king of France had become angered against Pope Boniface, by reason of
the promise which the said Pope had made to the king, and to M.
Charles of Valois, his brother, to make him Emperor, when he sent for
him, as afore we made mention; which thing he did not fulfil, be the
cause what it might. Nay, rather in the same year he had confirmed as
king of the Romans Albert of Austria, son of King Rudolf, for the
which thing the king of France held himself to be greatly deceived and
betrayed by him, and in his wrath he entertained and did honour to
Stefano della Colonna, his enemy, which was come to France on hearing
of the discord which had arisen; and the king to the best of his power
favoured him and his followers. And beyond this, the king caused the
bishop of Pamiers, in the district of Carcassone, to be taken prisoner
on charge of being a Paterine; and he spent the revenues of every
vacant bishopric, and would confer the investitures himself. Wherefore
Pope Boniface, which was proud and disdainful, and bold in doing all
great things, of high purposes and powerful, as he was and as he held
himself to be, beholding these outrages on the part of the king, added
indignation to ill-will, and became wholly an enemy to the king of
France. And at first, to establish his rights, he caused all the
great prelates of France to be invited to his court; but the king of
France opposed them, and would not let them go, wherefore the Pope was
the more greatly incensed against the king, and would have it,
according to his privilege and decrees, that the king of France, like
other Christian princes, ought to acknowledge the temporal as well as
the spiritual sovereignty of the Apostolic Chair; and for this he sent
into France as his legate a Roman priest, archdeacon of Narbonne, that
he might protest against and admonish the king under pain of
excommunication to comply thereto, and acknowledge him; and if he
would not do this, he was to excommunicate him and leave him under an
interdict. And when the said legate came to the city of Paris, the
king would not allow him to publish his letters and privileges, nay
rather they were taken from him by the king's people, and he himself
was dismissed from the realm. And when the said papal letters came
before the king and his barons in the temple, the Count d'Artois,
which was then living, threw them into the fire and burnt them in
despite, whence great judgment came upon him; and the king ordered
that all the entrances to his kingdom should be guarded, so that no
message nor letter from the Pope should enter into France. When Pope
Boniface heard this, he pronounced sentence of excommunication against
the said Philip, king of France; and the king of France to justify
himself, and to make his appeal, summoned in Paris a great council of
clerics and prelates and of all his barons, excusing himself, and
bringing many charges against Pope Boniface of heresy, and simony, and
murders, and other base crimes, by reason whereof he ought to be
deposed from the papacy. But the abbot of Citeaux would not consent
to the appeal, rather he departed, and returned into Burgundy in
despite of the king of France. In such wise began the strife between
Pope Boniface and the king of France, which had afterwards so ill an
end; whence afterwards arose great strife between them, and much evil
followed thereupon, as hereafter we shall make mention.
In these times there came to pass a very notable thing in Florence,
for Pope Boniface having presented to the commonwealth of Florence a
fine young lion, which was confined by a chain in the court of the
palace of the Priors, there came in thither an ass laden with wood,
which when it saw the said lion, either through the fear he had of him
or through a miracle, straightway attacked the lion fiercely, and so
struck him with his hoofs that he died, notwithstanding the help of
many men which were there present. This was held for a sign of great
changes to come, and such like, which certainly came to pass to our
city in these times. But certain of the learned said that the prophecy
of the Sibyl was fulfilled where she said: "When the tame beast shall
slay the king of beasts, then will begin the destruction of the
Church"; and this was shortly made manifest in Pope Boniface himself,
as will be found in the chapter following.
Sec. 63.--_How the king of France caused Pope Boniface to be seized in
Anagna by Sciarra della Colonna, whence the said Pope died a few days
afterwards._
[Sidenote: 1303 A.D.]
[Sidenote: Purg. xx. 85-90.]
[Sidenote: Inf. xix. 52-57.]
After the said strife had arisen between Pope Boniface and King Philip
of France, each one sought to abase the other by every method and
guise that was possible: the Pope sought to oppress the king of
France with excommunications and by other means to deprive him of the
kingdom; and with this he favoured the Flemings, his rebellious
subjects, and entered into negotiations with King Albert of Germany,
encouraging him to come to Rome for the Imperial benediction, and to
cause the Kingdom to be taken from King Charles, his kinsman, and to
stir up war against the king of France on the borders of his realm on
the side of Germany. The king of France, on the other hand, was not
asleep, but with great caution, and by the counsel of Stefano della
Colonna and of other sage Italians, and men of his own realm, sent one
M. William of Nogaret of Provence, a wise and crafty cleric, with M.
Musciatto Franzesi, into Tuscany, furnished with much ready money, and
with drafts on the company of the Peruzzi (which were then his
merchants) for as much money as might be needed; the Peruzzi not
knowing wherefore. And when they were come to the fortress of Staggia,
which pertained to the said M. Musciatto, they abode there long time,
sending ambassadors and messages and letters; and they caused people
to come to them in secret, giving out openly that they were there to
treat concerning peace between the Pope and the king of France, and
that for this cause they had brought the said money; and under this
colour they conducted secret negotiations to take Pope Boniface
prisoner in Anagna, spending thereupon much money, corrupting the
barons of the country and the citizens of Anagna; and as it had been
purposed, so it came to pass; for Pope Boniface being with his
cardinals, and with all the court, in the city of Anagna, in Campagna,
where he had been born, and was at home, not thinking or knowing of
this plot, nor being on his guard, or if he heard anything of it,
through his great courage not heeding it, or perhaps, as it pleased
God, by reason of his great sins,--in the month of September, 1303,
Sciarra della Colonna, with his mounted followers, to the number of
300, and many of his friends on foot, paid by money of the French
king, with troops of the lords of Ceccano and of Supino, and of other
barons of the Campagna, and of the sons of M. Maffio d'Anagna, and, it
is said, with the consent of some of the cardinals which were in the
plot, one morning early entered into Anagna, with the ensigns and
standards of the king of France, crying: "Death to Pope Boniface! Long
life to the king of France!" And they rode through the city without
any hindrance, or rather, well-nigh all the ungrateful people of
Anagna followed the standards and the rebellion; and when they came to
the Papal Palace, they entered without opposition and took the palace,
forasmuch as the present assault was not expected by the Pope and his
retainers, and they were not upon their guard. Pope Boniface--hearing
the uproar, and seeing himself forsaken by all his cardinals, which
were fled and in hiding (whether through fear or through set malice),
and by the most part of his servants, and seeing that his enemies had
taken the city and the palace where he was--gave himself up for lost,
but like the high-spirited and valorous man he was, he said: "Since,
like Jesus Christ, I am willing to be taken and needs must die by
treachery, at the least I desire to die as Pope"; and straightway he
caused himself to be robed in the mantle of S. Peter, and with the
crown of Constantine on his head, and with the keys and the cross in
his hand, he seated himself upon the papal chair. And when Sciarra and
the others, his enemies, came to him, they mocked at him with vile
words, and arrested him and his household which had remained with him;
among the others, M. William of Nogaret scorned him, which had
conducted the negotiations for the king of France, whereby he had been
taken, and threatened him, saying that he would take him bound to
Lyons on the Rhone, and there in a general council would cause him to
be deposed and condemned. The high-spirited Pope answered him, that he
was well pleased to be condemned and deposed by Paterines such as he,
whose father and mother had been burnt as Paterines; whereat M.
William was confounded and put to shame. But afterwards, as it pleased
God, to preserve the holy dignity of the Popes, no man dared to touch
him, nor were they pleased to lay hands on him, but they left him
robed under gentle ward, and were minded to rob the treasure of the
Pope and of the Church. In this pain, shame and torment the great Pope
Boniface abode prisoner among his enemies for three days; but, like as
Christ rose on the third day, so it pleased Him that Pope Boniface
should be set free; for without entreaty or other effort, save the
Divine aid, the people of Anagna beholding their error, and issuing
from their blind ingratitude, suddenly rose in arms, crying: "Long
live the Pope and his household, and death to the traitors"; and
running through the city they drove out Sciarra della Colonna and his
followers, with loss to them of prisoners and slain, and freed the
Pope and his household. Pope Boniface, seeing himself free, and his
enemies driven away, did not therefore rejoice in any wise, forasmuch
as the pain of his adversity had so entered into his heart and clotted
there; wherefore he departed straightway from Anagna with all his
court, and came to Rome to S. Peter's to hold a council, purposing to
take the heaviest vengeance for his injury and that of Holy Church
against the king of France, and whosoever had offended him; but, as it
pleased God, the grief which had hardened in the heart of Pope
Boniface, by reason of the injury which he had received, produced in
him, after he was come to Rome, a strange malady so that he gnawed at
himself as if he were mad, and in this state he passed from this life
on the 12th day of October in the year of Christ 1303, and in the
church of S. Peter, near the entrance of the doors, in a rich chapel
which was built in his lifetime, he was honourably buried.
Sec. 64.--_We will further tell of the ways of Pope Boniface._
[Sidenote: 1303 A.D.]
[Sidenote: Par. xxx. 148.]
This Pope Boniface was very wise both in learning and in natural wit,
and a man very cautious and experienced, and of great knowledge and
memory; very haughty he was, and proud, and cruel towards his enemies
and adversaries, and was of a great heart, and much feared by all
people; and he exalted and increased greatly the estate and the rights
of Holy Church, and he commissioned M. Guglielmo da Bergamo and M.
Ricciardi of Siena, who were cardinals, and M. Dino Rosoni of Mugello,
all of them supreme masters in laws and in decretals, together with
himself, for he too was a great master in divinity and in decretals,
to draw up the Sixth Book of the Decretals, which is as it were the
light of all the laws and the decretals. A man of large schemes was
he, and liberal to folk which pleased him, and which were worthy, very
desirous of worldly pomp according to his estate, and very desirous
of wealth, not scrupulous, nor having very great or strict conscience
about every gain, to enrich the Church and his nephews. He made many
of his friends and confidants cardinals in his time, among others two
very young nephews, and his uncle, his mother's brother; and twenty of
his relations and friends of the little city of Anagna, bishops and
archbishops of rich benefices; and to another of his nephews and his
sons, which were counts, as we afore made mention, to them he left
almost unbounded riches; and after the death of Pope Boniface, their
uncle, they were bold and valiant in war, doing vengeance upon all
their neighbours and enemies, which had betrayed and injured Pope
Boniface, spending largely, and keeping at their own cost 300 good
Catalan horsemen, by force of which they subdued almost all the
Campagna and the district of Rome. And if Pope Boniface, while he was
alive, had believed that they could be thus bold in arms and valorous
in war, certainly he would have made them kings or great lords. And
note, that when Pope Boniface was taken prisoner, tidings thereof were
sent to the king of France by many couriers in a few days, through
great joy; and when the first couriers arrived at Sion, beyond the
mountain of Brieg [Sion under Brieg], the bishop of Sion, which then
was a man of pure and holy life, when he heard the news was, as it
were, amazed, and abode some while in silent contemplation, by reason
of the wonderment which took him at the capture of the Pope; and
coming to himself he said aloud, in the presence of many good folk:
"The king of France will rejoice greatly on hearing these tidings, but
I have it by Divine inspiration, that for this sin he is judged by
God, and that great and strange perils and adversities, with shame to
him and his lineage, will overtake him very swiftly, and he and his
sons will be cast out from the inheritance of the realm." And this we
learned a little while after, when we passed by Sion, from persons
worthy of belief, which were present to hear. Which sentence was a
prophecy in all its parts, as afterwards the truth will show, in due
time, when we narrate the doings of the said king of France and of his
sons. And the judgment of God is not to be marvelled at; for, albeit
Pope Boniface was more worldly than was fitting to his dignity, and
had done many things displeasing to God, God caused him to be punished
after the fashion that we have said, and afterwards He punished the
offender against him, not so much for the injury against the person of
Pope Boniface, as for the sin committed against the Divine Majesty,
whose countenance he represented on earth. We will leave this matter,
which is now ended, and will turn back somewhat to relate of the
doings of Florence and of Tuscany, which were very great in those
times.
[Sidenote: 1303 A.D.]
Sec. 65.--_How the Florentines had the castle of Montale, and how they
marched upon Pistoia together with the Lucchese._ Sec. 66.--_How Benedict
XI. was elected Pope._
Sec. 67.--_How King Edward of England recovered Gascony and defeated the
Scots._
[Sidenote: 1303 A.D.]
[Sidenote: Par. xix. 121-123.]
In this year Edward, king of England, made peace with King Philip of
France, and recovered Gascony, doing homage to him therefor; and to
this the king of France consented, by reason of the contest which he
had with the Church after the capture which he had made of Pope
Boniface, and by reason of the war in Flanders, to the intent the said
king of England might not be against him. And in this same year, the
said King Edward being ill, the Scots marched into England, for which
cause the king had himself borne in a litter, and went out with the
host against the Scots, and defeated them, and became lord over all
the lands of Scotland, save only the marshes and rugged mountains,
wherein the rebel Scots had taken refuge with their king, which was
named Robert Bruce, which, from lowly birth, had risen to be king.
Sec. 68.--_How there were in Florence great changes and civic battles
through desire that the accounts of the commonwealth should be
examined._
[Sidenote: 1303 A.D.]
In the said year 1303, in the month of February, the Florentines were
in great discord among themselves, by reason that M. Corso Donati did
not consider that he was so great in the commonwealth as he desired,
and thought himself worthy to be; and the other magnates and powerful
popolani of his Black party had gotten more authority in the
commonwealth than seemed to him good; and being already at enmity with
them, either through pride, or through envy, or through desire of
lordship, he made a new faction, leaguing himself with the Cavalcanti,
whereof the most part were Whites, saying that he desired that the
public accounts of those which had held office, and had administered
the monies of the commonwealth, should be examined; and they made
their head M. Lottieri, bishop of Florence, which was of the family of
the Tosa of the White branch, with certain magnates, against the
priors and the people; and there was fighting in the city in many
places and for many days, and they set engines in many towers and
strongholds of the city after the ancient manner, which should hurl
missiles and shoot at each other; and upon the towers of the Bishop's
Palace they raised a mangonel directed against his enemies hard by.
The priors strengthened themselves with people and men-at-arms of the
city and of the country, and boldly defended the palace, for many
assaults and attacks were made upon them; and the house of the
Gherardini held with the people, with a great following of their
friends from the country; and likewise the house of the Pazzi, and of
the Spini and M. Tegghiaio Frescobaldi with his branch of the family,
which were a great aid to the people; and M. Lotteringo de' Gherardini
was slain by an arrow in a battle which was fought in Porte Sante
Marie. Other houses of the magnates did not hold with the people, but
some were with the bishop and with M. Corso, and some which liked him
not stood apart from the strife. For the which dissension and civil
fighting much evil was committed in the city and in the country, of
murders, and burnings, and robberies, as in a city ungoverned and
disordered, without any rule from the government, save that each
should do all possible harm to the other; and the city was all full of
refugees, and strangers, and folk from the country, each house with
its own following; and the city would have utterly destroyed itself
had not the Lucchese come to Florence at the request of the
commonwealth, with great number of foot and horse; who took in hand
the matter, and the guardianship of the city, and general authority
was of necessity given to them, so that for sixteen days they freely
ruled the city, issuing a proclamation on their own authority. And
when the proclamation was made throughout the city in the name of the
commonwealth of Lucca, it seemed evil to many Florentines, and a great
outrage and wrong; wherefore one Ponciardo de' Ponci di Vacchereccia
struck the herald from Lucca in the face with his sword while he was
reading the proclamation, for which cause afterwards they sent forth
no more proclamations in their own name; but so wrought that at last
they quieted the uproar and caused each party to lay down arms, and
restored the city to quiet, calling for new priors to promote peace,
the people remaining in its estate and liberty; and they inflicted no
punishment for misdeeds committed, but whoever had suffered wrong had
to bear his loss. And in addition to the said plague there was great
famine that year, and grain was worth more than twenty-six shillings
the bushel, level measure, of fifty-two shillings to the golden
florin; and if it had not been that the commonwealth and the rulers in
the city had made provision beforehand, and had caused to be brought
by the hand of the Genoese from Sicily and from Apulia full 26,000
bushels of grain, the citizens and the country people could not have
escaped from famine: and this traffic in grain was, with others, one
of the causes why they desired to examine the accounts of the
commonwealth, by reason of all the money which was passing; and
certain, whether rightly or wrongly, were spoken evil of and blamed
thereanent. And this adversity and peril of our city was not without
the judgment of God, by reason of many sins committed through the
pride and envy and avarice of our then living citizens, which were
then ruling the city, and alike of the rebels therein, as of those
which were governing, for they were great sinners, nor was this the
end thereof, as hereafter in due time may be seen.
Sec. 69.--_How the Pope sent into Florence as legate the Cardinal da
Prato to make peace, and how he departed thence in shame and
confusion._
[Sidenote: 1303 A.D.]
[Sidenote: Cf. Epistola i.]
[Sidenote: Cf. Inf. x. 79-81.]
During the said discord among the Florentines, Pope Benedict, with
good intent, sent to Florence the Cardinal da Prato as legate to set
the Florentines at peace one with another, and likewise with their
exiles and all the province of Tuscany; and he came to Florence, on
the tenth day of the month of March, 1303, and was received by the
Florentines with great honour and with great reverence, as by men who
felt themselves to be divided and in evil state; and those which had
the disposition and desire to live rightly, loved peace and concord,
and it was the contrary with the others. This Cardinal Niccolo, of the
city of Prato, was a preaching friar, very wise in learning, and of
natural intelligence, subtle and sagacious, and cautious, and very
experienced; and by descent he was of the Ghibellines, and it was
afterwards seen that he favoured them greatly; albeit at the first he
showed good and impartial intentions. When he was in Florence, in a
public sermon and discourse in the piazza of San Giovanni, he showed
forth his privileges as legate, and made manifest his intention, by
command of the Pope, of setting the Florentines at peace one with
another. The good popolani which ruled the city, seeing themselves in
evil estate by reason of the disturbances and riots and strifes,
brought about in those times by the magnates against the people to
abase and undo them, took part with the cardinal in the desire for
peace; and by way of reconstruction of the Occasional Councils, they
gave him full and free right to set the citizens at peace one with
another within the city, and with their exiles without, and to
appoint the priors and gonfaloniers and rulers of the city at his
pleasure. And this done, he gave his mind to making peace among the
citizens, and renewed the order of the nineteen gonfaloniers of the
companies after the fashion of the ancient Popolo of old, and he
summoned the gonfaloniers and gave them the banners after the fashion
and devices that still are, save that they bore not the label of the
arms of the king in chief. And by reason of these reforms of the
cardinal the people were much heartened and strengthened, and the
magnates were brought low, so that they never ceased trying to bring
about changes and to hinder the cardinal to the end they might disturb
the peace, that the Whites and the Ghibellines might not have state
nor power to return to Florence, and that they themselves might enjoy
their goods which had been confiscated as of rebels, both in the city
and in the country. For all this the cardinal did not cease from
pursuing peace, with the aid and favour of the people, and he caused
twelve plenipotentiaries of the exiles to come into Florence, two for
each sesto, one from amongst the chief Whites and one Ghibelline; and
he had them to sojourn in the Borgo di San Niccolo, and the legate
sojourned in the palaces of the Mozzi of S. Gregorio, and often he had
them to take counsel with the leaders of the Guelfs and of the Blacks
in Florence to find out means and security of peace, and to order
alliances between the exiles, and the nobles within. In these
negotiations it seemed to the powerful Guelfs and Blacks that the
cardinal was too much supporting the side of the Whites and of the
Ghibellines, and they took counsel subtly to the end they might
disturb the negotiations, to send a counterfeit letter, with the seal
of the cardinal, to Bologna and into Romagna, to his friends the
Ghibellines and the Whites, that they should, without any hindrance or
delay, come to Florence with men in arms on horse and on foot to his
aid; and some say withal that it was true that the cardinal sent it;
wherefore some of those people came as far as Trespiano and some to
Mugello. By which coming there arose in Florence great murmuring and
ill-feeling, and the legate was much blamed and reproached therefor;
and he, whether he were guilty or no, denied it to the people. Through
which ill-feeling, and also through fear of suffering harm, the twelve
White and Ghibelline plenipotentiaries departed from Florence and came
to Arezzo, and the people which had come to the legate, by his command
returned to Bologna and to Romagna, and the ill-will was somewhat
quieted in Florence. Those which were ruling the city counselled the
cardinal that, to avoid suspicion, he should go to Prato, and should
reconcile the citizens thereof among themselves, and likewise the
Pistoians, and in the meanwhile in Florence a way might be found of
making general peace with the exiles. The cardinal, not being able to
do otherwise, did this, and, whether in good faith or no, went to
Prato and requested the inhabitants to trust in him, and he would
reconcile them. Now the leaders of the Black party and of the Guelfs
of Florence marked the ways of the cardinal, how that he greatly
favoured the Ghibellines and Whites and would fain restore them to
Florence, and saw likewise that the people followed him; wherefore
they feared it might turn out perilous to the Guelf party, and
ordained with the Guazzalotti of Prato, a powerful house of the Black
party, and strong Guelfs, to bring to pass in Prato a schism and riot
against the cardinal, and to raise a tumult in the city; wherefore the
cardinal, seeing the inhabitants of Prato to be ill-disposed, and
fearing for his person, departed from Prato, and excommunicated the
inhabitants, and laid the city under interdict, and came to Florence,
and proclaimed war against Prato, and offered remission of sins and of
penalties to whosoever would march against Prato; and many citizens
prepared to go thither on horse and on foot, folk that were, in faith,
more Ghibelline than Guelf, and they went as far as Campi. In this
assembling of the host much folk gathered in Florence of folk from the
country and foreigners, and the fear and jealousy of the Guelfs began
to increase; wherefore many which at the first had held with the
cardinal, changed their purpose through the turbulence which they
observed; and the magnates of the Black party, and likewise they which
were temporising with the cardinal, furnished themselves with arms and
with men, and the city was all in disorder, and they were ready to
fight one another. The cardinal legate, seeing that he could not carry
out his purpose of leading an army against Prato, and that the city of
Florence was disposed to civil strife, and that of those which had
held with him, some were now against him, became fearful and uneasy,
and suddenly departed from Florence on the 4th day of June, 1304,
saying to the Florentines: "Seeing that ye desire to be at war and
under a curse, and do not desire to hear or to obey the messenger of
the vicar of God, or to have rest or peace among yourselves, abide
with the curse of God and of Holy Church"; thus he excommunicated the
citizens, and left the city under an interdict, whence it was held,
that by this curse, whether just or unjust, there fell judgment and
great peril on our city through the adversities and perils which came
to pass therein but a short time after, as hereafter we shall make
mention.
Sec. 70.--_How the bridge of Carraia fell, and how many people died
there._
[Sidenote: 1304 A.D.]
[Sidenote: Cf. Inf. vi. 36.]
In this same time that the Cardinal da Prato was in Florence, and was
beloved by the people and by the citizens, who hoped that he might set
them at peace one with another, on the first day of May, 1304, just as
in the good old times of the tranquil and good estate of Florence, it
had been the custom for companies and bands of pleasure-makers to go
through the city rejoicing and making merry, so now again they
assembled and met in divers parts of the city; and one district vied
with the other which could invent and do the best. Among others, as of
old was the custom, they of Borgo San Friano were wont to devise the
newest and most varied pastimes; and they sent forth a proclamation
that whosoever desired news of the other world should come on the 1st
day of May upon the Carraia Bridge, and beside the Arno; and they
erected upon the Arno a stage upon boats and vessels, and thereupon
they made the similitude and figure of hell, with fires and other
pains and sufferings, with men disguised as demons, horrible to
behold, and others which had the appearance of naked souls, which
seemed to be persons, and they were putting them to the said divers
torments, with loud cries, and shrieks, and tumult, which seemed
hateful and fearful to hear and to see; and by reason of this new
pastime there came many citizens to look on, and the Carraia Bridge,
which then was of wood from pile to pile, was so burdened with people
that it gave way in many places, and fell with the people which were
upon it, wherefore many were killed and drowned, and many were maimed;
so that the pastime from sport became earnest, and, as the
proclamation had said, many by death went to learn news of the other
world, with great lamentation and sorrow to all the city, for each one
believed he must have lost his son or his brother there; and this was
a sign of future ill, which in a short time should come to our city
through the exceeding wickedness of the citizens, as hereafter we
shall make mention.
Sec. 71.--_How Florence was set on fire, and a great part of the city
burnt._
[Sidenote: 1304 A.D.]
[Sidenote: Cf. Par. xvi. 121, 122.]
When the Cardinal da Prato had departed from Florence after the manner
aforesaid, the city was left in evil state and in great confusion; for
there was the party which held with the cardinal, whereof were leaders
the Cavalcanti and the Gherardini, the Pulci and the White Cerchi of
the Garbo, which were merchants of Pope Benedict, with a following of
many houses of the people, (which feared the magnates might break up
the Popolo if they got the government), from among the leading houses
and families of the popolani of Florence, such as the Magalotti, and
Mancini, Peruzzi, Antellesi, and Baroncelli, and Acciaiuoli, and
Alberti, Strozzi, Ricci, and Albizzi, and many others; and they were
well provided with foot-soldiers and with men-at-arms. On the contrary
part, to wit, the Blacks, the leaders were M. Rosso della Tosa, with
his branch of Blacks, M. Pazzino de' Pazzi, with all his family, the
part of the Adimari which were called the Cavicciuli, and M. Geri
Spini, with his kin, and M. Betto Brunelleschi; M. Corso Donati stood
neutral, forasmuch as he was ill with the gout, and because he was
angered with these leaders of the Black party; and almost all the
other magnates held aloof, and the popolani also, save the Medici and
the Giugni, which held strongly with the Blacks. And the fighting
began between the White Cerchi and the Giugni at their houses at the
Garbo, and they fought there by day and by night. In the end, the
Cerchi defended themselves with the aid of the Cavalcanti and
Antellesi, and the force of the Cavalcanti and Gherardini so increased
that with their followers they rode through the city as far as the
Mercato Vecchio, and from Orto San Michele as far as the piazza of S.
Giovanni, without any opposition or hindrance whatever, because their
forces increased both in the city and in the country; forasmuch as the
greater part of the people followed them, and the Ghibellines sided
with them; and they of Volognano and their friends were coming to
their aid with more than 1,000 foot-soldiers; and were already at
Bisarno; and certainly on that day they would have conquered the city
and driven out thence the aforesaid leaders of the Blacks and Guelfs,
whom they held as their enemies (forasmuch as it was said that they
had caused M. Betto Gherardini to be beheaded, and Masino Cavalcanti
and the others, as we before made mention), save that when they were
flourishing and victorious in several parts of the city where they
were fighting against their enemies, it came to pass, as it pleased
God, either to avoid worse ill, or that He permitted it to punish the
sins of the Florentines, that one, Ser Neri Abati, a clerk and prior
of San Piero Scheraggio, a worldly and dissolute man, and a rebel
against and enemy of his associates, of purpose set fire first to the
house of his associates in Orto San Michele, and then to the
Florentine Calimala at the house of the Caponsacchi, near to the
entrance of the Mercato Vecchio. And the accursed fire was so furious
and impetuous, fanned by the north wind, which was blowing strongly,
that on that day were burnt the houses of the Abati, and of the Macci,
and all the loggia of Orto San Michele, and the houses of the Amieri,
and Toschi, and Cipriani, and Lamberti, and Bachini, and Buiamonti,
and all Calimala, and the houses of the Cavalcanti, and all around the
Mercato Nuovo and S. Cecilia, and all the street of Porte Sante Marie
as far as the Ponte Vecchio, and Vacchereccia, and behind San Piero
Scheraggio, and the houses of the Gherardini, and of the Pulci and
Amidei and Lucardesi, and all the neighbourhood of the said places,
almost to the Arno; and, in short, all the marrow and yolk and the
most precious places of the city of Florence were burnt, and the
number of the palaces and towers and houses was more than 1,700. The
loss of stores, and of treasure, and of merchandise was infinite,
forasmuch as in those places were almost all the merchandise and
precious things of Florence, and that which was not burnt was robbed
by highwaymen as it was being carried away, the city being continually
at war in divers places, wherefore many companies, and clans, and
families were ruined and brought to poverty by the said fires and
robberies. This plague came upon our city of Florence on the 10th day
of June, in the year of Christ 1304; and for this cause the leaders of
that faction the Cavalcanti, which were among the most powerful houses
in Florence, both in retainers, and in possessions, and in goods, and
the Gherardini, among the greatest in the country, their houses and
those of their followers being burnt down, lost their vigour and
estate, and were driven out of Florence as rebels, and their enemies
recovered their estate, and became lords over the city. And then it
was verily believed that the magnates would set aside the Ordinances
of Justice of the Popolo, and this they would have done if it had not
been that through their factions they were themselves at variance one
with another, and each party sided with the people to the end they
might not lose their estate. We must now go on to tell of the other
events which were in many parts in these times, forasmuch as there
arose thence further adverse fortune to our city of Florence.
Sec. 72.--_How the Whites and Ghibellines came to the gates of Florence,
and departed thence in discomfiture._
[Sidenote: 1304 A.D.]
When the Cardinal da Prato had returned to the Pope, which was at
Perugia with his court, he made many complaints against them which
were ruling the city of Florence, and accused them before the Pope and
the college of cardinals of many crimes and faults, showing them to be
sinful men and enemies of God and of Holy Church, and recounting the
dishonour and treachery which they had done to Holy Church when he had
desired to restore them to good and peaceful estate; for the which
thing the Pope and his cardinals were greatly moved with anger against
the Florentines, and by the counsel of the said Cardinal da Prato the
Pope cited twelve of the chief leaders of the Guelf party and of the
Blacks which were in Florence, which were directing all the state of
the city, the names whereof were these: M. Corso Donati, M. Rosso
della Tosa, M. Pazzino de' Pazzi, M. Geri Spini, M. Betto
Brunelleschi. And they were to appear before him under pain of
excommunication and deprivation of all their goods; which straightway
came obediently thither with a great company of their friends and
followers in great state, for they were more than 150 on horseback, to
defend themselves before the Pope against the charges which the
Cardinal da Prato had made against them. And in this summons and
citation of so many leaders of Florence, the Cardinal da Prato
cunningly planned a great treachery against the Florentines,
straightway sending letters to Pisa, and to Bologna, and to Romagna,
to Arezzo, to Pistoia, and to all the leaders of the Ghibelline and
White party in Tuscany and in Romagna, that they should assemble with
all their forces and those of their friends on foot and on horse, and
on a day named should come in arms to the city of Florence, and take
the city, and drive out thence the Blacks and those which had been
against him, saying that this was by the knowledge and will of the
Pope (the which thing was a great falsehood and lie, forasmuch as the
Pope knew nothing thereof), and encouraging each one to come securely,
forasmuch as the city was weak, and open in many places; and saying
that he of his zeal had summoned and caused to appear at the court all
the leaders of the Black party, and that within the city there was a
large party which would welcome them and would surrender the city to
them; and that they should gather together and come secretly and
quickly. And when they had received these letters, they rejoiced
greatly, and, being encouraged by the favour of the Pope, each one
furnished himself according to his power, and moved towards Florence
on the day appointed. And two days before, through their great
eagerness, the Pisans, with their troops and with all the Florentines
which were in Pisa, to the number of 400 horsemen, whereof Count Fazio
was captain, came as far as the stronghold of Marti; and all the other
assembly of Whites and Ghibellines came towards Florence after so
secret a fashion that they were at Lastra above Montughi, to the
number of 1,600 horse and 9,000 foot, ere the most could believe it in
Florence, forasmuch as they had not allowed any messenger which should
announce their coming to find his way to Florence; and if they had
descended upon the city one day sooner, without doubt they would have
had the city, forasmuch as there was no preparation, nor store of
arms, nor defence. But they abode that night at Lastra and at
Trespiano, extending as far as Fontebuona, awaiting M. Tolosata degli
Uberti, captain of Pistoia, which was taking the way across the
mountains with 300 horse, Pistoian and mercenary, and with many on
foot; and in the morning, seeing that he did not come, the Florentine
refugees determined to come to the city, thinking to have it without
stroke of sword, and this they did, leaving the Bolognese at Lastra,
which, by reason of their cowardice, or perhaps because of the Guelfs
which were among them, were not in favour of the enterprise; so the
rest came on, and entered into the suburb of San Gallo without any
hindrance, for at that time the city had not the circles of the new
walls, nor the moats, and the old walls were open and broken down in
many places. And when they had entered into the suburbs, they broke
down a wooden palisade with a gate leading into the suburb, which was
abandoned by our citizens without defence; and the Aretines carried
off the bolt of the said gate, and in contempt of the Florentines took
it to Arezzo, and set it in their chief church of San Donato. And when
the said enemies were come down through the suburbs towards the city,
they assembled at Cafaggio, by the side of the Servi, and they were
more than 1,200 horsemen, and common folks in numbers, with many folk
from the country following them, and with Ghibellines and Whites from
within, which had come out to their aid. Now this was ill advised on
their part, as we shall tell hereafter, for they had stationed
themselves in a place without water; for if they had taken up their
stand on the piazza of Santa Croce, they would have had the river and
water for themselves and for their horses, and the Citta Rossa round
about, without the old walls, all which was so built with houses as to
accommodate an army in safety were it never so large; but to whom God
wills ill, from him He takes all wit and judgment. When, on the
evening before, the tidings were brought to Florence, there was great
fear and suspicion of treachery, and the city was on guard all night;
but by reason of fear some went this way, some that, all at random,
each one removing his goods. And of a truth it was said that the
greatest and best houses in Florence, of magnates, and popolani, and
Guelfs, knew of this purpose, and had promised to surrender the city;
but hearing of the great force of the Ghibellines of Tuscany and the
enemies of our commonwealth which were come with our exiles, they
feared greatly for themselves, and that they should be driven away and
robbed, and so they changed their purpose, and looked to defend the
city together with the rest. Certain of our exiled leaders, with part
of their followers, departed from Cafaggio from the army, and came to
the gate of the Spadari, and this they attacked and conquered, and
entered in together with their banners as far as the piazza of S.
Giovanni; and if the larger force which was in Cafaggio had then come
towards the city, and attacked some other gate, they would certainly
not have been resisted. In the piazza of S. Giovanni were assembled
all the valiant men and Guelfs which were giving themselves to the
defence of the city, not, however, in great numbers (perhaps 200 horse
and 500 foot), and with the aid of large crossbows they drove back the
enemy without the gate, with the loss of some taken and slain. The
news went to Lastra to the Bolognese by their spies, reporting that
their side had been routed and discomfited, and straightway, without
learning the certainty thereof, for it was not true, they departed in
flight as best they could, and when they met M. Tolosato with his
followers in Mugello, which was advancing with full knowledge of the
truth, he would have retained them and caused them to turn back; but
this he could not bring about, neither through entreaties nor threats.
They of the main body in Cafaggio, when they heard the news from
Lastra how the Bolognese had departed in confusion, as it pleased God,
straightway took fear, and through the discomfort of continuing in
array until after noon in the burning sun,--the heat being great, and
not having sufficiency of water for themselves and for their
horses,--began to disperse and to depart in flight, throwing away
their arms without assault or pursuit of the citizens, forasmuch as
they scarce followed after them at all, save certain troopers of their
own free will. And thus many of the enemy died, either by the sword or
from exhaustion, and were robbed of arms and of horses; and certain of
the prisoners were hanged in the piazza of San Gallo and along the
road, on the trees. But verily it was said that, notwithstanding the
departure of the Bolognese, if they had stood firm until the coming of
M. Tolosato, which they could assuredly have done by reason of the
small number of horse which were defending Florence, they would yet
have gained the city. But it seemed to be the work and will of God
that they should be bewitched, to the end our city of Florence might
not be wholly laid waste, sacked, and destroyed. This unforeseen
victory and escape of the city of Florence was on S. Margaret's Day,
the 20th of the month of July, the year of Christ 1304. We have made
such an extensive record, forasmuch as we were there present, and by
reason of the great risk and peril from which God saved the city of
Florence, and to the end our descendants may take therefrom example
and warning.
[Sidenote: 1304 A.D.]
[Sidenote: 1303 A.D.]
[Sidenote: 1304 A.D.]
Sec. 73.--_How the Aretines recovered the castle of Laterino which the
Florentines held._ Sec. 74.--_Of certain further things which came to
pass in Florence in the said times._ Sec. 75.--_How the Florentines went
out against and took the strongholds of the Stinche and Montecalvi
which were held by the Whites._ Sec. 76.--_Returns back somewhat to tell
of the story of the Flemings._ Sec. 77.--_How Guy of Flanders was routed
and seized, with his armada, by the admiral of the king of France._ Sec.
78.--_How the king of France defeated the Flemings at Mons-en-Puelle._
Sec. 79.--_How, shortly after the defeat of Mons-en-Puelle, the Flemings
returned to the conflict with the king of France and gained a
favourable peace._
Sec. 80.--_How Pope Benedict died; and of the new election of Pope
Clement V._
[Sidenote: 1304 A.D.]
[Sidenote: Epistola viii.]
[Sidenote: 1305 A.D.]
[Sidenote: Inf. xix. 82-87. Par. xvii. 82. xxvii. 58, 9. xxx.
142-148.]
In the year of Christ 1304, on the 27th day of the month July, Pope
Benedict died in the city of Perugia, it was said by poison; for when
he was eating at his table, there came to him a young man veiled and
attired in the garb of a woman, as a serving sister of the nuns of S.
Petronella, in Perugia, with a silver basin wherein were many fine
ripe figs, and he presented them to the Pope from his devout servant,
the abbess of that nunnery. The Pope received them with great
pleasure, and forasmuch as he was fond of them, and without any one
tasting thereof beforehand, seeing that they were presented by a
woman, he ate many thereof, whereat he straightway fell ill, and in a
few days died, and was buried with great honour at the Preaching
Friars (for he was of that Order), in San Ercolano, of Perugia. This
was a good man, and virtuous and just, and of holy and religious life,
and desirous to do right in all things; and through the envy of
certain of his brother cardinals, it was said, they compassed his
death after the said manner; wherefore God recompensed them, if they
were guilty thereof, in a short time, by a very just and open
vengeance, as will be shown hereafter. For after the death of the said
Pope there arose a schism and a great discord among the college of
cardinals in electing the Pope; and by reason of their differences
they were divided into two almost equal parties; the head of the one
was M. Matteo Rosso, of the Orsini, with M. Francesco Guatani, nephew
that was of Pope Boniface; and the leaders of the other were M.
Napoleone, of the Orsini dal Monte, and the Cardinal da Prato, which
hoped to restore their kinsfolk and friends, the Colonnesi, to their
estate, and were friends of the king of France, and leaned towards the
Ghibelline side. And when they had been shut up for a period of more
than nine months, and were pressed by the Perugians to nominate a
Pope, and could not come to an agreement, at last the Cardinal da
Prato, finding himself in a secret place with the Cardinal Francesco,
of the Guatani, said to him, "We are doing great harm and injury to
the Church by not choosing a Pope." And M. Francesco said, "It does
not lie with me." And the other replied, "If I could find a good way
of escape, wouldst thou be content?" He made answer that he would; and
thus conversing together they came to this agreement, by the industry
and sagacity of the Cardinal da Prato, who, treating with the said M.
Francesco Guatani, gave him his choice; for it was determined that the
one party, to avoid all suspicion, should choose three men from beyond
the Alps suitable for the papacy, whomsoever it pleased them, and the
other party, within forty days, should take one of the three,
whichever they pleased, and that he should be Pope. The party of M.
Francesco Guatani preferred to make the first choice, thinking thus to
have the advantage, and he elected three archbishops from beyond the
Alps, made and created by Pope Boniface, his uncle, which were his
great friends and confidants, and enemies of the king of France, their
adversary, trusting that whichever the other party might take they
would have a Pope after their mind, and a friend. Among these three
the archbishop of Bordeaux was the one in whom they most trusted. The
wise and far-seeing Cardinal da Prato thought that their purpose would
be better carried out by taking M. Raimond de Goth, archbishop of
Bordeaux, than by taking either of the others; albeit he had been
appointed by Pope Boniface, and was no friend of the king of France,
by reason of injuries done to his kinsfolk in the war of Gascony by M.
Charles of Valois; but knowing him to be a man desirous of honour and
lordship, and that he was a Gascon, who are by nature covetous, and
that he might easily make peace with the king of France, they
secretly took counsel, and he and his party in the college took an
oath, and having confirmed with the other part of the college the
documents and papers concerning the said agreements and pacts, by his
letters, and those of the other cardinals of his party, they wrote to
the king of France, and enclosed under their seals the pacts and
agreements and commissions between themselves and the other part of
the college, and by faithful and good couriers ordered by means of
their merchants (the other party knowing nothing of this), they sent
from Perugia to Paris in eleven days, admonishing and praying the king
of France by the tenor of their letters, that if he wished to recover
his estate in Holy Church and relieve his friends, the Colonnesi, he
should turn his foe into a friend, to wit M. Raimond de Goth,
archbishop of Bordeaux, one of the three chosen and most trusted by
the other party; seeking and stipulating with him for liberal terms
for himself and for his friends, forasmuch as to his hands was
committed the election of the one of those three, whichever he
pleased. The king of France having received the said letters and
commissions, rejoiced greatly, and was eager for the undertaking.
First of all he sent friendly letters by messengers into Gascony to M.
Raimond de Goth, archbishop of Bordeaux, that he should come to meet
him, for he desired to speak with him; and within the next six days
the king came in person with a small company, to a secret conference
with the said archbishop of Bordeaux in a forest, at an abbey in the
district of S. Jean d'Angelus, and when they had heard mass together
and sworn faith upon the altar, the king parleyed with him with good
words to reconcile him with M. Charles; and then he said thus to him,
"Behold, archbishop, I have in my hand the power to make thee Pope if
I will, and for this cause am come to thee; and, therefore, if thou
wilt promise to grant me six favours which I shall ask of thee, I will
do thee this honour, and to the end thou mayest be assured that I have
this power,"--he drew forth and showed him the letters and commissions
from both one part of the college and the other. The Gascon, coveting
the papal dignity, and seeing thus suddenly how with the king lay the
power of making him Pope, as it were stupefied with joy, threw himself
at his feet, and said, "My lord, now I know that thou lovest me more
than any other man, and wouldst return me good for evil; thou hast to
command and I to obey, and always it shall be so ordered." The king
lifted him up and kissed him on the mouth, and then said to him, "The
six special graces that I ask of thee are these: the first, that thou
wilt reconcile me perfectly with the Church, and procure my pardon for
my misdeed which I committed in the capture of Pope Boniface. The
second, that thou wilt recommunicate me and my followers. The third
article, that thou wilt grant me all the tithes of the realm for five
years, in aid of my expenses which I have incurred for the war in
Flanders. The fourth, that thou wilt promise to destroy and annul the
memory of Pope Boniface. The fifth, that thou wilt restore the honour
of the cardinalate to M. Jacopo and M. Piero della Colonna, and
restore them to their estate, and together with them wilt make certain
of my friends cardinals. The sixth grace and promise I reserve till
due time and place, for it is secret and great." The archbishop
promised everything on oath upon the body of Christ, and,
furthermore, gave him as hostages his brother and two of his nephews;
and the king swore to him and promised that he should be elected Pope.
And this done, with great love and joy they parted, and the king
returned to Paris, taking with him the said hostages under cover of
love and of reconciling them with M. Charles; and straightway he wrote
in answer to the Cardinal da Prato and to the others of his party,
telling what he had done, and that they might safely elect as Pope M.
Raimond de Goth, archbishop of Bordeaux, as a trustworthy and sure
friend. And as it pleased God, the matter was so urgently pressed that
in thirty-five days the answer to the said mandate was come back to
Perugia with great secrecy. And when the Cardinal da Prato had
received the said answer, he showed it secretly to his party, and
craftily summoned the other party, when it should please them to
assemble together, forasmuch as they desired to observe the agreement,
and so it was immediately done. And when the said parties were
gathered together, and it was necessary to ratify and confirm the
order of the said compacts with authenticated papers and oaths, it was
solemnly done. And then the said Cardinal da Prato wisely cited an
authority from Holy Scripture which was fitting to the occasion, and
by the authority committed to him after the said manner, he elected as
Pope the aforesaid M. Raimond de Goth, archbishop of Bordeaux; and
this was accepted and confirmed with great joy by both parties, and
they sang with a loud voice "Te Deum Laudamus," etc., the party of
Pope Boniface not knowing of the deceit and fraud which had been
carried out, rather believing that they had as Pope that man in whom
they most trusted; and when the announcements of the election came
abroad, there was great strife and disturbance between their families,
forasmuch as each said that he was the friend of their party. And this
done, and the cardinals being come forth from their confinement, it
was straightway determined to send him the election and decree across
the mountains where he was. This election took place on the 5th day of
June in the year of Christ 1305, when the apostolic chair had been
vacant ten months and twenty-eight days. We have made so long a record
of this election of the Pope, by reason of the subtle and fine deceit
which took place, and for its bearing on the future, forasmuch as
great things followed thereupon, as hereafter we shall relate, during
the time of his papacy and of his successor. And this election was the
cause whereby the papacy reverted to foreigners, and the court went
beyond the mountains, so that for the sin committed by the Italian
cardinals in the death of Pope Benedict, if they were guilty thereof,
and in the fraudulent election, they were well punished by the
Gascons, as we shall tell hereafter.
[Sidenote: 1305 A.D.]
Sec. 81.--_Of the coronation of Pope Clement V. and of the cardinals
which he made._ Sec. 82.--_How the Florentines and the Lucchese besieged
and took the city of Pistoia._ Sec. 83.--_How the cities of Modena and of
Reggio rebelled against the marquis of Este, and how the Whites and
the Ghibellines were driven out of Bologna._
Sec. 84.--_How there arose in Lombardy one Fra Dolcino with a great
company of heretics, and how they were burnt._
[Sidenote: 1305 A.D.]
[Sidenote: Inf. xxviii. 55-60.]
In the said year 1305, in the territory of Novara in Lombardy, there
was one Frate Dolcino, which was not a brother of any regular Order,
but as it were a monk outside the Orders, and he rose up and led
astray a great company of heretics, men and women of the country and
of the mountains, of small account; and the said Fra Dolcino taught
and preached that he was a true apostle of Christ, and that everything
ought to be held lovingly in common, and women also were to be in
common, and there was no sin in so using them. And many other foul
articles of heresy he preached, and maintained that the Pope and
cardinals and the other rulers of Holy Church did not observe their
duty nor the evangelic life; and that he ought to be made Pope. And
he, with a following of more than 3,000 men and women, abode in the
mountains, living in common after the manner of beasts; and when they
wanted victuals they took and robbed wherever they could find any; and
thus he reigned for two years. At last those which followed the said
dissolute life, becoming weary of it, his sect diminished much, and
through want of victuals and by reason of the snow he was taken by the
Navarese and burnt, with Margaret his companion, and with many other
men and women which with him had been led astray.
[Sidenote: 1306 A.D.]
Sec. 85.--_How Pope Clement sent as legate into Italy Cardinal Napoleone
of the Orsini, and how he was ill received._ Sec. 86.--_How the
Florentines besieged and took the strong castle of Montaccianico and
dismantled it, and caused Scarperia to be built._ Sec. 87.--_How the
Florentines strengthened the Popolo, and chose the first executor of
the Ordinances of Justice._
Sec. 88.--_Of the great war which was begun against the marquis of
Ferrara, and how he died._
[Sidenote: Inf. xii. 112; xviii. 55-57. Purg. v. 73-78. xx. 79-81. De
Vulg. El. I. 12: 38; II. 6: 42-44.]
[Sidenote: 1306 A.D.]
In the said year 1306, the Veronese, Mantuans, and Brescians made a
league together, and declared a great war against the Marquis Azzo of
Este, which was lord of Ferrara, because they feared that he was
desirous to be lord over Lombardy, forasmuch as he had taken to wife a
daughter of King Charles; and they overran his places and took from
him some of his strongholds. But the year after, when he had gathered
his forces, with the aid of the Piedmontese and of King Charles, he
made a great expedition against them, and overran their places and did
them much hurt. But a little time after the said marquis fell sick,
and died in great pain and misery; and he had been the gayest and most
redoubted and powerful tyrant in Lombardy, and he left no son of
lawful wedlock, and his lands and lordship became a cause of great
strife between his brothers and nephews, and one of his bastard sons,
which was named Francis, whom the Venetians greatly favoured because
he was born in Venice; and much strife and war followed therefrom with
hurt to the Venetians, as hereafter in due time we shall make mention.
[Sidenote: 1306 A.D.]
[Sidenote: 1307 A.D.]
[Sidenote: Purg. vii. 132.]
Sec. 89.--_How M. Napoleone Orsini, the legate, came to Arezzo; and
of the expedition which the Florentines made against Gargosa._ Sec.
90.--_How the good King Edward of England died._ Sec. 91.--_How the
king of France went to Poitiers to Pope Clement, to cause the memory of
Pope Boniface to be condemned._
Sec. 92.--_How and after what fashion was destroyed the Order and mansion
of the Temple of Jerusalem by the machinations of the king of France._
[Sidenote: 1307 A.D.]
[Sidenote: Purg. xx. 91-93.]
[Sidenote: 1310 A.D.]
In the said year 1307, before the king of France departed from the
court of Poitiers, he accused and denounced to the Pope, incited
thereto by his officers and by desire of gain, the master and the
Order of the Temple, charging them with certain crimes and errors,
whereof as the king had been informed the Templars were guilty. The
first movement came from a prior of the said Order, of Monfaucon in
the region of Toulouse, a man of evil life and a heretic, and for his
faults condemned to perpetual imprisonment in Paris by the grand
master. And finding himself in prison with one Noffo Dei, of our city
of Florence, a man full of all vices, these two men, despairing of any
salvation, evilly and maliciously invented the said false accusation
in hope of gain, and of being set free from prison by aid of the king.
But each of them a little while after came to a bad end; forasmuch as
Noffo was hanged and the prior stabbed. To the end they might move the
king to seek his gain, they brought the accusation before his
officers, and the officers brought it before the king; wherefore the
king was moved by his avarice, and made secret arrangements with the
Pope and caused him to promise to destroy the Order of the Templars,
laying to their charge many articles of heresy; but it is said that it
was more in hope of extracting great sums of money from them, and by
reason of offence taken against the master of the Temple and the
Order. The Pope, to be rid of the king of France, by reason of the
request which he had made that he would condemn Pope Boniface, as we
have before said, whether rightly or wrongly, to please the king
promised that he would do this; and when the king had departed, on a
day named in his letters, he caused all the Templars to be seized
throughout the whole world, and all their churches and mansions and
possessions, which were almost innumerable in power and in riches, to
be sequestered; and all those in the realm of France the king caused
to be occupied by his court, and at Paris the master of the Temple was
taken, which was named Jacques of the lords of Molay in Burgundy, with
sixty knights, friars and gentlemen; and they were charged with
certain articles of heresy, and certain vile sins against nature which
they were said to practise among themselves; and that at their
profession they swore to support the Order right or wrong, and that
their worship was idolatrous, and that they spat upon the cross, and
that when their master was consecrated it was secretly and in private,
and none knew the manner; and alleging that their predecessors had
caused the Holy Land to be lost by treachery, and King Louis and his
followers to be taken at Monsura. And when sundry proofs had been
given by the king of the truth of these charges, he had them tortured
with divers tortures that they might confess, and it was found that
they would not confess nor acknowledge anything. And after keeping
them a long time in prison in great misery, and not knowing how to put
an end to their trial, at last outside Paris at S. Antoine (and the
like was also done at Senlis in France) in a great park enclosed by
wood, fifty-six of the said Templars were bound each one to a stake,
and they began to set fire to their feet and legs little by little,
admonishing them one after the other that whosoever of them would
acknowledge the error and sins wherewith they were charged might
escape; and during this martyrdom, exhorted by their kinsfolk and
friends to confess, and not to allow themselves to be thus vilely
slain and destroyed, yet would not one of them confess, but with
weeping and cries they defended themselves as being innocent and
faithful Christians, calling upon Christ and S. Mary and the other
saints; and by the said martyrdom all burning to ashes they ended
their lives. And the master was reserved, and the brother of the
dauphin of Auvergne, and Brother Hugh of Peraud, and another of the
leaders of the Order, which had been officers and treasurers of the
king of France, and they were brought to Poitiers before the Pope, the
king of France being present, and they were promised forgiveness if
they would acknowledge their error and sin, and it is said that they
confessed something thereof; and when they had returned to Paris there
came thither two cardinal legates to give sentence and condemn the
Order upon the said confession, and to impose some discipline upon the
said master and his companions; and when they had mounted a great
scaffold, opposite the church of Notre Dame, and had read the
indictment, the said master of the Temple rose to his feet, demanding
to be heard; and when silence was proclaimed, he denied that ever such
heresies and sins as they had been charged with had been true, and
maintained that the rule of their Order had been holy and just and
catholic, but that he certainly was worthy of death, and would endure
it in peace, forasmuch as through fear of torture and by the
persuasions of the Pope and of the king, he had by deceit been
persuaded to confess some part thereof. And the discourse having been
broken off, and the sentence not having been fully delivered, the
cardinals and the other prelates departed from that place. And having
held counsel with the king, the said master and his companions, in the
Isle de Paris and before the hall of the king, were put to martyrdom
after the same manner as the rest of their brethren, the master
burning slowly to death and continually repeating that the Order and
their religion was catholic and righteous, and commending himself to
God and S. Mary; and likewise did the brother of the dauphin. Brother
Hugh of Peraud, and the other, through fear of martyrdom, confessed
and confirmed that which they had said before the Pope and the king,
and they escaped, but afterwards they died miserably. And by many it
was said that they were slain and destroyed wrongly and wickedly, and
to the end their property might be seized, which afterwards was
granted in privilege by the Pope to the Order of the Hospitallers, but
they were required to recover and redeem it from the king of France
and the other princes and lords, and that with so great a sum that,
with the interest to be paid thereupon, the Order of the Hospitallers
was, and is, poorer than it was before in its property; or perhaps God
brought this about by miracle to show how things were. And the king of
France and his sons had afterwards much shame and adversity, both
because of this sin and of the capture of Pope Boniface, as hereafter
shall be related. And note, that the night after the said master and
his companion had been martyred, their ashes and bones were collected
as sacred relics by friars and other religious persons, and carried
away to holy places. In this manner was destroyed and brought to
nought the rich and powerful Order of the Temple at Jerusalem, in the
year of Christ 1310. We will now leave the doings in France and return
to our doings in Italy.
[Sidenote: 1307 A.D.]
[Sidenote: 1308 A.D.]
Sec. 93.--_Of events and defeats which came to pass in Romagna and in
Lombardy._ Sec. 94.--_Of the death of King Albert of Germany._ Sec.
95.--_How the Podesta of Florence fled with the Hercules seal of the
commonwealth._
Sec. 96.--_How Corso Donati, the great and noble citizen of Florence,
died._
[Sidenote: 1308 A.D.]
[Sidenote: Purg. xxiv. 81-87.]
In the said year 1308, there being in the city of Florence increasing
strife between the nobles and the powerful popolani of the Black party
which were ruling the city, by reason of rivalry for state and
lordship, which began at the time of the tumult when they demanded to
see the accounts, as we have before made mention; this jealous
disposition must needs bring forth sorrowful consequences, because
from the sins of pride and envy and avarice, and other vices which
reigned among them, they were divided into factions; and the leader of
one faction was M. Corso de' Donati, with a following of some nobles,
and of certain popolani, among others them of the house of Bordoni;
and of the other party were leaders M. Rosso della Tosa, M. Geri
Spini, and M. Pazzino dei Pazzi, and M. Betto Brunelleschi, with their
allies, and with the Cavicciuli, and with many houses of magnates and
popolani, and the greater part of the good people of the city, which
had the offices and the government of the city, and of the people. M.
Corso and his followers believed themselves to have been ill-treated
with regard to offices and honours, whereof they held themselves to be
more worthy, forasmuch as they had been the principal restorers of the
Blacks to their estate, and had driven out the Whites; but by the
other party it was said that M. Corso desired to be lord over the city
with no equal. But whatever may have been the truth or the cause, his
aforesaid opponents and they which ruled the city had hated and
greatly feared him, ever since he had allied himself by marriage to
Uguccione della Faggiuola, a Ghibelline, and hostile to the
Florentines; and also they feared him because of his ambition and
power and following, being uncertain whether he would not take their
state from them, and drive them from the city, and above all, because
they found that the said M. Corso had made a league and covenant with
the said Uguccione della Faggiuola, his father-in-law, and had sent
for him and his aid. For the which thing, in great jealousy, the city
suddenly rose in an uproar, and the priors caused the bells to be
sounded, and the people and the nobles, on horse and on foot, flew to
arms, and the Catalan troops with the king's marshal, which were at
the service of them which ruled the city. And straightway, as had been
ordained by the aforesaid leaders, an inquisition or accusation was
given to the Podesta, to wit, to M. Piero della Branca d'Agobbio,
against the said M. Corso, charging him with wishing to betray the
people, and to overturn the city, by bringing thither Uguccione della
Faggiuola with the Ghibellines and enemies of the commonwealth. And he
was first cited to appear, and then proclamation was made against him,
and then he was condemned; in less than an hour, without giving any
longer time for his trial, M. Corso was condemned as a rebel and
traitor to his commonwealth, and straightway the priors set forth with
the standard of justice, and the Podesta, captain and executioner,
with their retainers and with the standard-bearers of the companies,
with the people in arms, and the troops on horse, amid the
acclamations of the people, to go to the house where dwelt M. Corso at
San Piero Maggiore, to carry out the sentence. When M. Corso, having
heard of the attack against him (or, as some said, in order to
strengthen himself to carry out his purpose, for he was expecting
Uguccione della Faggiuola with a great following which was already
come to Remole), had barricaded himself in the road of San Piero
Maggiore, at the foot of the towers of Cicino, and in Torcicoda, and
at the entrance of the way which goes towards the Stinche, and at the
way of San Brocolo, with strong barricades, and with much folk, his
kinsmen and friends, in arms and with crossbows, enclosed within the
barricade, and at his service. The people began to attack the said
barricades in divers places, and M. Corso and his friends to defend
them boldly; and the battle endured the greater part of the day, and
was so strong that, with all the power of the people, if the
reinforcements of Uguccione's followers and the other friends from the
country invited by M. Corso had joined him in time, the people of
Florence would have had enough to do that day; because, albeit they
were many, yet were they ill-ordered and not well agreed, forasmuch as
to part of them the attack was not pleasing. But when Uguccione's
followers heard how M. Corso was attacked by the people, they turned
back, and the citizens which were within the barricade began to
depart, so that he remained very scant of followers, and certain of
the people broke down the wall of the orchard over against the
Stinche, and entered in with a great company of men in arms. When M.
Corso and his followers saw this, and that the aid of Uguccione and of
his other friends was belated and had failed them, he abandoned the
houses, and fled out of the city, the which houses were straightway
plundered and destroyed by the people, and M. Corso and his followers
were pursued by certain citizens on horse and by certain Catalans,
sent expressly to take him. And Gherardo Bordoni was overtaken by
Boccaccio Cavicciuli, at the Affrico, and slain, and his hand was cut
off and taken to the street of the Adimari, and nailed to the door of
M. Tedici degli Adimari, his associate, by reason of enmity between
them. M. Corso, departing quite alone, was overtaken and captured near
Rovezzano by certain Catalans on horse, and as they were taking him
prisoner to Florence, when they were hard by San Salvi, he prayed them
to let him go free, promising them much money if they would let him
escape, but they held to their purpose of taking him to Florence, as
had been commanded them by their lords; then M. Corso, in fear of
coming into the hands of his enemies, and of being brought to justice
by the people, being much afflicted with gout in his hands and feet,
let himself fall from his horse. The said Catalans seeing him on the
ground, one of them gave him a thrust with his lance in the throat,
which was a mortal blow, and then left him there for dead; the monks
of the said convent carried him into the abbey, and some said that
before he died he gave himself into their hands as a penitent, and
some said that they found him dead; and the next morning he was buried
in San Salvi with little honour and but few present, for fear of the
commonwealth. This M. Corso Donati was among the most sage, and was a
valiant cavalier, and the finest speaker, and most skilled, and of the
greatest renown and of the greatest courage and enterprise of any one
of his time in Italy, and a handsome and gracious cavalier in his
person; but he was very worldly, and in his time caused many
conspiracies and scandals in Florence to gain state and lordship; and
for this cause have we made so long a treatise concerning his end,
forasmuch as it was of great moment to our city, and after his death
many things followed thereupon, as may be understood by the
intelligent, to the end he may be an example to those which come
after.
[Sidenote: 1308 A.D.]
Sec. 97.--_How the church of the Lateran at Rome was burned._ Sec.
98.--_How the magnates of Samminiato destroyed their Popolo._ Sec.
99.--_How the Tarlati were expelled from Arezzo, and the Guelfs
restored._ Sec. 100.--_How the Ubaldini returned to submission to
the commonwealth of Florence._
Sec. 101.--_After what manner Henry, count of Luxemburg, was elected
emperor of Rome._
[Sidenote: 1308 A.D.]
In the said year 1308, the King Albert of Germany being dead, as we
afore said, by the which death the Empire was left vacant, the
electors of Germany were at great discord among themselves concerning
the election; and when the king of France heard of the said vacancy,
he thought within himself that now his purpose would be carried out
with little difficulty, by reason of the sixth promise which Pope
Clement had secretly made to him when he promised to make him Pope, as
we afore made mention; and he assembled his secret council with M.
Charles of Valois, his brother, and there he revealed his intention,
and the long desire which he had had that the Church of Rome should
elect as king of the Romans M. Charles of Valois, even while Albert,
king of Germany, was living, by means of his forces and power and
money, and with the aid of the Pope and the Church; for at other times
of old the election had passed from the Greeks to the French, and from
the French to the Italians, and from the Italians to the Germans. And
now much more ought it to come to pass, seeing the Empire was vacant,
and especially by reason of the said promise and oath, which Pope
Clement had made to him when he had made him Pope. And he revealed all
the secret covenant with him, and this done, he asked their counsel
and made them swear secrecy. To this enterprise the king was
encouraged by all his counsellors, and that to this end he should use
all the power of the crown and of his realm, so that it might be
brought about, alike for the honour of M. Charles of Valois, who was
worthy thereof, and that the honour and dignity of the Empire might
return to the French, as it had of old pertained long time to their
forefathers, Charles the Great and his successors. And when the king
and M. Charles heard the encouragement and good-will of his council,
they rejoiced greatly, and took counsel that without delay the king
and M. Charles, with a great force of barons and knights in arms,
should go to Avignon to the Pope, before the Germans should have made
any other election, showing and giving out that his going was
concerning the petition against the memory of Pope Boniface; and that
when the king came to the court, he should require from the Pope the
sixth and secret promise,--to wit, the election and confirmation as
Emperor of Rome of M. Charles of Valois; and he being so strong in
followers, no cardinal nor any one else, not even the Pope, would dare
to refuse him. And this ordered, the barons and knights were commanded
to provide themselves with arms and with horses to bear the king
company on his journey to Avignon; and they of the signiory of
Provence were to make ready, and should number more than 6,000
knights in arms. But as it pleased God, who willed not that the Church
of Rome should be wholly subject to the house of France, these
preparations of the king and his purpose were secretly made known to
the Pope by one of the privy council of the king of France. The Pope,
fearing the coming of the king with so great a force, remembering the
promise he had made, and perceiving that it was most contrary to the
liberty of the Church, held secret counsel with M. d'Ostia, Cardinal
da Prato alone, forasmuch as they were already indignant with the king
of France, by reason of his inordinate demands, and because, if the
Church had condemned the memory of Pope Boniface, that which he had
done would have been made null and void, and the Cardinal da Prato had
been made cardinal by Boniface with certain others, as we have said in
another place. The said cardinal, hearing that which the Pope had
learned of the purpose and of the coming of the king of France, spake
thus: "Holy Father, here there is but one remedy, to wit, before the
king makes his request of thee, thou must secretly and carefully
arrange with the princes of Germany that they complete the election to
the Empire." This counsel pleased the Pope, but he said: "Whom do we
will to be Emperor?" Then the cardinal, with much foresight, not only
to secure the liberty of the Church, but to advance his own interests
and those of his Ghibelline party, which he would fain exalt in Italy,
said: "I hear that the count of Luxemburg is to-day the best man in
Germany, and the most loyal and bold, and the most catholic; and I do
not doubt, if by thy means he comes to this dignity, that he will be
faithful and obedient to thee and to Holy Church, and a man who will
come to great things." The Pope was pleased with the good report
which he heard of him, and said: "How can this election be brought
about by us secretly, sending letters under our seal, unknown to the
college of our brother cardinals?" The cardinal made answer: "Write
thy letters to him and to the electors under a small and secret seal,
and I will write to them in my letters more fully concerning thy
purpose, and I will send them by my servant"; and so it was done. And
as it pleased God, when the messengers were come into Germany, and had
presented the letters, in eight days the princes of Germany were
assembled at Middleburg, and there without dissent they elected as
king of the Romans Henry, count of Luxemburg; and this was from the
industry and activity of the said cardinal which wrote these words
among others to the princes: "See that ye are united in this matter,
and without delay; if not, I believe that the election and the
lordship of the Empire will return to the French." This done, the
election was straightway made public in France and at the papal court;
and the king of France, not knowing the manner thereof, and making
preparations to go to the court, held himself deceived, and was never
afterwards a friend of the said Pope.
Sec. 102.--_How Henry the Emperor was confirmed by the Pope._
[Sidenote: 1308 A.D.]
In the said year, after Henry of Luxemburg had been elected king of
the Romans, he sent for his confirmation to Avignon to the court of
Pope Clement the count of Savoy, his kinsman, and M. Guy of Namurs,
brother of the count of Flanders, his cousin, which were honourably
received by the Pope and by the cardinals; and in the month of April,
1308, the said Henry was confirmed as Emperor by the Pope, and it was
ordained that the Cardinal dal Fiesco and the Cardinal da Prato should
be legates in Italy, and should bear him company when he should have
crossed the mountains, commanding in the Church's name that he should
be obeyed by all. Immediately when his ambassadors had returned with
the Pope's confirmation, he went to Aix-la-Chapelle in Germany with
all the barons and prelates of Germany, and there were there the duke
of Brabant, and the count of Flanders, and the count of Hainault, and
more barons of France; and at Aix, by the archbishop of Cologne, he
was with honour and without any opposition crowned with the first
crown, on the day of the Epiphany, 1308, as king of the Romans.
Sec. 103.--_How the Venetians took the city of Ferrara and then lost it
again._ Sec. 104.--_How the master of the Hospital took the island of
Rhodes._ Sec. 105.--_How the king of Aragon prepared an expedition
against Sardinia._ Sec. 106.--_How the Guelfs were expelled from Prato,
and then were reinstated._ Sec. 107.--_How the Tarlati returned to Arezzo
and expelled the Guelfs therefrom._ Sec. 108.--_How King Charles II.
died._ Sec. 109.--_Of the signs that appeared in the air._ Sec.
110.--_How the Florentines renewed war with Arezzo._ Sec. 111.--_How the
Lucchese would have destroyed Pistoia, and the Florentines opposed them._
Sec. 112.--_How Robert was crowned king over the kingdom of Sicily and
Apulia._
[Sidenote: 1309 A.D.]
[Sidenote: Par. viii. 76-84.]
In the month of June of the year 1309, Duke Robert, now King Charles'
eldest son, went by sea from Naples to Provence, to the court, with a
great fleet of galleys, and a great company, and was crowned king of
Sicily and of Apulia by Pope Clement, on S. Mary's Day in September of
the said year, and was entirely acquitted of the loan which the Church
had made to his father and grandfather for the war in Sicily, which is
said to have been more than 300,000 ounces of gold. In the said year
and month the Guelfs were driven out of Amelia by the forces of the
Colonnesi.
Sec. 113.--_How they of Ancona were discomfited by Count Frederick._ Sec.
114.--_How M. Ubizzino Spinoli was driven out of Genoa and defeated._
Sec. 115.--_How the Venetians were defeated at Ferrara._ Sec. 116.--_Of
the war between them of Volterra and them of Sangimignano._ Sec.
117.--_How the Orsini of Rome were defeated by the Colonnesi._ Sec.
118.--_How the folk of Arezzo were defeated by the marshal of the
Florentines._ Sec. 119.--_How the Florentines marched upon Arezzo._
Sec. 120.--_How the ambassadors of Henry, king of the Romans, came to
Florence._
[Sidenote: 1310 A.D.]
In the said year, on the 3rd day of July, there came to Florence M.
Louis of Savoy, senator elect of Rome, with two clerics, prelates of
Germany, and M. Simone Filippi of Pistoia, ambassadors from the
Emperor, requiring the commonwealth of Florence to prepare to do
honour to his coronation, and to send their ambassadors to him to
Lausanne; and they required and commanded that the expedition which
had been sent against Arezzo should be withdrawn. A great and fine
council was held by the Florentines, wherein the ambassadors
discreetly set forth their embassy. M. Betto Brunelleschi was called
upon to respond for the commonwealth, which at the first made answer
with proud and unfitting words, wherefor he was afterwards blamed by
the wise; then answer was discreetly made, and courteously, by M.
Ugolino Tornaquinci, whereon they departed, well content, on the 12th
day of July, and went to the host of the Florentines to Arezzo, and
made the like command that the host should depart, which did not
therefore depart. The said ambassadors abode in Arezzo, very wrathful
against the Florentines.
[Sidenote: 1310 A.D.]
Sec. 121.--_Of wondrous folk that went their way through Italy beating
themselves._
END OF SELECTIONS FROM BOOK VIII.