief than in killing a thousand
of his men,' for this source of supply was quite cut off. He hoped to
take Youghal and to besiege Cork before harvest, but this sanguine
letter was written two days after Naseby. Lismore was taken at last
after a gallant defence by Major Power, and the garrison admitted to
quarter. Templemichael capitulated, Castlehaven undertaking the safe
custody of the garrison to Youghal, but Broghill complains that he
kept them for a fortnight and sent them in when nearly starved. The
general's proceedings at Mogeely and Strancally were also objected
to, but both banks of the Blackwater from Mallow to the sea were in
his hands before the end of June. Several hundreds of the King's
soldiers taken at Naseby were sent to relieve Youghal, but the curious
experiment was hardly successful, for when provisions ran short they
deserted. 'I could wish,' writes a zealous Protestant, 'no more might
be sent over. They are brutes, void of reason or understanding, or
they would never hasten so much to the herd of unclean beasts.' Some
of them, however, might have taken the oath of allegiance devised for
the benefit of Protestant Royalists, involving the independence of
the Irish Parliament and co-operation with 'the Confederate Catholics
(saving in the freedom of religion).' About the middle of July an
Irish vessel reached Nantes with the news that Youghal had fallen,
and that Castlehaven was on his way to Cork, but the wish was father
to the thought. Inchiquin sent some reinforcements from Kinsale, but
the _Duncannon_ frigate with many men was blown up in Youghal harbour
during an artillery duel with one of the Confederate batteries. After
this Youghal was effectively blockaded on both sides of the river, but
the besiegers never came to close quarters. At the beginning of October
Preston came with his army, but finding that in Munster he would be
only second to Castlehaven, went back in dudgeon to his own province,
leaving the country, as Bellings mildly puts it, 'much offended at the
unusual liberty the soldiers assumed in his return.' Youghal was no
longer in danger, having been relieved early in September by Broghill,
who brought over reinforcements from England. Inchiquin also was
able to send supplies from Cork and Kinsale, and the Parliamentary
Vice-Admiral Crowther commanded the sea. After Preston left him,
Castlehaven attempted to take the great island in Cork harbour, which
was of the highest importance to Inchiquin. The bridge at Belvelly
appears not to have been then in being, and the attempt to cross the
narrow channel failed, both horses and men sticking in the mud. After
some indecisive skirmishing in the direction of Blarney, Castlehaven
returned to Youghal, where he found his army dwindling away, and
disheartened by Preston's desertion. Those who remained were dispersed
into winter quarters, and Youghal was left to itself. So far as Munster
is concerned, this failure may be called the turning point of the
war.[76]
[Sidenote: Three presidents of Connaught.]
[Sidenote: Ormonde and the Scots.]
[Sidenote: Activity of Coote]
[Sidenote: Sligo taken, July 8]
[Sidenote: Battle of Sligo, October 17.]
[Sidenote: Four days later Rinuccini landed in Kerry.]
While Castlehaven was in Munster the Scots threatened Connaught, where
there were now virtually three provincial presidents--Lord Dillon
of Costello for the King, Sir Charles Coote for the Parliament, and
Archbishop Queely for the Kilkenny Confederacy. Ormonde steadfastly
abstaining from denouncing the Scots as rebels, for many who had taken
the Covenant were really Royalists, and those who had refused it were
still worse disposed to the Parliament, whose promises of help had not
been kept. The hard treatment of the King at Uxbridge and Montrose's
successes in Scotland had a great effect in Ulster, and for a moment
Ormonde thought it possible to unite the English and Scots forces
there under his own banner. The officers of the British forces in
Ulster--excluding Monro and the new Scots--met at Antrim on May 17 and
agreed to receive commissioners from the Parliament. They proposed, in
spite of all the misery they had undergone, to continue the war until
the conclusion of a safe and honourable peace by consent of King and
Parliament, but, they significantly added, they 'called heaven and
earth to witness that it was not their fault, if they were forced to
take any other way whatever for their preservation and subsistence.'
Five days before this Coote, who was in England, received a commission
as President of Connaught. He hurried over to Ireland, and the presence
of so resolute an officer with the necessary authority soon changed the
aspect of affairs. First he entered his province at Ballinasloe and
ravaged the country almost up to Galway. His next thought was to take
Sligo, which was held by Teige O'Connor with a colonel's commission
from the Confederates. Four thousand foot and 500 horse assembled
at Augher in Tyrone on June 17, consisting both of English and old
Scots, and battering guns were sent to Sligo by sea. At the instance
of Clanricarde, Ormonde gave a commission to Lord Taaffe, authorising
him to raise troops and resist all who invaded Connaught in breach
of the cessation, and Lord-President Dillon was directed to use his
services in the last resort; but the appointment was ineffectual for
the immediate purpose. Ten days later cannon were brought to bear upon
Sligo Castle, and O'Connor surrendered. The town was defended a little
longer, but was carried by assault with great slaughter. The Irish
accounts say that men, women, and children were killed after quarter
had been promised, 'so as never a man escaped but two men and two
women'; but these charges were generally made by both sides during the
war, and it is not always possible to test them. The Sligo district
was now at the mercy of Sir Frederick Hamilton and his allies, but
recruits flocked to Taaffe's standard in considerable numbers, and he
turned his attention to Roscommon. Tulsk was taken by storm, and Major
Robert Ormsby, a redoubtable partisan of the Parliament, was taken
prisoner. Carrigdrumrusk and Boyle also fell, and then Lord Taaffe was
recalled to Dublin. The chief authority in Connaught was for a short
time in Archbishop Queely's hands, but Major Luke Taaffe appears to
have commanded the force which attempted to recover Sligo in October.
A priest is out of place at the head of any army, and probably some
of the evils attending a divided command were felt. At all events a
very bad look-out was kept. On October 17 a cavalry detachment from
Sir Robert Stewart's army, under Lord Coloony and another Coote, fell
upon the Irish and put them to flight. Sir Frederick Hamilton came up
in time to take part in the pursuit, and there was great slaughter.
Archbishop Queely was killed, and upon him was found the copy of the
Glamorgan treaty which played so important a part.[77]
[Sidenote: The nuncio Rinuccini.]
[Sidenote: His instructions.]
[Sidenote: The Curia imperfectly informed.]
[Sidenote: Scope of the nuncio's mission]
Giovanni Battista Rinuccini was of a good old Florentine family, and
had been carefully educated. He was in his fifty-third year, and had
been Bishop of Fermo since 1625. In 1631 he refused the archbishopric
of Florence, telling the Grand Duke Ferdinand II. that he was too much
attached to his flock to leave them. When the Irish Confederacy begged
for a regular nuncio, Luigi Omodei, afterwards a cardinal, was first
chosen, but passed over as a Spanish subject, whose appointment might
be disagreeable to France. This was the reason given, and it seems
sufficient, but according to Bellings Rinuccini was preferred to please
Ferdinand, and that the revenues of Fermo might be applied for a time
in liquidation of the bishop's debts. He was given almost unlimited
ecclesiastical authority and patronage in Ireland, with power to visit
all monasteries and nunneries, even exempt jurisdictions, and to settle
disputes between the various orders. He was directed to be chiefly
guided by the advice of archbishop Queely and Bishop Emer Macmahon,
and he was to establish the Tridentine decrees firmly. With regard to
church lands in lay hands, he was to use his own discretion, treating
each case on its merits, and giving grants or leases as he thought
best, but always with the proviso that a sufficient part of the profits
should be retained for the support of the clergy. About ecclesiastical
matters in Ireland the Roman court was very well informed, Luke Wadding
being at hand to answer every question. But political affairs were less
well understood. Rinuccini was told, for instance, that the Parliament
had 'bound themselves by a sacrilegious oath to maintain and defend
what they called the true reformed Protestant religion against all
Popish inventions and innovations, and determined to extinguish every
spark of the Catholic religion, by extirpating all who adhered to that
faith, not only in England and Scotland, but even in Ireland. This
dreadful sentence came to the knowledge of the Irish at a time when
four thousand men were in arms, who had been levied for the service of
the King of Spain, but were then detained in Ireland by order of the
Parliament.' The detention of the troops was indeed one great cause of
the outbreak in 1641, but the men had been levied originally not for
any foreign prince, but to enable Charles and Strafford to crush the
English Parliament and their Scots allies. Parliament was undoubtedly
ready to oppress the Roman Catholics, but there is no evidence of any
intention to extirpate them. The friars persuaded the people that
this had been determined on, and the argument was too convenient to
be neglected. The main object of Rinuccini's mission was to 'restore
and re-establish the public exercise of the Catholic religion in
the island of Ireland, and further to lead her people, if not as
tributaries to the Holy See, such as they were five centuries ago, to
subject themselves to the mild yoke of the Pontiff, at least in all
spiritual affairs--thus to gain over souls innumerable to the glories
of Paradise.'[78]
[Sidenote: Opinion held of Ormonde.]
[Sidenote: The Queen distrusted,]
[Sidenote: as well as the King.]
The nuncio was informed that the cessation and its various renewals
had done no good, and that peace was unlikely because Ormonde would
'never yield save by force to the wishes of the Catholics.' The Lord
Lieutenant's Protestantism was sincere, but in Rinuccini's secret
instruction a lingering hope is expressed that he might be gained over,
perhaps through the Queen or 'any particular predilection of which
advantage might be taken.' He had one predilection, the supremacy of
the Crown in Church and State. The same secret instructions declared
that Henrietta Maria must be kept out of Ireland, because Royalist
heretics would flock round her and make the Irish suspicious, and
because queens are expensive people to maintain. The Pope would give
no help to the faithful in England except on condition that all
disabilities affecting them should be taken away, the oath of supremacy
abolished, and no peace made until these concessions were confirmed by
Parliament. 'To secure these conditions all the fortresses in Ireland
must be put into the hands of English and Irish Catholics, because
without some such pledge, their Majesties' promises can not be depended
on.' No Irish army was to be landed in England if of less force than
10,000 men, 'who may be able to defend themselves without danger of
being cut to pieces by the English who serve under the King ... the
Irish Catholics are so hated by the English Protestants that they would
be in constant danger of treachery, if marching with cavalry, commanded
by Protestant officers,' and therefore the provision of a body of
English Catholic cavalry proportionate to the Irish infantry was a
condition precedent to the latter serving in England, and there is much
more of the same kind. Had Charles known what ideas prevailed at Rome
there would have been no Glamorgan treaty, no royal letters to the Pope
or nuncio, and very probably no battle of Naseby.[79]
[Sidenote: The nuncio's journey to Paris.]
[Sidenote: French parties.]
[Sidenote: Effects of Naseby.]
[Sidenote: Attitude of Mazarin and Henrietta Maria.]
Rinuccini travelled by Florence and Genoa, where the Doge's attentions
much delighted him, to Marseilles, and thence by Lyons, where the
cardinal archbishop was barely civil, and he reached Paris at the
end of the third week in May. He had strict orders not to linger
long in the French capital, 'lest the ill-affected should warn the
Parliament of the enterprise.' They were not likely to be ignorant,
for the English merchants at Leghorn had plotted to intercept him at
sea between Genoa and Cannes. He carried with him the golden rose,
which was a dead secret, and he was ordered not to deliver it to Anne
of Austria unless he was sure that it would be well received. There
was some ill-feeling on account of the Pope's late refusal to make
Mazarin's brother a cardinal, and this was increased by the mistake
of a secretary who infringed diplomatic usage by neglecting to inform
the nuncio at Paris of Rinuccini's mission. The refusal to give up
Beaupuis, who was implicated in the conspiracy of the _Importants_,
and had been arrested at Rome at the French queen's instance, made
matters worse, and Rinuccini soon determined not to offer the rose,
which would probably be refused under the circumstances. The Irish
flocked to the nuncio with requests and advice, but the French were not
enthusiastic. The Duke of Orleans, indeed, and the Prince of Condé,
were friendly, the latter expressing the most extravagant devotion to
the Holy See, but Mazarin was merely smooth and cautious. Jealousy
of Spain was much more apparent in Court circles than sympathy with
Ireland, but the devout Duke of Ventadour promoted a subscription of
100,000 crowns. After the news of Naseby the French became cooler than
ever, but Henrietta Maria begged Rinuccini to bring about peace between
the Irish, saying that she was empowered to do this by her husband. The
persons trusted by her in the matter were the Jesuit O'Hartegan, whom
Charles considered a knave; Bellings, who had reached Paris soon after
the nuncio; and the inevitable Jermyn. Scarampi in the meantime was
writing from Ireland that 'the peace, if concluded, would be fatal.'
Rinuccini's long stay in France was so far favourable to Scarampi's
views that the Confederates were unwilling to conclude anything until
he arrived, and in the meantime the King's necessities grew more
pressing. 'I have observed,' says the nuncio, 'that many in France are
anxious to assist the King of England, but would rather it should be by
the help of others, and consequently they would greatly like he should
be aided by the Irish. Mazarin, who made some difficulty about an
audience, gave vague promises, but was very cautious. Henrietta Maria
offered to see Rinuccini privately, but he declined anything short of
an official reception. It is perhaps true that she tried to prevent
him from going to Ireland, for Scarampi showed from her letters that
she was 'always ready to treat of peace without one word concerning
religion,' and indeed it was quite impossible for her to act so as to
alienate Protestant Royalists. It was equally impossible for her to
please all parties.[80]
[Sidenote: Rinuccini leaves Paris.]
[Sidenote: The voyage to Ireland.]
[Sidenote: The nuncio lands in Kerry, October 11/21]
[Sidenote: The journey to Limerick.]
[Sidenote: Reception at Kilkenny.]
Bellings, who is a very hostile witness, says Rinuccini disliked the
idea of Ireland, and tried to get himself appointed nuncio to France
instead of Monsignor dei Bagni, and Mazarin seems to have been of the
same opinion. However that may be, it is certain that he lingered for
more than three months in Paris, and that he was severely reprimanded
by the Pope for doing so without showing a sufficient reason to vary
his original instructions on that point. At the date of that reproof
he had got as far as Tours on his way to the coast. He succeeded in
wringing 25,000 crowns from Mazarin, and persuaded Bellings to go to
Flanders in the hope of preventing him from getting first to Ireland.
O'Hartegan had letters in his possession which showed that Charles was
trying to use the Irish for his own purposes, and had taken care that
they should be known in Ireland, his object being to prevent any peace
without extraordinary securities. Rinuccini sailed at last from the
island of Rhé, more than six months after leaving Florence, accompanied
by Bellings and about twenty Italians, of whom the most remarkable was
Massari, Dean of Fermo. A nephew of the great Spinola, who soon died
at Kilkenny, was sent before to explain or excuse the delay. There had
been much difficulty about shipping, but the frigate _San Pietro_ was
obtained with Mazarin's money. The cardinal said the French flag would
protect all on board, but this turned out not to be the case. Rinuccini
carried with him a considerable sum in specie and a large quantity of
arms purchased in France, a consignment of swords, pistols, and muskets
with 20,000 pounds of powder having preceded him to Ireland. The total
amount received from Rome and from Mazarin was about 200,000 dollars,
and of this nearly one-half had been laid out in arms and other warlike
material. At sea the nuncio was chased first by an English squadron
and afterwards by Plunket, a notorious rover or pirate, who, having
become 'a Puritan,' was trusted by the English Parliament. Superior
speed averted the first danger, but Plunket would have succeeded had
not a fire broken out in his galley. 'The frigate,' says Rinuccini,
'was dedicated to St. Peter, whose gilded image was placed at the poop
... and truly I see the hand of the Saint in the miraculous issue
of this pursuit.' In spite of this it was thought too dangerous to
approach Waterford, and after six days at sea the _San Pietro_ at
last found shelter in Kenmare bay. The nuncio's first letters are
dated from Ardtully, about four miles to the eastward of Kenmare. 'And
here,' he writes, 'I may give your Eminence another proof of the Divine
providence towards me in having discovered and touched land on October
21 and 22, which seem to be consecrated to an archbishop of Fermo, as
on the 21st my Church celebrates the feast of Saint Mabel, one of the
11,000 virgins, whose head we have at Fermo, and whom we believe on no
slight grounds to have been of Irish birth; while on the 22nd we also
celebrate the martyrdom of St. Philip, Bishop of Fermo.... My first
lodging was in a shepherd's hut, in which animals also took shelter.'
The arms were temporarily stored in Ardtully Castle, and to avoid
Inchiquin, Rinuccini proceeded by Macroom and Millstreet through the
mountains to Limerick. The ruggedness of the roads and the steepness
of the passes were, he says, indescribable, but the faithful flocked
to meet him, and Ormonde's brother Richard, specially sent by the
Supreme Council, was among those who escorted him. At Limerick he found
Scarampi, who had succeeded in making the hitherto neutral city declare
itself, and heard of Archbishop Queely's death. He reached Kilkenny
on November 12, and was received with much pomp, which he evidently
enjoyed. The Supreme Council held a special sitting in the Castle, and
the nuncio had a chair covered with 'red damask enriched with gold and
handsomer than the president's,' but Mountgarret did not leave his
place either at the beginning or end of the ceremony. The arrangements
were made by Bellings, who would be sure to preserve the dignity of the
civil power.'[81]
FOOTNOTES:
[74] Castlehaven's summons to Cappoquin is dated April 14, 1645,
_Youghal Council Book_, 552. Mitchelstown fell May 7 or 8, _ib._ lii.
Castlehaven's _Memoirs_, 54-56. For Castlehaven's effort to make his
soldiers respect capitulations, see _ib._ 61. _Bellings_, iv. 8.
Writing to the Parliament, Broghill says Colonel 'Ridgway, though
drunk, killed nine men that day with his own hand. His drunkenness
was owing to two tumblers of ryley ale, which he had from the Irish
sutler'--Smith's _Cork_, ed. Day, ii. 88.
[75] Smith's _Cork_, ed. Day, i. 289, ii. 87, where the Egmont MS.
is cited; _Bellings_, iv. 8-11; Castlehaven's _Memoirs_, pp. 58-60;
Castlehaven to the Supreme Council, June 17, 1645, in _Confederation
and War_, ii. 281-4. Lady Broghill was Lady Margaret Howard, daughter
of the second Earl of Suffolk, and is supposed to have been the heroine
of Suckling's delightful lines, 'I tell thee, Dick, where I have been,'
&c.
[76] Rinuccini, _Embassy_, p. 45; Broghill's _Letter-book_, Additional
MS. 25, 287; _Bellings_, iv. 11-16; Castlehaven to the Supreme Council,
June 17, 1675, in _Confederation and War_, iv. 281. As to the bad
relations between Preston and Castlehaven, Bellings agrees with the
_Aphorismical Discovery_, i. 196: 'Two generals with unsubordinate
power in one and the same army, neither obeying the other, or either
said by a council of war.' _Youghal Council Book_, lii.
[77] Carte's _Ormonde_, i. 54; _Confederation and War_, iv. 353;
_Bellings_, iv. 16; _Aphorismical Discovery_, i. 93. The authorities
are collected in the two modern histories of Sligo by Archdeacon
O'Rorke and Colonel Wood-Martin. Scarampi wrote: 'Posteaquam se pactis
dediderant, occiderunt barbare præsidium nostrum circa ducentorum
militum necnon omnes pueros et mulieres'--_Spicilegium Ossoriense_, i.
293. The Irish Cabinet containing the captured papers is in Husband's
_Collection_, p. 782, reprinted in _Harl. Misc._ v. 485, and in _Somers
Tracts_, v. 542. _Good News from Ireland_, communicated to Parliament,
January 12, 1645-6, and printed by authority, January 15. As to Coote's
first movements, Clanricarde to Ormonde, May 6, _Carte MSS._ vol.
lxiii. f. 443.
[78] Papal brief of March 15, 1645 (Latin), in _Embassy in Ireland_,
xiii. Instructions to Rinuccini, _ib._ xxvii.
[79] Secret Instructions to Rinuccini in _Embassy_, li.; Memoranda for
him, _ib._ lvii.
[80] _Embassy in Ireland_, pp. 8-52, particularly Rinuccini's letters
of August 4 and 11; Scarampi's letter of May 8, _ib._ 553; and of July
14, in _Spicilegium Ossoriense_, i. 292; _Aphorismical Discovery_, i.
91.
[81] Rinuccini's _Embassy_, p. 90; _Bellings_, iv. 5-7. See also the
translation of a paper preserved at Rome, reprinted in appendix to
Meehan's _Confederation_, from the _Dublin Review_ for 1845.