PART II_The Deaf Their Position in Society and the Provision for Their Education in the United States

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THE DEAF

THEIR POSITION IN SOCIETY

AND THE PROVISION FOR

THEIR EDUCATION IN THE

UNITED STATES

HARRY BEST

NEW YORK

THOMAS Y. CROWELL COMPANY

PUBLISHERS

BY HARRY BEST.

_Published April, 1914._

Transcriber's Note:

Minor typographical errors have been corrected without note.

Significant corrections have been listed at the end of the text. The

oe ligature has been transcribed as [oe].

THE DEAF OF THE LAND

AND TO THOSE WHO LOVE THEM

FOREWORD

The aim of the present study is to ascertain as far as possible the

standing of the deaf, or, as they are so often called, the "deaf and

dumb," in society in America, and to examine the treatment that has been

accorded to them--to present an account of an element of the population

of whom little is generally known. In this effort regard is had not only

to the interests of the deaf themselves, but also, with the growing

concern in social problems, to the fixing of a status for them in the

domain of the social sciences. In other words, the design may be said to

be to set forth respecting the deaf something of what the social

economist terms a "survey," or, as it may more popularly be described,

to tell "the story of 'the deaf and dumb.'"

The material employed in the preparation of the work has been collected

from various documents, and from not a little personal correspondence:

from the reports and other publications of schools for the deaf, of

organizations interested in the deaf, of state charities, education or

other departments, of the United States bureaus of education and of the

census; from the proceedings of bodies interested in the education of

the deaf, of organizations composed of the deaf, of state and national

conferences of charities and corrections; from the statutes of the

several states; and from similar publications. From the _American Annals

of the Deaf_ the writer has drawn unsparingly, and to it a very

considerable debt is owed. Valuable assistance has also been obtained

from the _Volta Review_, formerly the _Association Review_, and from

papers published by the deaf or in schools for the deaf. Other sources

of information used will be noted from time to time in the work itself.

For all that has been set down the writer is alone responsible. He is,

however, keenly mindful of all the co-operation that has been given him,

and it would be most pleasant if it were possible to relate by name

those who have been of aid. Mere words of thanks could but very little

express the sense of obligation that is felt towards all of these.

Indeed, one of the most delightful features connected with the work has

been the response which as a rule has been elicited by the writer's

inquiries; and in some cases so courteous and gracious have been the

correspondents and informants that one might at times think that a favor

were being done them in the making of the request. To certain ones the

writer cannot escape mentioning his appreciation: to Dr. E. A. Fay,

editor of the _American Annals of the Deaf_, and vice-president of

Gallaudet College; Dr. J. R. Dobyns, of the Mississippi School, and

secretary of the Convention of American Instructors of the Deaf; Mr.

Fred Deland, of the Volta Bureau; Mr. E. A. Hodgson, editor of the

_Deaf-Mutes' Journal_; Mr. E. H. Currier, of the New York Institution,

and Dr. T. F. Fox and Mr. Ignatius Bjorlee, also of this institution;

Dr. Joseph A. Hill, of the Census Bureau; Mr. Alexander Johnson,

formerly secretary of the National Conference of Charities and

Corrections; Dr. H. H. Hart, of the Russell Sage Foundation; Professor

S. M. Lindsay and Dr. E. S. Whitin, of Columbia University; and to the

officials of the Library of Congress, of the New York Public Library, of

the New York State Library, of the New York School of Philanthropy

Library, of the New York Academy of Medicine, of the Columbia University

Library, of the Volta Bureau, and of the Gallaudet College Library.

CONTENTS

PAGE

INTRODUCTION xiii

PART I

POSITION OF THE DEAF IN SOCIETY

CHAPTER

I. THE DEAF IN THE UNITED STATES 3

Meaning of Term "Deaf" in the Present Study--Number of

the Deaf in the United States--Age when Deafness

Occurred--Ability of the Deaf to Speak--Means of

Communication Employed by the Deaf.

II. THE DEAF AS A PERMANENT ELEMENT OF THE POPULATION 13

Increase in the Number of the Deaf in Relation to the

Increase in the General Population--The Adventitiously

Deaf and the Congenitally Deaf--Adventitious Deafness

and its Causes--Possible Action for the Prevention of

Adventitious Deafness--Adventitious Deafness as an

Increasing or Decreasing Phenomenon--The Congenitally

Deaf--The Offspring of Consanguineous Marriages--The

Deaf Having Deaf Relatives--The Offspring of Deaf

Parents--Possible Action for the Prevention of

Congenital Deafness--Congenital Deafness as an

Increasing or Decreasing Phenomenon--Conclusions with

Respect to the Elimination or Prevention of Deafness.

III. TREATMENT OF THE DEAF BY THE STATE 63

General Attitude of the Law towards the Deaf--Legislation

Discriminatory respecting the Deaf--Legislation in

Protection of the Deaf--Legislation in Aid of the

Deaf--Tenor of Court Decisions Affecting the Deaf--Present

Trend of the Law in Respect to the Deaf.

IV. ECONOMIC CONDITION OF THE DEAF 75

The Extent to which the Deaf are a Wage-earning and

Self-supporting Element of the Population--Views of the

Deaf as to their Economic Standing--The Deaf as

Alms-seekers--Homes for the Deaf--Conclusions with

Respect to the Economic Position of the Deaf.

V. SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF THE DEAF 91

Social Cleavage from the General Population--Desirability

of Organizations Composed of the Deaf--Purposes,

Activities, and Extent of Such Organizations--Newspapers

of the Deaf.

VI. POPULAR CONCEPTIONS CONCERNING THE DEAF 99

Viewed as a Strange Class--Viewed as a Defective

Class--Viewed as an Unhappy Class--Viewed as a

Dependent Class--Need of a Changed Regard for the Deaf.

VII. PRIVATE ORGANIZATIONS INTERESTED IN THE DEAF 107

General Societies Interested in the Deaf--The Volta

Bureau--Parents' Associations for the Deaf--Church

Missions to the Deaf--Organizations Interested in the

Education of the Deaf--Publications Devoted to the

Interests of the Deaf.

PART II

PROVISION FOR THE EDUCATION OF THE DEAF

VIII. THE EDUCATION OF THE DEAF PRIOR TO ITS INTRODUCTION

INTO THE UNITED STATES 119

IX. HISTORY OF EDUCATION OF THE DEAF IN THE UNITED STATES 129

Early Attempts at Instruction--Beginning of the First

Schools--Early Ideas concerning the Schools for the

Deaf--Aims of the Founders--Extension of the Means of

Instruction over the Country.

X. ORGANIZATION OF THE INSTITUTIONS AND GENERAL PROVISIONS 171

Arrangements in the Different States--Semi-Public

Institutions--"Dual Schools"--Provision for the

Deaf-Blind--Provision for the Feeble-minded

Deaf--Government of the Different Institutions--Procedure

in States without Institutions.

XI. THE DAY SCHOOL FOR THE DEAF 187

Inception and Growth of the Day School--Design and

Scope of Day Schools--Extent and Organization of Day

Schools--Arguments for the Day School--Arguments

against the Day School--Evening Schools for Adults.

XII. DENOMINATIONAL AND PRIVATE SCHOOLS 202

Denominational Schools--Private Schools.

XIII. THE NATIONAL COLLEGE 206

XIV. PROVISION FOR EDUCATION BY STATES 209

XV. CONSTITUTIONAL PROVISIONS FOR SCHOOLS 242

Extent of Constitutional Provisions--Language and Forms

of Provisions.

XVI. QUESTION OF THE CHARITY CONNECTION OF SCHOOLS 248

Institutions Sometimes Regarded as Educational:

Sometimes as Charitable--Charity in Connection with

Schools for the Deaf--Arguments for the Connection with

Boards of Charities--Arguments in Opposition to the

Connection---Conclusions in Respect to the Charity

Connection of Schools for the Deaf.

XVII. PROVISIONS CONCERNING ADMISSION OF PUPILS INTO SCHOOLS 262

Rules as to the Payment of Fees--Provision for the

Collateral Support of Pupils--Age Limits of Attendance.

XVIII. ATTENDANCE UPON THE SCHOOLS 268

The Proportion of the Deaf in the Schools--The Need of

Compulsory Education Laws for the Deaf--Present Extent

of Compulsory Education Laws.

XIX. METHODS OF INSTRUCTION IN SCHOOLS 277

The Use of Signs as a Means of Communication--Rise and

Growth of the Oral Movement--Present Methods of

Instruction--Courses of Study and Gradations of

Pupils--Industrial Training in the Schools.

XX. COST TO THE STATE FOR EDUCATION 293

Value of the Property Used for the Education of the

Deaf--Cost of the Maintenance of the Schools--Form of

Public Appropriations--Cost to the State for Each

Pupil.

XXI. PUBLIC DONATIONS OF LAND TO SCHOOLS 299

Grants by the National Government--Grants by the

States--Grants by Cities or Citizens.

XXII. PRIVATE BENEFACTIONS TO SCHOOLS 303

Donations of Money--Gifts for Pupils--Present

Tendencies of Private Benefactions.

XXIII. CONCLUSIONS WITH RESPECT TO THE WORK FOR THE

DEAF IN AMERICA 309

APPENDIX A 325

TABLE WITH RESPECT TO HOMES FOR THE DEAF IN AMERICA.

APPENDIX B 326

TABLES WITH RESPECT TO SCHOOLS FOR THE DEAF IN AMERICA.

I. PUBLIC INSTITUTIONS 326

II. PUBLIC DAY SCHOOLS 329

III. DENOMINATIONAL AND PRIVATE SCHOOLS 331

INDEX 333

INTRODUCTION

Society as a whole knows little of the deaf, or the so-called deaf and

dumb. They do not form a large part of the population, and many people

seldom come in contact with them. Their affliction to a great extent

removes them from the usual avenues of intercourse with men and debars

them from many of the social activities of life, all tending to make the

deaf more or less a class apart in the community. They would seem, then,

to have received separate treatment, as a section not wholly absorbed

and lost in the general population, but in a measure standing out and

differentiated from the rest of their kind. Thus it comes that society

has to take notice of them. By reason of their condition certain duties

are called forth respecting them, and certain provision has to be made

for them.

The object of the present study of the deaf is to consider primarily the

attitude of society or the state in America towards them, the duties it

has recognized in respect to them, the status it has created for them,

and the extent and forms, as well as the adequacy and correctness, of

this treatment. Hence in our study of the problems of the deaf, the

approach is not to be by the way of medicine, or of law, or of

education, though all these aspects will be necessarily touched upon.

Nor is our study to deal with this class as a problem of psychology or

of mental or physical abnormality, though more or less consideration

will have to be given to these points. Nor yet again are we to concern

ourselves principally with what is known as the "human interest"

question, though we should be much disappointed if there were not found

an abundance of human interest in what we shall have to consider.

Rather, then, we are to regard the deaf as certain components of the

state who demand classification and attention in its machinery of

organization. Our attitude is thus that of the social economist, and the

object of our treatment is a part or section of the community in its

relation to the greater and more solidified body of society.

More particularly, our purpose is twofold. We first consider the deaf,

who they are, and their place in society, and then examine the one great

form of treatment which the state gives, namely, the making of provision

for their education. This we have attempted to do in two parts, Part I

treating of the position of the deaf in society, and Part II of the

provisions made for their education. As we shall find, the special care

of the state for the deaf to-day has assumed practically this one form.

Means of education are extended to all the state's deaf children, and

with this its attention for the most part ceases. It has come to be seen

that after they have received an education, they deserve or require

little further aid or concern. But it has not always been the policy of

the state to allow to the deaf the realization that they form in its

citizenship an element able to look out for themselves, and demanding

little of its special oversight. They have a story full of interest to

tell, for the way of the deaf to the attainment of this position has

been long and tortuous, being first looked upon as wards, and then by

slow gradations coming to the full rights and responsibilities of

citizenship. In this final stage, where the state provides education for

the deaf only as it provides it for all others, and attempts little

beyond, the deaf find themselves on a level with citizens in general in

the state's regard.

In Part I, after we have ascertained who are meant by the "deaf," and

how many of them there are, we are to find ourselves confronted by a

question which is of the foremost concern to society; namely, whether

the deaf are to be considered a permanent part of the population, or

whether society may have means at hand to eliminate or prevent deafness.

After this, our discussion will revolve about the deaf from different

points of view, regarding them in the several aspects in which they

appear to society. We shall examine the treatment which the state in

general accords the deaf, how they are looked upon in the law, and what

changes have been brought about in its attitude towards them. This may

be said to be the view of the publicist or legalist. Next, we shall

attempt to see how far the deaf are really a class apart in the life of

the community. This will involve an examination, on the one hand, as to

whether their infirmity is a bar to their independent self-support, that

is, whether they are potentially economic factors in the world of

industry, how far their status is due to what they themselves have done,

and to what extent this result has modified the regard and treatment of

society; and, on the other, how far their want of hearing stands in the

way of their mingling in the social life of the community in which they

live, whether the effect of this will tend to force the deaf to

associate more with themselves than with the rest of the people, and

what forms their associations take. These will be the views respectively

of the economist and the sociologist. Then we shall consider the regard

in which the deaf are popularly held, the view of "the man in the

street," and whether this regard is the proper and just one. Lastly, we

shall note what movements have been undertaken in the interests of the

deaf by private organizations, and to what extent these have been

carried.

In Part II we shall consider the provision that has been made for the

instruction of deaf children. First we shall review the attempts at

instruction in the Old World, and then carefully follow the development

of instruction in America, considering the early efforts in this

direction, the founding of the first schools, and the spread of the work

over the land; and noting how it was first taken up by private

initiative, in time to be seconded or taken over by the state, and how

far the state has seen and performed its duty in this respect. Public

institutions have been created in nearly all the states, and we shall

examine the organizations of these institutions and the general

arrangements in the different states. The development of the work also

includes a system of day schools, a certain number of private schools

and a national college, all of which we shall consider, devoting

especial attention to the day schools and their significance. Following

this, we shall consider how each state individually has been found to

provide for the instruction of the deaf, observing also the extent to

which the states have made provision in their constitutions, and the

extent to which the schools are regarded as purely educational. Next, we

shall proceed to inquire into the terms of admission of pupils into the

schools; and we shall particularly concern ourselves with the

investigation of the question of how far the means provided for

education by the state are actually availed of by the deaf. The great

technical problems involved in the education of the deaf will be outside

the province of this work, but we shall indicate, so far as public

action may be concerned, the present methods of instruction. This done,

we shall mark what is the cost to the state of all this activity for the

education of its deaf children, noting also how far the state has been

assisted in the work by private benevolence. In the final chapter of our

study we shall set down the conclusions which we have found in respect

to the work for the deaf on the whole in the United States.

PART I

POSITION OF THE DEAF IN SOCIETY

CHAPTER I

THE DEAF IN THE UNITED STATES

MEANING OF TERM "DEAF" IN THE PRESENT STUDY

By the "deaf" in the present study is meant that element of the

population in which the sense of hearing is either wholly absent or is

so slight as to be of no practical value; or in which there is inability

to hear and understand spoken language; or in which there exists no real

sound perception. In other words, those persons are meant who may be

regarded as either totally deaf or practically totally deaf.[1] With

such deafness there is not infrequently associated an inability to

speak, or to use vocal language. Hence our attention may be said to be

directed to that part of the community which, by the want of the sense

of hearing and oftentimes also of the power of speech, forms a special

and distinct class; and is known, more or less inaccurately, as the

"deaf and dumb" or "deaf-mutes" or "mutes."

In our discussion it is with deafness that we are primarily concerned.

_Deafness_ and _dumbness_ are, physically, two essentially different

things. There is no anatomical connection between the organs of hearing

and those of speech; and the structure and functioning of each are such

as to preclude any direct pathological relation. The number of the

so-called deaf and dumb, moreover, who are really dumb is very small--so

small actually as to be negligible. Almost all who are spoken of as deaf

and dumb have organs of speech that are quite intact, and are, indeed,

constructively perfect. It comes about, however, that dumbness--considered

as the want of normal and usual locution--though organically separate

from deafness, is a natural consequence of it; and does, as a matter of

fact, in most cases to a greater or less extent, accompany or co-exist

with it. The reason of this is that the deaf, particularly those who

have always been so, being unable to hear, do not know how to use their

organs of speech, and especially are unable to modulate their speech by

the ear, as the hearing do. If the deaf could regain their hearing, they

would have back their speech in short order. The character of the human

voice depends thus on the ear to an unrealized degree.

NUMBER OF THE DEAF IN THE UNITED STATES

According to the census of 1900 there were 37,426 persons in the United

States enumerated as totally deaf;[2] and according to that of 1910

there were 43,812 enumerated as "deaf and dumb."[3] Hence we may assume

that there are between forty and fifty thousand deaf persons in the

United States forming a special class.[4]

The following table will give the number of the deaf in the several

states and the number per million of population, according to the census

of 1910.[5]

NUMBER OF THE DEAF IN THE SEVERAL STATES

NO. PER NO. PER

MILLION OF MILLION OF

NO. POPULATION NO. POPULATION

United States 43,812 476 Montana 117 311

Alabama 807 377 Nebraska 636 531

Arizona 53 259 Nevada 23 281

Arkansas 729 464 New Hampshire 191 443

California 784 329 New Jersey 667 263

Colorado 243 304 New Mexico 177 540

Connecticut 332 297 New York 4,760 522

Delaware 59 291 North Carolina 1,421 644

District of Columbia 114 344 North Dakota 239 414

Florida 216 286 Ohio 2,582 539

Georgia 956 366 Oklahoma 826 491

Idaho 114 349 Oregon 241 359

Illinois 2,641 468 Pennsylvania 3,656 477

Indiana 1,672 619 Rhode Island 208 383

Iowa 950 427 South Carolina 735 485

Kansas 934 552 South Dakota 315 539

Kentucky 1,581 690 Tennessee 1,231 563

Louisiana 774 468 Texas 1,864 478

Maine 340 458 Utah 232 621

Maryland 746 576 Vermont 126 354

Massachusetts 1,092 324 Virginia 1,120 543

Michigan 1,315 468 Washington 368 323

Minnesota 1,077 519 West Virginia 713 584

Mississippi 737 410 Wisconsin 1,251 537

Missouri 1,823 553 Wyoming 24 159

From this table the largest proportions of the deaf appear to be found

in the states rather toward the central part of the country, and the

smallest in the states in the far west and the extreme east. The highest

proportions occur in Kentucky, North Carolina, Utah, Indiana, West

Virginia, Maryland, Tennessee, Missouri, Kansas, Virginia, New Mexico,

Ohio, South Dakota, Wisconsin, Nebraska, New York, and Minnesota, all

these states having over 500 per million of population. The lowest

proportions are found in Wyoming, Arizona, New Jersey, Nevada, Florida,

Delaware, Connecticut, Colorado, Montana, Washington, Massachusetts,

California, District of Columbia, Idaho, Vermont, Oregon, Alabama, and

Rhode Island, in none of these states the number being over 400 per

million. Why there should be these differences in the respective

proportions of the deaf in the population of the several states, we

cannot say; and we are generally unable to determine to what the

variations are to be ascribed--whether they are to be set down to

particular conditions of morbidity, the intensity of congenital

deafness, or other influences operating in different sections; or,

perhaps in some measure, to the greater thoroughness with which the

census was taken in some places than in others.

AGE WHEN DEAFNESS OCCURRED

The vast majority of the deaf lost their hearing in early life, and most

of them in the tender years of infancy and childhood. More than ninety

per cent (90.6, according to the returns of the census) became deaf

before the twentieth year; nearly three-fourths (73.7 per cent) under

five; over half (52.4 per cent) under two; and over a third (35.5 per

cent) were born deaf. Deafness thus occurs in a strongly diminishing

ratio with advancing years.[6] These facts may be indicated by the

following table,[7] which shows the percentages of those who became deaf

at different ages.

THE DEAF ACCORDING TO AGE OF OCCURRENCE OF DEAFNESS

At birth 35.5

After birth and under two 16.9

Under two years 52.4

2 and under 4 17.1

4 and under 6 7.3

6 and under 8 4.5

8 and under 10 2.8

10 and under 12 1.8

12 and under 14 1.6

14 and under 16 1.3

16 and under 18 1.0

18 and under 20 0.8

Under five 73.7

5 and under 10 10.5

10 and under 15 4.0

15 and under 20 2.4

Under 20 90.6

20 and under 40 5.7

40 and under 60 2.4

60 and under 80 1.1

80 and over 0.2

ABILITY OF THE DEAF TO SPEAK

We have just seen that "dumbness" frequently follows upon deafness, or

that it is usually believed to be an effect of deafness. It is true that

with the majority of the deaf phonetic speech is not employed to any

large extent; but there is at the same time a fair number who can, and

do, use vocal language. This speech varies to a wide degree, in some

approximating normal speech, and in others being harsh and understood

with difficulty; and it depends in the main upon three conditions: 1.

the age at which deafness occurred, this being the most important

factor; 2. the extent to which the voice is cultivated; and 3. the

remaining power of the ear (which is found but seldom).[8]

Of the deaf persons enumerated in the census,[9] 21.5 per cent were

reported able to speak well; 15.8 per cent imperfectly; and 62.7 per

cent not at all. In other words, somewhat over a third of the deaf can

speak more or less, one-fifth being able to speak well, and one-sixth

imperfectly, while over three-fifths do not speak at all. The dependence

of the ability to speak upon the age of becoming deaf is clearly in

evidence here, the proportion of those not able to speak showing a

great decrease with the rise of this age. Thus, of those born deaf, 83.5

per cent cannot speak at all; of those becoming deaf after birth and

under five, 74.6 per cent; of those becoming deaf after five and under

twenty, 26.5 per cent; and of those becoming deaf after twenty, 3.4 per

cent.

Some of the deaf are able to read the lips of the speaker, or as it is

better expressed, to read speech, or to understand what is being said by

watching the motions of the mouth. This in reality is a distinct art

from the ability to speak, though popularly they are often thought to be

co-ordinate or complementary one to the other. Like the ability to

speak, it varies in wide degree, from the ability to understand simple

and easy expressions only, to the ability to follow protracted

discourse; and like the ability to speak, it is found in increasing

frequency with the rise of the age of becoming deaf. According to the

census,[10] 38.6 per cent of the deaf are able to read the lips. Of

those born deaf, 28.0 per cent have this ability; of those becoming deaf

after birth and under five, 37.1 per cent; of those becoming deaf after

five and under twenty, 64.3 per cent; and of those becoming deaf after

twenty, 43.6 per cent.[11]

MEANS OF COMMUNICATION EMPLOYED BY THE DEAF

If the larger number of the deaf do not use the speech which is used by

those who can hear, how is it that their communication is carried on?

The chief method is a certain silent tongue peculiar to the deaf, known

as the "sign language,"[12] a part of which may be said to be the manual

alphabet, or the system of finger-spelling,[13] the two usually going

hand in hand. In this way most of the deaf are enabled to communicate

with each other readily and fluently. But this language, or at least the

greater part of it, not being known to people generally, the deaf

frequently have to fall back on writing to convey their ideas in

communicating with hearing persons. This, while slow and cumbersome, is

the surest and most reliable method of all. In addition, as we have

seen, a certain number of the deaf are able to use speech, which of

course has manifold advantages. These are the several methods, then, of

communication employed by the deaf; but they are not usually employed

singly, as most of the deaf are able to use two or more. According to

the census,[14] the sign language alone or in combination with other

methods is employed by 68.2 per cent, or over two-thirds of the deaf;

finger-spelling by 52.6 per cent, or over one-half; writing by almost

the same proportion--51.9 per cent; and speech by 39.8 per cent, or some

two-fifths. It is probable, however, that the proportions employing the

sign language, finger-spelling and writing, either singly or with other

methods, are really somewhat larger. In this case, likewise, we find

that the lower the age of becoming deaf, the smaller is the proportion

of the deaf with speech, which shows again the connection of the ability

to speak with the age of the occurrence of deafness. Of those born deaf,

speech alone or in combination with other methods is used by 18.2 per

cent; of those becoming deaf after birth and under five, by 27.4 per

cent; of those becoming deaf after five and under twenty, by 75.3 per

cent; and of those becoming deaf after twenty, by 97.7 per cent.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] There are no sharply dividing lines between the different degrees of

deafness, but it is only those described that really constitute a

special class. Persons whose hearing is such as to be of use even in

some slight degree are rather to be distinguished as "hard of hearing."

[2] By this census both the partially deaf and the totally deaf were

enumerated, or 89,287 in all. The former should not have been

enumerated, the enumerators being instructed not to include those able

to hear loud conversation.

[3] For the census returns for 1900, see "Special Reports of the Census

Office. The Blind and the Deaf," 1906. This report was under the special

direction of Dr. Alexander Graham Bell, who has long been interested in

the deaf. The returns of the census for 1910 are yet to be revised,

while at the same time additional data are to be secured to be published

as a special report like that of 1906. As yet the census office has for

1910 only the actual enumeration of the deaf and dumb in the various

states, and the returns with respect to other particulars regarding them

are yet to be completed. See _Volta Review_, xiii., 1911, p. 399. Hence

in our discussions we shall, except for the number by states, deal with

the census of 1900. For a review of this census, see _American Annals of

the Deaf_, Sept., 1906, to May, 1907 (li., lii.). In a number of states

certain county officers are required from time to time to enumerate the

deaf. For a census in one state, see Bulletin of Labor of Massachusetts,

July-Aug., 1907.

[4] Included in the census of 1900 were 491 deaf-blind persons (totally

deaf), and in that of 1910, 584.

[5] From statistics kindly furnished by the Census Bureau.

[6] This is just the opposite of the case with the blind.

[7] Special Reports, 1906, p. 79. Some 2,000 cases were thrown out for

indefinite replies, leaving 35,479, upon which our percentages are

based.

[8] A somewhat frequent classification of the deaf in respect to their

power to speak is to regard them roughly as falling into three great

divisions: 1. "Deaf-mutes," who come nearest to being deaf and dumb.

They have always been deaf, and have never had natural speech. What

speech they may possess has come from special instruction, with the

result that it is more or less artificial. 2. "Semi-mutes," who are

deaf, but who have once had hearing as well as speech; and this speech

they are able to use to a greater or less degree, though in time it is

likely to become more and more astray. 3. "Semi-deaf" persons, who are

only partly deaf, and possess a little hearing, though it is too slight

to be of real practical use; and who have voices most nearly approaching

the normal. They belong somewhere between the really deaf and the hard

of hearing.

[9] Special Reports, pp. 82, 240.

[10] _Ibid._, pp. 87, 240. For 8,966 no returns were made.

[11] On the subject of lip-reading, see especially E. B. Nitchie,

"Lip-Reading: its Principles and Practice", 1912.

[12] This "sign language" is referred to at somewhat more length in

Chapter XIX.

[13] Sometimes called "the deaf and dumb alphabet".

[14] Special Reports, pp. 89, 240. For 2,365 no returns were made.

CHAPTER II

THE DEAF AS A PERMANENT ELEMENT OF THE POPULATION

INCREASE IN THE NUMBER OF THE DEAF IN RELATION TO THE INCREASE IN THE

GENERAL POPULATION

Are the deaf to be a permanent element in the constitution of the

population? Are they always to be reckoned with in the life of the state

and the regard of society? Would it not be well to inquire whether or

not deafness may be eliminated, or at least reduced to an appreciable

degree? These are questions that present themselves at the outset in a

consideration of the relation of the deaf to society, and to them we now

devote our attention.

Our first inquiry in the matter is directed to the question whether

deafness as a whole is increasing, decreasing or remaining stationary,

in relation to the general population. To determine this, we have

recourse to the census returns of the deaf in connection with those of

the general population. Unfortunately, however, comparisons of the

different censuses respecting the deaf are not altogether to be

depended upon, for the reason that they have not always been taken on

the same basis, and conclusions from them consequently have to be

accepted with qualifications. Special census returns of the deaf have

been made since 1830; but the censuses of 1830-1870 purport to be of the

deaf and dumb; the census of 1880, of the deaf who became deaf under

sixteen years of age; that of 1890, of the deaf and dumb; that of 1900,

of the totally deaf; and that of 1910, of the deaf and dumb. The results

thus obtained are in the main analogous, but there are a certain number

of cases included on one basis that would be excluded on another, and

_vice versa_.[15]

Taking the statistics as they are, we have the following table,[16]

which gives the number of the deaf as found in the several censuses,

according to the bases upon which they were made, together with the

ratio per million of population.

NUMBER OF THE DEAF ACCORDING TO THE CENSUSES OF 1830-1910

NO. PER

MILLION OF

YEAR NUMBER POPULATION

1830 (the deaf and dumb) 6,106 475

1840 (the deaf and dumb) 7,665 449

1850 (the deaf and dumb) 9,803 423

1860 (the deaf and dumb) 12,821 408

1870 (the deaf and dumb) 16,205 420

1880 (deafness occurring under sixteen) 33,878 675

1890 (the deaf and dumb) 40,592 648

1900 (the totally deaf) 37,426 492

1910 (the deaf and dumb) 43,812 476

From this table there appears to be a steady decrease in the number of

the deaf in relation to the general population from 1830 to 1860, this

latter year seeming to be the low water mark. From 1860 to 1870 there is

a slight increase, and from 1870 to 1880 a very large one, due to some

extent to the method of taking the census. From 1880 to 1890 there is a

certain decrease, though the proportion is still very high. From 1890 to

1900 there is a very considerable decrease, probably indicating a return

to true conditions; and a not negligible decrease from 1900 to 1910.

On the whole, with respect to these statistics, probably the most that

we can safely say is that deafness is at least not on the increase

relatively among the population, while there is a possibility that at

present it is decreasing. For further determinations, we shall have to

seek other means of inquiry.

THE ADVENTITIOUSLY DEAF AND THE CONGENITALLY DEAF

We may perhaps best approach the problem of deafness as an increasing or

decreasing phenomenon in the population, if we think of the deaf as

composed of two great classes: those adventitiously deaf, that is, those

who have lost their hearing by some disease or accident occurring after

birth, and those congenitally deaf, that is, those who have never had

hearing.[17] In regard to the former class, it follows that we are

largely interested in the consideration of those diseases, especially

those of childhood, which may affect the hearing, and in their

prevention or diminution we can endeavor to ascertain how far there are

possibilities of reducing the number of the deaf of this class. In the

latter case we are called upon to examine some of the great problems

involved in the study of heredity, especially in respect to the extent

that the offspring is affected by defects or abnormalities of the

parent, and to see what, if any, means are at hand to alter conditions

that bring about this form of deafness. We shall first discuss the

causes of adventitious deafness, together with the possibilities of its

prevention and the likelihood of its diminution, and then consider the

questions involved in congenital deafness.

ADVENTITIOUS DEAFNESS AND ITS CAUSES

From three-fifths to two-thirds of the cases of deafness are caused

adventitiously--by accident or disease. To accidents, however, only a

very small part are due, probably less than one-fiftieth of the entire

number.[18] Nearly all adventitious deafness results from some disease,

either as a primary disease of the auditory organs, or as a sequence or

product of some disease of the system, often one of infectious

character, the deafness thus constituting a secondary malady or ailment.

The larger portion is of the latter type, probably less than a fourth

resulting from original ear troubles.[19] In either case deafness occurs

usually in infancy or childhood, and does its harm by attacking the

middle or internal ear.

From diseases of the middle ear results over one-fourth (27.2 per cent,

according to the census) of all deafness, and from diseases of the

internal ear, one-fifth (20.7 per cent), very little (0.6 per cent)

being caused by disorders of the outer ear. Of the classified cases of

deafness, according to the census, 56.3 per cent are due to diseases

affecting the middle ear, and 42.7 per cent to diseases affecting the

internal. Of diseases of the middle ear, 72 per cent are of suppurative

character, often with inflammation or abscess, and 28 per cent

non-suppurative, or rather catarrhal in character. Of diseases of the

internal ear, 89 per cent are affections of the nerve, and 10 per cent

of the labyrinth. It is to be noted that when the affection is of the

internal ear, the result is usually total deafness.

By specified diseases, the leading causes of deafness are scarlet fever

(11.1 per cent), meningitis (9.6), brain fever (4.7), catarrh (3.6),

"disease of middle ear" (3.6), measles (2.5), typhoid fever (2.4), colds

(1.6), malarial fever (1.2), influenza (0.7), with smaller proportions

from diphtheria, pneumonia, whooping cough, la grippe, and other

diseases. A large part of deafness is seen to be due to infectious

diseases, the probabilities being that fully one-third is to be so

ascribed, with one-fifth from infectious fevers alone.

After birth and under two years of age, the chief causes of deafness are

meningitis, scarlet fever, disease of middle ear, brain fever, and

measles. From two to five scarlet fever and meningitis are far in the

lead, with many cases also from brain fever, disease of middle ear,

measles, and typhoid fever. From five to ten scarlet fever alone

outdistances all other diseases, followed in order by meningitis, brain

fever and typhoid fever. From ten to fifteen the main causes are

meningitis, scarlet fever, brain fever, and catarrh; from fifteen to

twenty catarrh and meningitis; from twenty to forty catarrh, colds and

typhoid fever; and from forty on, catarrh.

The following table[20] will show in detail the several causes of

deafness and their respective percentages.

CAUSES OF DEAFNESS

Total classified 48.5

External ear 0.6

Impacted cerumen 0.2

Foreign bodies 0.1

Miscellaneous 0.3

Middle ear 27.2

Suppurative 19.6

Scarlet fever 11.1

Disease of ear 3.6

Measles 2.5

Influenza 0.7

Other causes 1.7

Non-suppurative 7.6

Catarrh 3.6

Colds 1.6

Other causes 2.4

Internal ear 20.7

Labyrinth 1.8

Malarial fever 1.2

Other causes 0.6

Nerves 18.5

Meningitis 9.6

Brain fever 4.7

Typhoid fever 2.4

Other causes 1.8

Brain center 0.3

Miscellaneous 0.1

Unclassified 45.3

Congenital 33.7

Old age 0.3

Military service 1.0

Falls and blows 2.8

Sickness 2.7

Fever 2.0

Hereditary 0.3

Miscellaneous 2.5

Unknown 6.2

In fairly approximate agreement with the returns of the census, are the

records of the special schools for the deaf in respect to the causes of

deafness in their pupils, with information also as to the amount from

the minor diseases. The following table will give the causes by specific

diseases, as found in one school, the Pennsylvania Institution, for two

years:[21]

CAUSES OF DEAFNESS OF PUPILS IN PENNSYLVANIA INSTITUTION

1906 1907

PER CENT PER CENT

Total number 510 100.0 500 100.0

Born deaf 213 41.8 206 41.2

Scarlet fever 43 8.2 47 9.4

Meningitis 36 7.1 40 8.0

Falls 24 4.7 25 5.0

Diseases of ear and throat 13 2.6 23 4.6

Catarrh and colds 13 2.6 -- --

Measles 18 3.5 18 3.6

Brain fever 17 3.3 16 3.2

Convulsions 14 2.8 13 2.6

Abscesses 10 2.0 12 2.4

La grippe 10 2.0 7 1.4

Accidents (not stated) 9 1.8 7 1.4

Whooping cough 7 1.4 7 1.4

Typhoid fever 7 1.4 6 1.2

Diphtheria 6 1.2 6 1.2

Mumps 5 1.0 5 1.0

Paralysis 5 1.0 4 0.8

Marasmus 2 0.4 4 0.8

Pneumonia 4 0.8 2 0.4

Dentition -- -- 2 0.4

Dropsy of blood 2 0.4 -- --

Chicken pox 1 0.2 1 0.2

Poisoning 1 0.2 1 0.2

Intermittent fever 1 0.2 1 0.2

Blood clotting on brain 1 0.2 -- --

Cholera infantum 1 0.2 -- --

Gastric fever -- -- 1 0.2

Sickness (not stated) 10 2.0 8 1.6

Unknown 37 7.3 38 7.6

POSSIBLE ACTION FOR THE PREVENTION OF ADVENTITIOUS DEAFNESS

In respect to present activities for the prevention of adventitious

deafness, we find the situation very much like that of marking time.

Deafness, since the beginning of time, has largely been accepted as the

portion of a certain fraction of the race, and any serious and

determined efforts for its eradication have been considered for the

most part as of little hope.[22] With the auditory organs so securely

hidden away in the head, entrenched within the protecting temporal bone,

and with their structure so delicate and complicated, the problem may

well have been regarded a baffling one even for the best labor of

medicine and surgery. Hence it is that after deafness has once effected

lodgment in the system, a cure has not usually been regarded as within

reach, though for certain individual cases there may be medical

examination and treatment, with attempts made at relief. For deafness in

general, it has been felt that there has been little that could be done

in the way of prevention or cure beyond the preservation of the general

health and the warding off of diseases that might cause loss of hearing.

As a matter of fact, however, altogether too little attention has been

given hitherto to the possibilities of the prevention of deafness.

Without question there is much at the outset that can be accomplished

towards the prevention of those diseases that cause deafness. A large

part, perhaps fully a third, as we have seen, are due to infectious

diseases, and it is probably here that measures are likely to be most

efficacious. A considerable portion likewise are the result of diseases

affecting the passages of the nose and throat, and help should be

possible for many of these if taken in hand soon enough. In certain

diseases also, as scarlet fever, measles, typhoid fever, diphtheria, and

others, there are not a few cases which, so far as deafness as a

development is concerned, would prove amenable to skillful and

persistent treatment. At the same time due attention to primary ear

troubles would in a number of instances keep off permanent deafness.

Indeed, it is possible that some thirty or forty per cent of

adventitious deafness is preventable by present known means.[23]

Aside from direct medical treatment for those diseases that cause

deafness, there are other measures available in a program for the

prevention of deafness. One of the foremost essentials is the report to

the health authorities of all serious diseases that are liable to result

in deafness. In this way proper medical care may be secured, and due

precautions may be taken to isolate infectious cases. Even with

meningitis, which is so hard usually to deal with and which is so

severe in its ravages, there is often some concomitant trouble, and if

made notifiable in all cases deafness from it might be checked in no

inconsiderable measure. The report of births is also especially needed,

and as it becomes obligatory in general, with the consequent detection

of physical ailments or disabilities, early cases of deafness may come

increasingly to notice, and timely treatment may be availed of.

Particular attention is likewise necessary in respect to the medical

examination of school children. The proportion of such children with

impaired hearing is not slight, even though no great part of them become

totally deaf. A committee on defective eyes and ears of school children

of the National Educational Association in 1903 found that of 57,072

children examined in seven cities, 2,067, or 3.6 per cent, were

extremely defective in hearing.[24] An investigation of the school

children in New York City has disclosed the fact that one per cent have

seriously defective hearing.[25] Under proper and adequate medical

inspection of schools, not only would the need of treatment for adenoids

and similar troubles be brought to light, with the result that a number

of incipient cases might be stopped in time, but in some instances of

deafness already acquired beneficial treatment might be possible.[26]

There is thus a considerable sphere for action towards the prevention of

adventitious deafness both by legislation and by education. For the

ultimate solution of its problems, however, we have to look mainly to

the medical profession. In recent years medical science has won some

great triumphs, and in the field of the prevention of deafness no little

may be in store to be accomplished in the years to come.[27] Even now,

with more particular attention to the diseases of children, and with

stronger insistence upon general sanitary measures, the probabilities

are that there is less deafness from certain diseases than formerly--a

matter which we are soon to consider.

Though as yet there has been little direct action for the prevention of

adventitious deafness, there is an increasing concern in the matter, and

in this there is promise. By medical bodies in particular is greater

attention being given to the subject,[28] and in the widening

recognition of their part as guardians of the public health it may be

possible for them to do much for the enlightenment of the public. In one

state legislative action has been taken expressly for the protection of

the hearing of school children. This is Massachusetts, which requires

the examination of the eyes and ears of the school children in every

town and city, the state board of education furnishing the tests.[29] In

some states also general inspection of schools is mandatory by statute,

and in others permissive, while in several there are local ordinances

with the force of a state law.

In combating adventitious deafness, then, our attack is to be directed

in the largest part upon those diseases, especially infantile and

infectious diseases, that cause deafness; and it is upon the checking of

their spread that our main efforts for the present have to be

concentrated. At the same time the better safe-guarding of the general

health of the community will insure a proportionate diminution of

deafness. Beyond this, we will have to wait upon the developments of

medical science, both in the study of the prevention of diseases and of

their treatment; and can trust only to what it may offer.[30]

ADVENTITIOUS DEAFNESS AS AN INCREASING OR DECREASING PHENOMENON

Our main interest in the problem of adventitious deafness lies in the

possible discovery whether or not it is relatively increasing or

decreasing among the population, and in what respects signs appear of a

diminution. We have just seen the likelihood of a decrease from certain

causes; but we are to find what is indicated by statistical evidence.

To be considered first is adventitious deafness as a whole. Respecting

it our only statistics are in the returns of the censuses since 1880,

the different forms of deafness not being distinguished before this

time. The following table will show the number of the adventitiously

deaf as reported by the censuses of 1880, 1890 and 1900, with their

respective percentages and ratios per million of population.[31]

NUMBER OF THE ADVENTITIOUSLY DEAF IN 1880, 1890 AND 1900

TOTAL ADVENTITIOUSLY PERCENTAGE RATIO

NUMBER DEAF PER MILLION OF

POPULATION

1880 33,878 10,187 30.1 20.3

1890 40,562 16,767 41.1 26.8

1900 37,426 18,164 48.4 23.9

From this it appears that adventitious deafness is increasing in

relation to total deafness, which is most likely the case, as congenital

deafness, as we shall see, is evidently decreasing. Whether or not

adventitious deafness is increasing in respect to the general

population, the table does not disclose definitely. The statistics

probably are not full enough to afford any real indication yet.

Our next inquiry is in respect to the increase or decrease of

adventitious deafness from the several diseases individually, which is,

upon the whole, the more satisfactory test. Here also, unfortunately,

our statistics are very limited, and our findings will have to fall much

short of what could be desired.

The following table, based on the returns of the censuses of 1880, 1890

and 1900, so far as the approximate identity of the several diseases can

be established, will give the respective percentages found.[32]

CAUSES OF ADVENTITIOUS DEAFNESS IN 1880, 1890 AND 1900

1880 1890 1900

Scarlet fever 7.9 11.8 11.1

Meningitis 8.4 7.8 9.6

Catarrh and catarrhal fevers 0.9 3.3 3.6[33]

Diphtheria 0.2 0.5 --[34]

Abscess and inflammation 1.0 2.5 --[35]

Measles 1.3 2.5 2.5

Whooping cough 0.5 0.8 --[34]

Malarial and typhoid fevers 1.7 1.8 3.6

Other fevers 1.1 -- 2.0

In this table the most noticeable thing is perhaps the persistency with

which we find most of the diseases to recur, with apparently no great

change, while in certain ones, as catarrh and malarial and typhoid

fevers, there seems to be rather an increase. It would be best, however,

not to place very great confidence in these figures, but, so far as the

census reports are concerned, to wait for more precise and uniform

statistics.

We have, further, the statistics published in the reports of certain

schools for the deaf. While these are perhaps not of sufficient extent

to warrant full conclusions, they may be regarded as quite

representative;[36] and though to be taken with something of the caution

as the census figures, they may serve to throw some light upon the

situation. Comparison of the proportions of pupils deaf from the several

diseases at different times may be made in two ways: by finding the

respective proportions over a series of successive years from a certain

time back down to the present, and by contrasting the proportions in two

widely separated periods, one in the present and one in the past. These

will be taken up in order.

The following tables give the percentages of cases of deafness in pupils

from the important diseases as found in six schools in successive years:

in the New York Institution in the total annual attendance from 1899 to

1912; in the Michigan School in the total biennial attendance from 1883

to 1912; in the Pennsylvania Institution in the number of new pupils

admitted quadriennially from 1843 to 1912; in the Western Pennsylvania

Institution in the number admitted biennially from 1887 to 1912; in the

Maryland School in the number admitted biennially from 1884 to 1911; and

in the Wisconsin School in the number admitted biennially from 1880 to

1908.

I. CAUSES OF DEAFNESS IN NEW YORK INSTITUTION FROM 1899 TO 1912

|1899|1900|1901|1902|1903|1904|1905|1906|1907|1908|1909

+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----

Total Number | 466| 476| 481| 477| 464| 503| 508| 510| 543| 555| 565

+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----

Congenital |36.0|27.1|26.8|40.9|36.2|41.1|46.2|31.8|33.3|34.4|34.9

Scarlet Fever |11.4|10.1| 8.9| 7.1| 6.5| 6.9| 6.5| 4.9| 5.3| 5.0| 5.7

Meningitis | 9.5| 9.4| 7.7| 7.9| 7.8| 7.9|11.0|12.2|16.8|18.6|17.7

Brain Trouble |10.1| 9.2| 8.3| 8.1| 7.2| 5.9| 5.9| 7.1| 9.0| 8.3| 8.7

Falls | 9.0| 7.2| 5.4| 4.5| 3.9| 4.2| 3.8| 5.2| 5.9| 6.1| 6.0

Measles | 5.1| 3.8| 3.8| 2.1| 3.9| 4.5| 4.1| 4.1| 4.8| 4.7| 4.4

Typhoid Fever | 3.7| 2.3| 1.6| 1.0| 0.9| 1.2| 1.0| 1.0| 1.3| 1.3| 1.2

Convulsions | 3.2| 4.4| 3.2| 2.9| 2.6| 0.2| 1.8| 1.8| 1.9| 1.5| 1.9

Various Fevers | 2.5| 1.5| 1.4| 1.0| 1.7| 1.6| 1.6| 1.6| 1.5| 1.3| 0.7

Catarrh | 2.3| 2.1| 1.9| 1.8| 1.6| 1.2| 1.0| 2.0| 1.9| 1.9| 1.4

Diphtheria | 1.9| 1.7| 1.9| 1.0| 0.9| 0.4| 0.6| 0.8| 0.9| 0.9| 0.7

Pneumonia | 1.5| 0.8| 0.8| 0.6| 1.1| 0.2| 1.0| 1.1| 1.1| 0.9| 1.1

Whooping Cough | 1.7| -- | 1.6| 1.2| 1.1| 1.0| 0.8| 0.6| 0.9| 0.9| 0.5

and Unknown | 2.1|20.4|26.7|19.8|18.6|23.7|14.7|25.9|15.4|14.2|15.1

1910|1911|1912|

----+----+----+

Total Number 570| 546| 518|

----+----+----+

Congenital 32.8|34.6|36.6|

Scarlet Fever 6.1| 5.7| 5.0|

Meningitis 17.9|19.0|19.7|

Brain Trouble 8.3| 8.0| 8.9|

Falls 5.1| 5.5| 5.6|

Measles 4.6| 0.2| 0.7|

Typhoid Fever 1.1| 0.9| 0.5|

Convulsions 1.9| 2.0| 2.1|

Various Fevers 0.5| 0.5| 0.7|

Catarrh 0.8| 1.0| 0.5|

Diphtheria 0.7| 0.7| 0.5|

Pneumonia 1.1| 0.7| 0.5|

Whooping Cough 0.5| 0.5| 0.2|

Miscellaneous | | |

and Unknown 18.6|20.7|18.5|

II. CAUSES OF DEAFNESS IN MICHIGAN SCHOOL FROM 1883 TO 1912

|1883|1885|1887|1889|1891|1893|1895|1897|1899|1901|1903

|1884|1886|1888|1890|1892|1894|1896|1898|1900|1902|1904

+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----

Total Number | 302| 336| 342| 350| 343| 365| 428| 412| 441| 447| 451

+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----

Congenital | 7.0|18.8|23.1|26.3|24.2|26.3|25.2|30.3|28.8|31.5|32.8

Meningitis |28.8|28.1|23.1|23.1|21.3|15.8|15.6|14.5|10.2| 9.2| 4.6

Scarlet Fever |12.2|11.8|12.3|11.2| 9.0| 9.6| 9.5| 9.7| 9.5| 9.3| 7.6

Brain Fever | 6.2| 6.5| 4.8| 3.7| 5.2| 6.9| 6.6| 6.3| 5.4| 3.8| 3.8

Typhoid Fever | 4.6| 3.6| 4.1| 4.3| 4.7| 1.9| 1.8| 1.4| 2.5| 2.2| 1.3

Measles | 3.6| 4.1| 3.9| 2.9| 2.6| 1.4| 0.8| 1.9| 3.2| 3.1| 2.9

Diphtheria | 0.6| -- | -- | 0.3| 0.3| 0.3| 0.2| 0.2| 0.4| 0.2| 0.4

Catarrh | 0.6| 0.6| 0.9| 0.8| 0.9| 1.1| 1.9| -- | 2.9| 3.5| 3.3

Various Fevers | 2.9| 1.5| 2.0| 2.6| 3.0| 4.4| 4.4| 1.7| 2.9| 2.9| 3.3

Whooping Cough | 1.3| 1.2| 1.5| 1.5| 1.5| 3.0| 3.8| 3.6| 2.7| 2.5| 3.1

Pneumonia | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | 0.2| 0.2| 0.4

La grippe | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | 0.9| 1.1| 1.6

and Unknown |32.2|23.8|24.3|23.3|27.3|29.3|30.2|30.4|30.4|31.5|34.9

1905|1907|1909|1911|

1906|1908|1910|1912|

----+----+----+----+

Total Number 404| 361| 354| 353|

----+----+----+----+

Congenital 36.6|35.7|35.0|31.2|

Meningitis 8.6| 9.5| 8.8| 8.2|

Scarlet Fever 6.9| 5.8| 3.6| 4.5|

Brain Fever 2.7| 2.5| 2.3| 1.0|

Typhoid Fever 1.0| 1.4| 1.5| 1.7|

Measles 2.9| 4.1| 3.4| 3.1|

Diphtheria 0.5| 0.2| 0.3| 0.3|

Catarrh 2.8| 1.9| 2.5| 0.8|

Various Fevers 2.5| 0.5| 2.0| 1.4|

Whooping Cough 3.4| 4.4| 4.8| 5.1|

Pneumonia -- | 0.7| 0.6| 0.8|

La grippe 1.5| 3.0| 2.3| -- |

Miscellaneous | | | |

and Unknown 30.6|30.3|32.9|41.9|

III. CAUSES OF DEAFNESS IN PENNSYLVANIA INSTITUTION FROM 1843 TO 1912

|1843|1847|1851|1855|1859|1863|1867|1871|1875|1879|1883

|1846|1850|1854|1858|1862|1866|1870|1874|1878|1882|1886

+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----

Total Number | 90| 111| 125| 143| 167| 152| 150| 178| 282| 233| 261

+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----

Congenital |54.4|58.5|56.0|46.8|53.3|48.4|40.0|42.1|31.2|24.4|34.1

Scarlet Fever |13.3|18.0|12.8|16.8| 9.6|19.7|16.0|18.6|18.1|13.7|14.9

Meningitis | -- | -- | 0.8| -- | -- | 2.0| 1.3| 9.6|18.1|25.7|16.4

Measles | 1.1| 2.7| 1.6| 2.8| 2.4| 3.3| 4.0| 1.1| 1.7| 2.6| 1.9

Whooping Cough | 2.2| 0.9| 0.8| 0.7| 1.2| 0.7| 1.3| 0.6| 0.3| 0.8| --

Catarrh | -- | 0.9| -- | -- | -- | -- | 0.7| 0.6| 2.1| -- | --

Brain Fever | -- | -- | 2.8| 2.1| -- | 6.0| 4.7| -- | -- | -- | 0.8

Typhoid Fever | -- | -- | -- | 1.4| 0.6| 0.7| 2.6| 2.7| 2.1| 2.6| 3.4

Diphtheria | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | 0.7| -- | -- | -- | --

Pneumonia | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | --

La grippe | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | --

Mis. and Unknown |29.0|19.2|25.2|29.4|32.9|19.2|28.7|24.7|26.3|30.2|28.5

1887|1891|1895|1899|1903|1907|1911|

1890|1894|1898|1902|1906|1910|1912|

----+----+----+----+----+----+----+

Total Number 207| 248| 250| 239| 240| 282| 152|

----+----+----+----+----+----+----+

Congenital 47.3|46.8|41.6|32.2|35.8|33.7|34.2|

Scarlet Fever 14.0|14.1|11.2| 6.3|10.4| 3.9| 5.2|

Meningitis 5.8| 5.6| 7.6| 8.4| 7.1|17.4|15.1|

Measles 3.9| 3.2| 4.4| 4.6| 4.5| 3.5| 3.9|

Whooping Cough 0.5| 0.4| 0.8| 1.7| 0.7| 2.9| 1.3|

Catarrh 3.9| 4.8| 6.8| 4.2| 1.2| 2.5| 1.3|

Brain Fever 2.9| 5.2| 4.0| 3.4| 1.7| 2.9| 2.6|

Typhoid Fever 2.9| 3.6| -- | 2.5| 0.7| 3.9| 1.3|

Diphtheria 0.5| 1.6| 2.0| 0.8| 2.5| 1.2| 2.0|

Pneumonia 0.5| -- | -- | 0.8| 0.4| 1.2| 4.8|

La grippe -- | 0.4| -- | 2.1| 1.2| 0.3| -- |

Mis. and Unknown 17.8|14.3|21.6|33.0|33.8|26.6|28.3|

IV. CAUSES OF DEAFNESS IN WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA INSTITUTION FROM 1887 TO

1912

|1887|1889|1891|1893|1895|1897|1899|1901|1903|1905|1907

|1888|1890|1892|1894|1896|1898|1900|1902|1904|1906|1908

+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----

Total Number | 61| 56| 58| 58| 49| 40| 50| 41| 110| 59| 73

+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----

Congenital |24.6|14.3|20.7|32.8|46.9|40.6|40.0|31.9|38.2|25.4|30.1

Scarlet Fever | 9.8|21.4| 8.6|10.4|10.2| 5.0| 6.0|12.2| 8.3|11.8| 8.2

Meningitis |16.5|14.5|13.8|10.4|10.2|20.0|14.0|17.1| 7.2|10.2|13.7

Measles | 4.9| 1.9| 5.2|10.4| 4.0| -- | 2.0| 2.4| 7.2| 1.9| 8.2

Catarrh | 3.2| -- | 7.6| 1.9| 2.0| 5.0| 2.0| 9.6| 2.7| 3.8| 4.1

Brain Fever | 6.5| 5.4| 1.9| 1.9| -- | 2.5| -- | 4.8| 2.7| 5.1| 2.8

Typhoid Fever | -- | 1.9| 5.2| -- | 6.0| 2.5| -- | -- | 1.8| 1.9| 4.1

Whooping Cough | 1.6| -- | 1.9| -- | 2.0| -- | 6.0| 2.4| 1.8| 1.9| 2.8

Diphtheria | 1.6| -- | 1.9| -- | -- | -- | 4.0| 2.4| 1.8| -- | 1.4

La grippe | -- | -- | -- | -- | 2.0| -- | 2.0| -- | -- | 1.9| --

Pneumonia | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | 2.5| 2.0| -- | -- | 1.9| 1.4

and Unknown |31.3|30.6|33.2|32.2|16.7|22.5|22.0|17.2|28.3|34.2|23.2

1909|1911|

1910|1912|

----+----+

Total Number 71| 73|

----+----+

Congenital 40.9|36.5|

Scarlet Fever 11.3|12.7|

Meningitis 14.1| 9.6|

Measles 2.8| 6.8|

Catarrh 2.8| 1.8|

Brain Fever 1.4| 4.1|

Typhoid Fever 2.8| -- |

Whooping Cough -- | 1.8|

Diphtheria 1.4| 1.8|

La grippe -- | -- |

Pneumonia -- | -- |

Miscellaneous | |

and Unknown 22.5|24.9|

V. CAUSES OF DEAFNESS IN MARYLAND SCHOOL FROM 1884 TO 1911

|1884|1886|1888|1890|1892|1894|1896|1898|1900|1902|1904

|1885|1887|1889|1891|1893|1895|1897|1899|1901|1903|1905

+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----

Total Number | 28| 27| 25| 25| 29| 30| 30| 39| 29| 30| 28

+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----

Congenital |46.4|62.9|44.4|36.0|37.9|43.3|43.3|61.5|44.8|43.3|57.1

Meningitis |10.7|11.1| 8.0|12.0|10.3|10.6| 6.7| 2.6|14.0| 3.3| 3.6

Scarlet Fever |10.7| 7.4|12.0|16.0| -- | -- | 6.7| 5.2| 3.5|10.0| 7.2

Measles | 3.6| -- | -- | -- | 3.5| 3.3| 6.7| -- | 3.5| 3.3| --

Diphtheria | -- | -- | -- | -- | 3.5| 3.3| 3.3| 2.6| -- | 3.3| 3.6

Catarrh | -- | -- | -- | -- | 3.5| 3.3| 3.3| 5.2| 3.5| -- | --

Typhoid Fever | -- | -- | 4.0| -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | 6.7| --

Whooping Cough | 3.6| -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | 3.5| -- | --

Pneumonia | 3.6| -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | 7.0| -- | 3.6

Brain Fever | 7.2| -- | 4.0| 8.0| 3.5| 3.3| -- | -- | 7.0| 3.3| --

Various Fevers | -- | -- | 4.0| 8.0| 3.5| -- | -- | 2.6| -- | 3.3| 3.6

and Unknown |14.2|18.6|23.6|20.0|34.3|32.9|28.1|22.0|16.7|23.5|21.3

1906|1908| 1910|

1907|1909| 1911|

----+----+-------+

Total Number 41| 32|135[37]|

----+----+-------+

Congenital 53.7|34.4| 51.8|

Meningitis 2.4|12.2| 8.1|

Scarlet Fever 9.6| 3.1| 1.4|

Measles -- | 3.3| 2.2|

Diphtheria -- | -- | 0.7|

Catarrh -- | -- | -- |

Typhoid Fever 2.4| 3.1| 2.2|

Whooping Cough -- | 3.1| 1.4|

Pneumonia 2.4| 3.1| 2.2|

Brain Fever 4.8| -- | 2.9|

Various Fevers 4.8| -- | 2.2|

Miscellaneous | | |

and Unknown 19.9|37.7| 24.1|

VI. CAUSES OF DEAFNESS IN WISCONSIN SCHOOL FROM 1879 TO 1908

|1879|1881| 1883 |1885|1887|1889|1891|1893|1895|1897

|1880|1882| 1884 |1886|1888|1890|1892|1894|1896|1898

+----+----+-------+----+----+----+----+----+----+----

Total Number | 36| 66|231[37]| 56| 67| 50| 44| 72| 64| 72

+----+----+-------+----+----+----+----+----+----+----

Congenital |14.3|31.8| 35.1|35.7|49.3|38.0|50.0|40.3|53.1|52.7

Meningitis |27.7|33.3| 37.7|33.9|28.3|32.0|15.9|12.5|31.2|19.4

Scarlet Fever |14.3| 6.0| 12.5| -- | 8.9|12.0|20.4|11.1| 4.7| 6.9

Measles |12.8| 3.0| 1.5| -- | 2.9| -- | 2.3| 4.1| 3.1| --

Typhoid Fever | -- | 6.0| 7.4| 1.8| -- | 2.0| 2.3| -- | 1.6| --

Whooping Cough | -- | -- | 1.3| 1.8| 1.5| -- | -- | -- | -- | 1.4

Diphtheria | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | 2.0| 4.6| -- | -- | 1.4

Catarrh | -- | -- | 1.3| -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | 1.6| 5.5

Brain Fever | -- | -- | -- | -- | 2.9| -- | -- |11.1| -- | --

and Unknown |30.9|19.9| 3.2|26.8| 6.2|14.0| 4.5|20.9| 4.7|12.7

1899|1901|1903|1905|1907|

1900|1902|1904|1906|1908|

----+----+----+----+----+

Total Number 62| 33| 33| 63| 70|

----+----+----+----+----+

Congenital 64.3|33.3|48.4|34.9|40.0|

Meningitis 16.1| 9.1| 3.0| 6.3| 5.7|

Scarlet Fever 4.7| 6.1| -- | 9.5| 8.6|

Measles -- | 3.0| 3.6| 1.6| 4.3|

Typhoid Fever 3.2| 6.1| -- | 3.2| 1.4|

Whooping Cough -- | -- | -- | 1.6| 2.8|

Diphtheria 1.6| -- | -- | 3.2| 1.4|

Catarrh 1.6| 3.0| 9.1| 3.2| 2.8|

Brain Fever -- | 6.1| 3.6| 4.8| 4.3|

and Unknown 8.5|33.3|31.3|31.7|28.7|

We may take these tables together to see how the proportions of deafness

from the leading diseases have changed in the course of the several

periods indicated, proper allowance being made for the shorter length of

time covered in some schools than in others. In respect to scarlet

fever, one of the two foremost causes, we find in the New York

Institution, the Michigan School and the Maryland School, a distinct and

steady decline; in the Pennsylvania Institution a decline of late years,

which is especially significant in view of the extended period covered

by it; and in the Western Pennsylvania and the Wisconsin School little

change, though in the latter there is less than at the beginning. In

meningitis, on the other hand, the second of the two most important

causes, a marked increase is seen in the Pennsylvania Institution for

the entire period, while in the New York a sharp increase is found in

the time designated, this being all the more noticeable because of the

large proportion already attributed here to convulsions, often a trouble

of kindred origin. In the Western Pennsylvania Institution and the

Maryland School little change is observed, though in the latter some

decline is apparent in the later years. In the Wisconsin and Michigan

schools a very strong decline is seen. On somewhat the same order as

meningitis is brain fever. It, however, shows little change on the

whole, though in the Michigan and Maryland schools and the New York

Institution some decline is evident. Of the remaining diseases none

plays singly a large part in the causation of deafness, and in most of

them the results are similar. Measles, typhoid fever, diphtheria,

pneumonia, and whooping cough show, with some fluctuations at times,

little change on the whole, beyond certain local differences. In the New

York Institution a decline is reported in nearly all. In the

Pennsylvania Institution a rather larger proportion for measles is seen

in later than in earlier years. In the Michigan School an increase seems

to be the case with whooping cough, but a decrease with typhoid fever.

In catarrh the results are not so uniform. In the New York and

Pennsylvania institutions a decline is manifest, though in the latter a

larger proportion is reported than at the beginning. In the Michigan and

Wisconsin schools rather an increase is noted. La grippe is only

reported occasionally of late years, and its real effects cannot yet be

ascertained. With respect to general fevers, their classification is

found to be so varying that little can be determined.

We now proceed to make comparison of the proportions of deafness from

the principal diseases in a series of years some time past with similar

proportions in recent years. The following tables give the several

proportions in the American School (Connecticut) in the entire

attendance from 1817 to 1844 and from 1817 to 1857, and in the new

admissions from 1901 to 1913; in the Ohio School in the entire

attendance from 1829 to 1872, and in the average annual attendance in

1904, 1905, 1906, and 1911; in the Iowa School in the entire attendance

from 1855 to 1870 and from 1855 to 1912; and in the New York Institution

in the entire attendance from 1818 to 1853 and in the average annual

attendance from 1899 to 1912.[38]

I. CAUSES OF DEAFNESS IN AMERICAN SCHOOL FROM 1817 TO 1844, FROM 1817 TO

1857, AND FROM 1901 TO 1913.

PERIOD |TOTAL NUMBER

| |CONGENITAL

| | |SCARLET FEVER

| | | |MENINGITIS

---------+----+----+----+-----+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+--------

1817-1844| 761|44.8| 5.7| 6.1| --|1.6|1.6|6.7| --| --| --| --| 33.5

1817-1857|1081|50.1| 9.2| 4.6| --|1.8|1.3|5.3| --| --| --| --| 27.7

1901-1913| 310|35.2| 7.7| 11.3|3.2|1.3|1.3|1.9|5.8|0.6|1.3|1.0| 29.4

II. CAUSES OF DEAFNESS IN OHIO SCHOOL FROM 1829 TO 1872 AND FROM 1904 TO

1911.

PERIOD |TOTAL NUMBER

| |CONGENITAL

| | |SCARLET FEVER

| | | |MENINGITIS

---------+----+----+----+-----+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+--------

1829-1872|1252|33.8|10.3| 3.0|1.8|3.2|1.7|4.6|5.7| --|0.3| --| 35.6

1904-1911| --|38.9| 5.0| 9.2|1.4|2.8|1.7|1.1|5.3|0.5|0.5|3.5| 30.1

III. CAUSES OF DEAFNESS IN IOWA SCHOOL FROM 1855 TO 1870 AND FROM 1855

TO 1912.

PERIOD |TOTAL NUMBER

| |CONGENITAL

| | |SCARLET FEVER

| | | |MENINGITIS

---------+----+----+----+-----+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+--------

1855-1870| 245|87.2|13.4| 3.3|1.6|2.0|1.3|6.1|1.3| --| --| --| 33.8

1855-1912|1672|26.9|10.3| 14.9|1.7|2.2|1.7|0.1|7.0|0.3|0.8|1.7| 32.4

IV. CAUSES OF DEAFNESS IN NEW YORK INSTITUTION FROM 1818 TO 1853 AND

FROM 1899 TO 1912.

PERIOD |TOTAL NUMBER

| |CONGENITAL

| | |SCARLET FEVER

| | | |MENINGITIS

---------+----+----+----+------+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+--------

1818-1853|1148|42.9| 7.2|--[39]| --|1.9|0.7|1.6| --| --| --| --| 45.7

1899-1912| --|38.0| 6.8| 13.1|1.3|3.4|0.8|1.3|8.1|0.9|0.9|1.7| 23.7

Taking these tables also collectively, we find in respect to scarlet

fever a decline in all the schools, this being especially pronounced in

the case of the Ohio. In meningitis, however, there is an increase so

heavy as to call in question the accuracy of the earlier records; and it

is possible that it failed to be entirely recognized then. In most of

the other diseases, as in the previous case, no very great change is

perceptible. In general fevers a decline is apparent in all, in most

being considerable; and probably several diseases were formerly included

which are now listed separately. In measles rather a decline is found in

the American and Ohio schools, but a slight increase in the Iowa, and a

somewhat larger one in the New York Institution. In typhoid fever there

is a slight increase also in the Iowa School, but a decrease in the

Ohio. In brain fever a considerable increase is observed in the Iowa

School, but a slight decrease likewise in the Ohio. In whooping cough

there is an increase in the New York Institution and the Iowa School,

but a decrease in the American. Such diseases as pneumonia, diphtheria

and catarrh seem not usually to have been separately classified in the

past, though in the Ohio School we find diphtheria noted, and with

somewhat smaller proportions than in later years; while in several of

the schools we find "colds" given in former times, which may have been

in part really catarrh.

Combining now the results of our two groups of tables, we may be able to

reach some conclusions with respect to the increase or decrease of

deafness from certain diseases, though on the whole far less definite

than we could wish. In the first place, it seems safe to affirm that

deafness from scarlet fever is becoming relatively less with the years;

and it is possible that if it continues its present rate of decline, it

will in time cease to be one of the main causes of deafness. On the

other hand, meningitis, its great companion in evil, shows a striking

increase in comparison with past years, as a cause of adventitious

deafness; while its accretion may be traced as well in a series of

recent years in certain schools, though not in others. But how far there

is an absolute increase in meningitis over the past, and whether it is

tending at present actually to increase, may be a matter for question.

In view of the possibility that the disease was not sufficiently

accounted for in the past, and in the absence of any knowledge to

indicate a reason for its less prevalence in earlier years, at least not

to the extent indicated by the statistics, it may be that its increase

is, after all, more apparent than real. The fact, moreover, that in the

series of recent years a marked increase is found in some schools, but

a marked decline in others, may perhaps be taken to mean that at present

meningitis may be on the increase only in certain sections, depending

possibly on local conditions. With the greater medical skill of to-day,

and with a larger proportion of children in the schools, it may be open

to considerable doubt if the movement of this disease is really one of

increase, though it seems that we are on the whole making no great

headway against it.

As to the minor diseases causing deafness, our statistics do not

indicate just to what extent and in what direction deafness from them is

being affected, and no precise conclusions can at present be set down.

It is probable, however, that with the increased attention to children's

diseases, as we have noted, there is really less deafness from most of

them than formerly.[40]

THE CONGENITALLY DEAF

When we come to consider the question of congenital deafness, which

comprises a little over a third of the total amount of deafness, we have

an even more difficult problem on our hands, for here we are to deal

with some of the great questions of heredity--though hereditary deafness

and congenital deafness are not altogether one and the same thing.[41]

For the purposes of our inquiry, let us think of the congenitally deaf

as divided into three great classes in respect to their family

relations: 1. the offspring of parents who were cousins; 2. the

offspring of parents who were themselves deaf or members of families in

which there are other deaf relatives; and 3. the product of families

without either consanguinity or antecedent deafness. Of these three

classes the first two only will engage our attention. Of the last,

comprising, according to the census, nine-twentieths, or 44.4 per cent,

of the congenitally deaf, there is not much that we can say. For a great

part of it there no doubt exists in the parent, or perhaps in a more

remote ancestor, some abnormal strain, physical or mental, in the nature

of disease or other defect. But in respect to such deafness we have too

little in the way of statistical data to help us arrive at any real

determination; and for it as a whole we shall have to wait till we have

greater knowledge of eugenics and the laws of heredity.[42]

THE OFFSPRING OF CONSANGUINEOUS MARRIAGES

Not all the deaf born of consanguineous marriages are congenitally deaf,

but as the majority are so, and as the fact of the parents being blood

relatives is assumed to have at least a contributing influence in the

result, we may consider the matter in this place. It is in fact closely

connected with the question of deaf relatives in general.

In the census investigations,[43] of the number who answered on this

point, 2,525, or 7.4 per cent, have parents who were cousins. Of these

cases, deafness occurred in 87 per cent before the fifth year of age,

and in 60 per cent at birth. Of all the deaf born without hearing, 13.5

per cent are the offspring of consanguineous marriages. The proportion

of those born deaf is thus nearly twice as great when the parents are

cousins as it is among the whole class of the congenitally deaf; and the

proportion is also nearly twice as great of the offspring of

consanguineous marriages among the congenitally deaf as the proportion

of the deaf from such marriages among the total number of the deaf.

Moreover, 55.0 per cent of the offspring of cousin-marriages have deaf

relatives of some kind, and of the congenitally deaf from

cousin-marriages, 65.6 per cent have deaf relatives; while the

respective proportions when the parents are not cousins are 25.5 per

cent and 40.7 per cent--in the one case less than half, and in the other

two-thirds, as great.

Further statistics bear out the findings of the census. Dr. E. A. Fay in

his "Marriages of the Deaf"[44]--a work we are soon to notice--finds

that, though consanguineous marriages form only about one per cent of

the total number considered, 30.0 per cent of the children of deaf

parents who are cousins are deaf, and that 45.1 per cent of such

marriages result in deaf offspring; but that when the parents are not

cousins, the respective proportions are 8.3 per cent and 9.3 per

cent--only about a fourth and a fifth as great. In the Colorado School,

out of 567 pupils in attendance from the beginning to 1912, in 17, or 3

per cent, the parents were related before marriage. In the Kentucky

School, out of 83 pupils admitted in 1910 and 1911, 18, or 19.3 per

cent, and out of 42 admitted in 1912 and 1913, 8, or 19 per cent, were

the offspring of parents who were cousins. In the Iowa School, out of 62

admissions in 1911 and 1912, 4, or 6.5 per cent, and in the Maryland

School, out of a total attendance in 1911 of 135, 13, or 9.2 per cent,

had parents who were cousins.[45]

Consanguineous marriages, so far as the effect on deafness is concerned,

are not of relatively frequent occurrence. But where they do take place,

there is found a decided connection between them and deafness, the

increased tendency thus to transmit a physical abnormality being plain.

How far, however, if at all, such deafness is to be directly ascribed to

consanguineous marriages, is a matter for question. The main

consideration seems to be that in such marriages the chances are at

least doubled of the offspring acquiring the characteristics of the

parents; and that in them the liability is thus proportionately enhanced

of transmitting deafness.[46]

THE DEAF HAVING DEAF RELATIVES

We are now to examine what traces there may be of deafness in a family

by noting what proportion of the deaf have deaf relatives, and are to

attempt to see what may be its bearings upon the question of heredity.

In the census investigations,[47] we find that out of 34,780 deaf

persons who answered, there are 10,033, or 28.8 per cent, who have deaf

relatives of some kind, direct or collateral, 8,170, or 23.5 per cent,

having deaf brothers, sisters or ancestors. In all of these we can

without difficulty discover the influence of heredity. In the

congenitally deaf the trace of a physical defect is even more clearly

indicated. Of these 40.1 per cent have deaf brothers, sisters or

ancestors, and 46.2 per cent have also deaf uncles, cousins, etc.[48]

It is thus evident that there are certain families in society deeply

tinged with deafness, that it sometimes passes from parent to child,

from generation to generation, and that like a cloud it hangs over a

section of the race.

THE OFFSPRING OF DEAF PARENTS

All this argument leads up to one most pertinent question: Are the

statistics which we have indicative that this deafness which passes so

remorselessly in certain families will be found all the stronger in the

children of deaf parents? Have we ground to believe or fear that this

deafness will crop out far more surely than in the children of parents

not deaf? And can we determine to what extent possibilities are

increased of the offspring of deaf parents being likewise deaf?

Let us now consider the statistics which we have in this matter, first

examining the results of the census investigation.[49] Of the 8,022

married deaf persons for whom statements are made, we find that there

are 190 who have deaf offspring, or 2.4 per cent. Of the 4,116 deaf

persons who are married to deaf persons, 137 have deaf children, or 3.3

per cent; and of the 3,906 deaf persons married to hearing persons, 53

have deaf children, or 1.4 per cent. Of the married deaf having deaf

children, 52.5 per cent have deaf relatives of some kind, and 54.7 per

cent are congenitally deaf, the proportion of those having deaf

relatives who are also congenitally deaf being 66.7 per cent. Of the

deaf married to hearing partners, who have deaf children, 26.4 per cent

are congenitally deaf, while 50.9 per cent of the partners in such

marriages have deaf relatives of some kind.

From the census statistics, then, it appears that the married deaf as a

class do not have a large proportion of deaf children, and that this

proportion is only a little more than twice as great when the deaf are

married to the deaf as when they are married to the hearing. It appears

also, however, that when there are deaf relatives involved in either

kind of marriages, or when there is congenital deafness in the deaf

parent, the effect is quite marked in the offspring.

Besides the census returns, we have the statistics presented in the

reports of certain schools, which are found to point, as far as they go,

to the same conclusions. In the Kentucky School, out of 83 pupils

admitted in 1910 and 1911, there were none the children of deaf parents,

though 35, or 30.1 per cent, had deaf relatives; and out of 42 admitted

in 1912 and 1913, there were 2, or 4.8 per cent, the children of deaf

parents, and 12, or 28.8 per cent, with deaf relatives. In the Iowa

School, out of 62 admissions in 1911 and 1912, 4, or 6.5 per cent, had

deaf parents, and 21, or 33.9 per cent, "defective" relatives. In the

Michigan School, with an annual enrollment of some three hundred, there

were from 1903 to 1908 but three children of deaf parents.[50] In the

Colorado School, out of a total attendance since its founding to 1912 of

567, 3, or 0.57 per cent, were the children of deaf parents, though 83,

or 14.6 per cent, had deaf relatives. In the Missouri School, out of a

similar attendance to 1912 of 2,174 there were 52, or 2.4 per cent, with

deaf parents, though there were 235, or 10.8 per cent, with deaf

relatives.[51]

The most exhaustive study of the question of the liability of the deaf

to deaf offspring is that of Dr. E. A. Fay in his "Marriages of the

Deaf"--covering the majority of the marriages of the deaf in America at

the time it was made (1898).[52] Statistical information is presented

for 7,227 deaf persons and for 3,078 marriages with either deaf or

hearing partners.[53] In the following table are summarized the results

of this investigation.[54]

MARRIAGES OF DEAF PERSONS

NUMBER OF NUMBER OF

MARRIAGES CHILDREN

---------------------------------+------+---------+-----+------+----+-----

---------------------------------+------+---------+-----+------+----+-----

One or both deaf | 3,078| 300| 9.7| 6,782| 588| 8.6

| | | | | |

Both deaf | 2,377| 220| 9.2| 5,072| 429| 8.4

One deaf, other hearing | 599| 75| 12.5| 1,532| 151| 9.8

| | | | | |

One or both congenitally deaf | 1,477| 194| 13.1| 3,401| 413| 12.1

One or both adventitiously deaf | 2,212| 124| 5.6| 4,701| 199| 4.2

| | | | | |

Both congenitally deaf | 335| 83| 24.7| 779| 202| 25.9

adventitiously deaf | 814| 66| 8.1| 1,820| 119| 6.5

Both adventitiously deaf | 845| 30| 3.5| 1,720| 40| 2.3

| | | | | |

hearing | 191| 28| 14.6| 528| 63| 11.9

hearing | 310| 10| 3.2| 713| 16| 2.2

| | | | | |

Both had deaf relatives | 437| 103 | 23.5| 1,060| 222| 20.9

One had deaf relatives, other not| 541| 36 | 6.6| 1,210| 78| 6.4

Neither had deaf relatives | 471| 11 | 2.3| 1,044| 13| 1.2

| | | | | |

Both had deaf relatives | 172| 49 | 28.4| 429| 130| 30.3

One had deaf relatives, other not| 49| 8 | 16.3| 105| 21| 20.0

Neither had deaf relatives | 14| 1 | 7.1| 24| 1| 4.1

| | | | | |

Both had deaf relatives | 57| 10 | 17.5| 114| 11| 9.6

One had deaf relatives, other not| 167| 7 | 4.1| 357| 10| 2.8

Neither had deaf relatives | 284| 2 | 0.7| 550| 2| 0.3

| | | | | |

Partners consanguineous | 31| 14 | 45.1| 100| 30| 30.0

It is thus seen that 9.7 per cent of the marriages of the deaf result in

deaf offspring, and that 8.6 per cent of the children born of them are

deaf--proportions far greater than for the the population generally.[55]

A striking fact to be noted, however, is that these proportions are

greater when one parent is deaf and the other hearing than when both are

deaf. The percentage of marriages resulting in deaf offspring when only

one parent is deaf is 12.5, and when both are deaf, 9.2; while the

percentage of deaf children born of them when only one parent is deaf is

9.8, and when both are deaf, 8.4. This is apparently a very strange

result, though it probably may be accounted for in some part on the

theory that it is not so much deafness itself that is inherited, but

rather an abnormality of the auditory organs, or a tendency to disease,

of which deafness is a result or symptom, and that with different

pathological conditions in the parent there is less likelihood of

deafness resulting.

The most significant part of the results seems to be found, as before,

in respect to whether or not deaf parents are themselves congenitally

deaf or have deaf relatives. On the one hand, when one or both of the

parents are adventitiously deaf, the percentage of marriages resulting

in deaf children is 5.6, and the percentage of deaf children is 4.2;

when both parents are so, the percentages are lower: 3.5 and 2.3. The

percentages rise when one parent is adventitiously deaf, and the other

congenitally: 8.1 and 6.5. In respect to deaf relatives of parents, the

percentages are very low when neither has such relatives: 2.3 and 1.2.

The lowest percentages of all are in the case where both parents are

adventitiously deaf and neither has deaf relatives: 0.7 and 0.3.

On the other hand, we find the proportion of marriages resulting in deaf

offspring and the proportion of deaf children much greater when there is

congenital deafness in one or both parents, when one or both have deaf

relatives, and greatest of all when these influences are combined. When

one or both parents are congenitally deaf, the percentage of marriages

resulting in deaf offspring is 13.1, and the percentage of deaf children

is 12.1; when both parents are so, the percentages are doubled: 24.7 and

25.9. When one parent has deaf relatives and the other has not, the

percentages are 6.6 and 6.4; when both have, the percentages are nearly

four times as great: 23.5 and 20.9. When both parents are congenitally

deaf but neither has deaf relatives, the percentages are 7.1 and 4.1.

When both are adventitiously deaf and both have deaf relatives, the

percentages are 17.5 and 9.6. When both are congenitally deaf and one

has deaf relatives, the percentages are 16.3 and 20.0; and when both

have deaf relatives, the percentages are 28.4 and 30.3.

The evidence is very strong, then, with regard to the form of deafness

and the presence or absence of deaf relatives. In cases where the

parents are not congenitally deaf and have no deaf relatives, the

proportion of deaf children is very low. When one or both parents are

congenitally deaf or have deaf relatives--when the deafness is inherited

or in the family--the likelihood becomes far greater, and greater still

when the two influences are in conjunction. In general, in respect to

the influences of heredity upon deafness, the main determinants seem to

be found in the existence in the parties, whether hearing or deaf, of

deaf relatives, and, to a less extent, in the existence in parties who

are deaf of congenital deafness.

POSSIBLE ACTION FOR THE PREVENTION OF CONGENITAL DEAFNESS

We come now to the consideration of the question of possible action for

the prevention of congenital deafness. This examination naturally

centers about the matter of the regulation of marriage, with due

attention to the extent that action on the part of the state is to be

regarded as desirable or feasible.

We have seen that congenital deafness may, hypothetically, be divided

into three distinguishable classes: that in which consanguineous

marriages are concerned, that in which there is antecedent deafness in

the family, and that in which neither of these conditions occurs; and

in our inquiry it has seemed best to take up each of these separately.

It may be, however, that there is in fact no very radical difference

between these several forms, and that with increased knowledge on the

subject a more or less intimate relation will be found to exist.

Of that form of deafness in which neither consanguineous marriages nor

antecedent deafness is involved, we are at present, as we have noted,

able to say little definitely. In most cases we may be convinced that

there exists in the parent some peculiar state of morbidity or other

affection, latent or manifest, perhaps to some extent of hereditary

influence, which has an effect on the organs of hearing of the

offspring. A certain proportion is quite possibly due to recognizable

defects both of physical and mental character. Our statistical evidence,

however, in respect to this form of congenital deafness is too slight to

warrant any positive deductions; and we will have to wait for further

investigation to determine its nature fully. None the less, marriage of

persons known to be liable to have ill effect on possible offspring is

objectionable for not a few reasons, from the standpoint of the

interests of society; and in their reduction there will probably be a

greater or less diminution of congenital deafness.

With regard to consanguineous marriages and their effect on deafness we

are on surer ground, so far as may be indicated by statistical data.

This question is found in very great measure to be connected with that

of deaf relatives in general. The matter appears to be largely a part of

a law of wide application, namely, that in the blood relationship of

parents the possibilities are intensified of the perpetuation of a

certain strain, which holds true no less with the transmission of

deafness. Consanguineous marriages are perhaps not of sufficiently

frequent occurrence, so far as concerns the effect on deafness, to

require special action; but in the consideration of such marriages in

general, their part in the causation of deafness should have due weight;

and whatever may be said regarding them in other relations, they are to

be avoided if we wish to remove all chances of this kind of deafness

resulting.

The problem of deaf relatives and their connection with congenital

deafness is a very large one. Attention however, has mostly been focused

upon it in relation to the intermarriage of the deaf and its effect upon

their offspring. Indeed, in such unions there has already been more or

less concern, and there has even been question whether it is a wise or

unwise policy to allow the deaf to marry other deaf persons. The deaf,

as we shall discover, not only find their companions for social

intercourse among similar deaf persons, but _a fortiori_ very often seek

such persons for their partners in marriage--in fact, more often than

they do hearing partners, nearly three-fourths of the married deaf being

married to deaf partners.[56] Not only has it been feared that the

offspring of such marriages might likewise be deaf, but there has also

been apprehension lest in their encouragement there might result a deaf

species of the race.[57]

From our discussion, however, we have found that in most of the

marriages of the deaf we have but small reason for disquiet. If deafness

in the parent is really adventitious, there is little possibility of its

passing on to the offspring. When the deafness in the parent is itself

congenital, the situation becomes more serious. If in such case there is

no added risk from the existence of deaf relatives, the likelihood of

transmitting deafness need not always be a matter of deep concern,

though the hazard is materially larger than for adventitious deafness.

When there are deaf relatives involved, the peril, made stronger if

coupled with congenital deafness, is most pronounced; and, indeed, the

existence of collateral deafness seems a more certain sign of warning

than direct heredity itself. Finally, even in the marriage of the deaf

with the hearing, the dangers are not in fact lessened if conditions

otherwise unchanged are attendant.

What action should be taken in respect to that part of the deaf who may

marry under conditions favorable to the production of deaf offspring is

not at present clear. Legislation would not appear on the whole to be

advisable;[58] and the exertion of moral suasion, so far as possible, in

the individual cases concerned would seem a more acceptable course. The

matter, however, really belongs in the province of eugenics, and we will

probably do best to await the authoritative pronouncement of its

decrees before full procedure is resolved upon.

CONGENITAL DEAFNESS AS AN INCREASING OR DECREASING PHENOMENON

The final matter to be ascertained in respect to congenital deafness is

whether it is relatively increasing or decreasing. The following table

will show the number of the congenitally deaf in the censuses of 1880,

1890, and 1900, with their respective percentages and the ratios per

million of population.[59]

NUMBER OF THE CONGENITALLY DEAF IN 1880, 1890, AND 1900

RATIO PER

TOTAL CONGENITALLY PER MILLION OF

NUMBER DEAF CENT POPULATION

1880 33,878 12,155 35.6 242

1890 40,562 16,866 41.2 269

1900 37,426 12,609 33.7 166

From this it appears that congenital deafness is decreasing both in

relation to all deafness, and to the general population.

For further statistics, we may revert to our tables under adventitious

deafness. In the tables relating to periods of successive recent years

we find in respect to three schools, the New York and Western

Pennsylvania institutions and the Maryland School, with certain

fluctuations, no great change on the whole, though the last named school

shows still a very high proportion. In two schools, the Michigan and

Wisconsin, rather an increase is observed. In the Pennsylvania

Institution, which covers a period of seventy years, there is a decrease

from over 50 per cent to less than 40.

A better test perhaps lies in the comparison of the proportions found

for congenital deafness in the tables relating to periods widely

separated in time. In these an increase is seen in the single case of

the Ohio School; while a decrease is apparent in three, namely, the

American and Iowa schools and the New York Institution. These decreases

in percentages are respectively from 44.8 and 50.1 to 35.2; from 37.2

to 26.9; and from 42.9 to 38.0.[60]

From the evidence that we have, then, taken together, it seems

reasonable to conclude that congenital deafness is, though slowly,

becoming less in the course of the years.

CONCLUSIONS WITH RESPECT TO THE ELIMINATION OR PREVENTION OF DEAFNESS

Most of what has been said in this chapter with respect to the

elimination or prevention of deafness may be summed up as follows:

1. There are two kinds of deafness--adventitious and congenital. Of the

total number of cases adventitious deafness comprises nearly two-thirds,

and congenital deafness a little over one-third.

2. Nearly all adventitious deafness is caused by some disease of infancy

or childhood attacking the middle or internal ear, a large part being of

infectious character. The two chief diseases causing such deafness are

scarlet fever and meningitis, with a less amount from brain fever,

typhoid fever, measles, catarrh, diphtheria, whooping cough, etc.

3. A considerable part of this deafness is preventable under enlightened

action. Medical science is principally in control of the situation, but

there is also much that can be done in general measures for the

protection of the health. In attacking the problem, the most immediate

practical program lies in the arrest of those diseases, especially

infantile and infectious diseases, that cause deafness.

4. Our evidence is incomplete to determine definitely whether

adventitious deafness is increasing or decreasing relatively among the

population; but it is hardly other than likely that it is decreasing.

Although certain diseases producing deafness fail to show any extensive

signs of abatement, there are other diseases from which there can be

little doubt that deafness is decreasing.

5. In the outlook there is, on the whole, promise, both in respect to

the treatment of deafness itself and of the diseases that lead to

deafness, though it cannot be said in any sense that any large or

general relief is at present in sight.

6. Of congenital deafness nearly half occurs in families often without

any positively known strain to indicate a predisposition to deafness.

Though concerning this deafness little in the present state of our

knowledge can be predicated, it is likely that with measures to secure

a race sound in all particulars there will be a reduction to a greater

or less extent of such deafness.

7. Consanguineous marriages do not take place, so far as deafness as an

effect is concerned, to any great extent; though where they do the

consequences are very marked. Their relation to deafness consists

apparently for the greatest part in the fact that the chances of its

transmission are thereby intensified, there being also a very strong

connection with the question of deaf relatives in general.

8. There are a certain number of families in society deeply tainted with

deafness, in evidence both lineally and collaterally, and this deafness

may be transmitted from parent to offspring.

9. Children of deaf parents are far more likely to be deaf than children

of hearing parents.

10. The great majority of the children of deaf parents, however, are

able to hear, the proportion of those who are not being small.

11. The likelihood of deaf offspring is not necessarily greater when

both parents are deaf than when one is deaf and the other hearing.

12. The liability to deaf offspring depends in the greatest degree upon

the presence or absence in the parents, deaf or hearing, of deaf

relatives, and, to a less extent, upon whether or not the existing

deafness is congenital--being especially great under a combination of

these two conditions.

13. Action in respect to marriages of the deaf likely to result in deaf

offspring seems for the present rather to be limited to moral forces.

14. Congenital deafness appears, from all the evidence, to be decreasing

relatively among the population, though probably only at a very slow

rate.

15. Finally, with respect to our original inquiry, it is to be said that

there are no indications that deafness will disappear from the human

race within any time which we can measure; and hence that the deaf are

to be in society not only for a season, but for a period apparently as

yet indefinite. Nevertheless the situation is not without encouragement.

From the data in our possession regarding deafness as a whole, it seems

certain that deafness is not on the increase relatively among the

population. From our knowledge concerning adventitious deafness, the

probabilities are that, if anything, it is decreasing; while the

evidence as to congenital deafness is that it is decreasing. It is

likely, then, that deafness in general is tending to decrease; and we

are thus justified in believing that the number of the deaf will in time

become less.

FOOTNOTES:

[15] Moreover, later censuses are probably taken more thoroughly than

former, with a consequent discovery of a larger number of the deaf;

while at the same time greater care is employed in preparing the later

censuses, with the more rigorous elimination of doubtful cases, all in

some measure, however, tending to even up the differences. On the

difficulty of making comparisons of the censuses of the deaf, see

Special Reports, pp. 66-69; _Annals_, li., 1906, p. 487.

[16] _Ibid._

[17] Deafness has also been divided into three classes: adventitious

deafness, congenital or hereditary deafness, and infantile or sporadic

congenital deafness, the last class including many cases where there are

other antecedent defects, mental or physical, or where the deafness

occurred shortly after birth with the exact cause not definitely

determined. See Proceedings of International Otological Congress, ix.,

1913, p. 49; _Volta Review_, xiv., 1912, p. 348; xv., 1913, p. 209.

[18] Of the cases usually ascribed to accidents, as falls, blows and the

like, the probabilities are that a large part are really to be

attributed to some other cause. Deafness is not often likely to result

from such occurrences.

[19] See Proceedings of International Otological Congress, ix., 1913, p.

49; _Volta Review_, xiv., 1912, p. 348.

[20] Special Reports, pp. 110, 122, 124. See also _Annals_, xxxiii.,

1888, p. 199; lii., 1907, p. 168. In the table are given only the

specified causes that represent at least 0.7 per cent of the total

amount of deafness. In respect to external ear trouble, impacted cerumen

is usually found to result from water in the ear, or wax in the ear.

Other diseases of the middle ear of suppurative character are

diphtheria, pneumonia, erysipelas, smallpox, tonsilitis, teething,

bronchitis, and consumption. Other non-suppurative diseases of the

middle ear are whooping cough, scrofula, exposure and cold, disease of

the throat, thickening of eardrum, croup, etc. Of the internal ear,

other causes affecting the labyrinth are malformation, noise and

concussion, mumps, and syphilis; affecting the nerve, paralysis,

convulsions, sunstroke, congestion of brain, and disease of nervous

system; and affecting brain center, hydrocephalus and epilepsy. Among

unclassified causes are also adduced neuralgia, childbirth, accident,

medicine, heat, rheumatism, head-ache, fright or shock, overwork,

lightning, diarrhea, chicken-pox, operation, and other causes.

[21] Proceedings of National Conference of Charities and Corrections,

1906, p. 250; Ceremonies of Laying of Corner Stone of Rhode Island

School, 1907, p. 27.

[22] There are no general or organized movements on foot for the

prevention of deafness as there are for the prevention of blindness.

This is perhaps chiefly because there are believed to be nothing like so

many preventable cases of the one as of the other, so much of blindness

being due to diseases that might have been avoided without great

difficulty, and to accidents and other injuries to the eye.

[23] It has been estimated that three-fourths of deafness from primary

ear diseases, and one-half from infectious diseases, is preventable. See

Proceedings of International Otological Congress, _loc. cit._; _Volta

Review_, xiv., 1912, pp. 251, 348.

[24] Proceedings, 1903, p. 1036.

[25] _Volta Review_, xv., 1913, p. 136. See also _ibid._, v., 1903, p.

415; _Outlook_, civ., 1913, p. 997.

[26] See _Medical and Surgical Monitor_, vii., 1904, p. 47; _New York

Medical Journal_, lxxxiii., 1906, p. 816; _Annals_, lv., 1910, p. 192;

_Volta Review_, xiii., 1911, p. 332.

[27] The possibilities, for instance, in the use of antitoxins and

vaccines in certain diseases are just beginning to be known, and some

results as affect deafness may be expected from such operations.

[28] In 1909 a special committee in regard to the prevention of deafness

was created by the Otological Section of the American Medical

Association, and in 1910 both by the American Laryngological,

Rhinological and Otological Society and by the American Otological

Society. See _Laryngoscope_, xx., 1910, pp. 596-665; _Volta Review_,

xii., 1910, pp. 267, 545.

[29] Laws, 1906, ch. 502.

[30] On the possibilities of the prevention of adventitious deafness,

see Dr. J. K. Love, "Deaf-Mutism", 1896; Archives of Otology, xxiv.,

1895, p. 50; _Journal of American Medical Association_, liii., 1909, p.

89; _New York Medical Journal_, l., 1889, p. 205; lxxxix., 1909, p.

1007; xcv., 1912, p. 1189; _New York State Journal of Medicine_, xii.,

1912, p. 690ff.; _Maryland Medical Journal_, lv., 1912, p. 33;

_Pediatrics_, xxiv., 1912, p. 335; _Popular Science Monthly_, xlii.,

1892, p. 211; "Progress in Amelioration of Certain Forms of Deafness and

Impaired Hearing," Proceedings of American Association to Promote the

Teaching of Speech to the Deaf, iv., 1894; _Annals_, xxxiv., 1889, p.

199; lvi., 1911, p. 211; lviii., 1913, p. 131; _Volta Review_, xii.,

1910, p. 143; xv., 1913, p. 303; New York _Times_, April 6, 1913; Public

School Health Bulletin, Eyes and Ears, by Superintendent of Public

Instruction of North Carolina, 1910.

[31] Census Reports, 1880. Report on Defective, Dependent and Delinquent

Classes of the Population of the United States, 1888, p. 402ff.; Census

Reports, 1890. Report on Insane, Feeble-minded, Deaf and Dumb and Blind,

1895, pp. 108ff., 648; Special Reports, 1906, p. 122.

[32] _Ibid._

[33] Probably with the "fevers" the proportion would be larger.

[34] Less than 0.7 per cent.

[35] Probably included with certain of the suppurative diseases.

[36] Not a large number of schools, it is greatly to be regretted, give,

regularly and over an extended period of time, such information in

statistical form and upon the same basis from year to year.

[37] Total attendance.

[38] These tables are based upon statistics given in the reports of the

schools, and given in _Annals_, vi., 1854, p. 237; xv., 1870, p. 113;

xvii., 1872, p. 167.

[39] One case reported.

[40] Letters of inquiry as to whether or not "total" deafness appeared

to be decreasing were sent by the writer to the professors of diseases

of the ear of the medical schools of Johns Hopkins University,

University of Pennsylvania, Columbia University, Cornell University,

Harvard University, University of Chicago, Northwestern University,

University of Michigan, and the Jefferson Medical College of

Philadelphia. The opinion of four of these is that such deafness is

clearly decreasing; of three that little or no decrease is apparent;

while by two no opinion can be vouched yet. The greatest encouragement

is found in respect to treatment for middle ear affections and

infections from fevers. By Dr. S. MacCuen Smith, of the Jefferson

Medical College, it is believed that there is a decrease, "largely due

to the fact that not only the general medical profession, but the public

at large, are recognizing the importance of having the minor aural

lesions promptly and properly cared for. This being the case, it is no

longer possible for children in the public schools to continue their

studies when suffering from diseased tonsils and enlarged adenoid

vegetations. From this cause alone, many cases of impairment of hearing

which usually occur later in life will be prevented in the future". By

Dr. E. A. Crockett, of Harvard University, it is believed that, although

there is a larger amount of deafness from measles, there is less, not

only from scarlet fever, but also from chronic suppurations, from

adenoid and throat troubles in general, and even from meningitis, owing

to the use of serums. Regarding his own observations, within a period of

twenty-five years "the number of extremely deaf persons and deaf-mutes

has very materially diminished".

[41] Hereditary deafness is sometimes of a kind that manifests itself

some years after birth, often with certain relatives similarly affected.

This is especially true of catarrhal and middle ear affections, though

their results may more often be partial rather than total deafness.

[42] In a part of such deafness, and also in a portion of that occurring

shortly after birth, the cause is said to be syphilis. See Proceedings

of International Otological Congress, ix., 1913, p. 49; _Volta Review_,

xiv., 1912, p. 348; xv., 1913, p. 209.

[43] Special Reports, pp. 125, 236. There were 3,341 who failed to

answer, and if all had made reply, our percentage would probably be

higher yet.

[44] P. 108.

[45] In the Louisiana School 10 per cent of the pupils are said to have

parents who were blood relatives; in the Illinois, 5 per cent; and in

the Kansas, from 5 to 5.5 per cent. Report of Louisiana School, 1906, p.

17. See also Transactions of American Medical Association, xi., 1858,

pp. 321-425; Proceedings of Conference of Principals, iii., 1876, p.

204; _Annals_, xxii., 1877, p. 242.

[46] On this subject, see Francis Galton. "Natural Inheritance", 1889,

p. 132ff. See also G. B. L. Arner, "Consanguineous Marriages", 1908, p.

65ff.; C. B. Davenport, "Heredity in Relation to Eugenics", 1911, p.

124ff.

[47] Special Reports, pp. 128, 235, and _passim_.

[48] These proportions are further indicated in the succeeding section.

[49] Special Reports, p. 135ff.

[50] Report, 1908, p. 31.

[51] Out of 107 children born to former pupils of the Minnesota School

up to 1892, 2, or 1.9 per cent, were deaf. Report, 1892, p. 39. Out of

811 children born to former pupils of the American School up to 1891,

105, or 12.9 per cent, were deaf. Report, 1891, p. 20.

[52] The study had been originally planned by Dr. F. H. Wines for the

_International Record of Charities and Corrections_. See issue for

October, 1888. The work was published by the Volta Bureau. For a

discussion of the results, see _Association Review_, ii., 1900, p. 178;

Publications of American Statistical Association, vi., 1899, p. 353;

_Biometrika_ (London), iv., 1904-5, p. 465. See also charts in current

numbers of _Volta Review_.

[53] From the total number of marriages, 974 were deducted, being cases

concerning the offspring of which no information could be obtained, and

also 434 cases where there were no offspring.

[54] From p. 134. It has also been computed by Dr. Fay from his data

that of 5,455 married deaf persons, 300, or 5.5 per cent, have deaf

offspring. _Annals_, lii., 1907, p. 253.

[55] The proportions for the general population are hardly over 0.3 per

cent and 0.05 per cent respectively.

[56] The proportion of the married deaf who are married to deaf partners

is found by Dr. Fay to be 72.5 per cent, and of those married to hearing

partners, 20 per cent, there being no information for the remaining 7.5

per cent. The census returns, however, give the respective proportions

as 51.3 per cent and 48.7 per cent.

[57] See Proceedings of National Conference of Charities and

Corrections, 1879, p. 214; A. G. Bell, "The Formation of a Deaf Variety

of the Human Race", Memoirs, 1883, ii., part 4, p. 177; Proceedings of

Conference of Principals, i., 1868, p. 91; v., 1884, p. 205; A. G. Bell,

"Marriage, an Address to the Deaf", 1898; Evidence before the Royal

Commission on the Deaf, etc., 1892, ii., pp. 74-129; _Annals_, xxix.,

1884, pp. 32, 72; xxx., 1885, p. 155; xxxiii., 1888, pp. 37, 206;

_Popular Science Monthly_, xvii., 1885, p. 15; _Science_, Aug., 1890, to

March, 1891 (xvi., xvii.); _Arena_, xii., 1895, p. 130; _Association

Review_, x., 1908, p. 166; _Volta Review_, xiv., 1912, p. 184;

Proceedings of Reunion of Alumni of Wisconsin School for the Deaf, vi.,

1891, p. 46; National Association of the Deaf, iv., 1893, p. 112; ix.,

1910, p. 69; Report of Board of Charities of New York, 1911, i., p. 150.

[58] No statutory action seems ever to have been taken in the matter. In

Connecticut, however, in 1895 when a law (Laws, ch. 325) was enacted

forbidding the marriage of the feeble-minded and epileptic, a provision

respecting the congenitally deaf and blind came near being included.

_Annals_, xl., 1895, p. 310.

[59] Census Reports, 1880. Report on Defective, Dependent and Delinquent

Classes of the Population of the United States, 1888, p. 402ff.; Census

Reports, 1890. Report on Insane, Feeble-minded, Deaf and Dumb and Blind,

1895, pp. 108ff., 684; Special Reports, 1906, p. 122. The ages of the

deaf were reported less fully in 1880 than in 1890, and less fully in

1890 than in 1900; and if we take the numbers of those whose ages were

reported in these three censuses, we have the following table, showing

the proportion of the congenitally deaf.

THE CONGENITALLY DEAF ACCORDING TO NUMBERS IN WHICH AGE WAS REPORTED

NUMBER

WHOSE AGE CONGENITALLY PER

WAS REPORTED DEAF CENT

1880 22,473 12,155 54.7

1890 37,204 16,866 45.8

1900 35,479 12,609 35.3

If we assume that the proportion of the congenitally deaf to all the

deaf in each census was the same that it was among the cases in which

the age of the occurrence of deafness was reported, we have this table

to show the number of the congenitally deaf and the ratio of the deaf

among the population.

THE CONGENITALLY DEAF ACCORDING TO NUMBERS ASSUMED

ASSUMED

NUMBER OF RATIO PER

CONGENITALLY MILLION OF

DEAF POPULATION

1880 18,531 369

1890 18,375 293

1900 13,286 175

These tables are taken from _Annals_, li., 1906, p. 487.

[60] In the three schools where an increase in congenital deafness

appears to be found, namely, those of Michigan, Wisconsin and Ohio, a

partial explanation probably lies in the fact that in these states a

number of day schools have been created of late years, which are not

likely to draw congenitally deaf pupils to the extent that the

institutions do, thus leaving a larger proportion for the latter. See

also E. A. Fay, _op. cit._, p. 125.

CHAPTER III

TREATMENT OF THE DEAF BY THE STATE

GENERAL ATTITUDE OF THE LAW TOWARDS THE DEAF

After examination of the question of how long the deaf are to be an

element of the population, our discussion turns to their position at

present as an actual part of society. The first relation to be

considered is that of the state to them.

The state acts on men through the law, and in the law is represented not

only its authority, but its attitude as well towards the problems that

confront society, including the treatment of the various elements of its

population. In this chapter it is our purpose by a study of the law in

respect to the deaf to discover the attitude of the state towards them

and the treatment which it has accorded them.

Generally in ancient and even in more modern days the deaf, especially

the congenitally deaf without education, have been held in the eyes of

the law more or less as though they were an abnormal element in the

state, at times being regarded as though they were of defective minds,

and now and then being considered practically as idiots. Though there

was usually meditated no unduly harsh treatment of the deaf, they were

for the most part deemed incapable of performing the full duties of

citizenship, certain of the rights that belonged to their fellowmen were

denied to them, and they were held in considerable degree in what

amounted to legal bondage. It was only in the course of time in most

countries that the law came to look upon the deaf differently, to regard

them more as normal persons, and to grant them in greater measure the

rights of other men.[61]

In America the attention of the law has been directed to the deaf both

by legislation relating to them, and by court decisions affecting them.

In addition, in the constitutions of a number of states, as we shall

see, provision is made for institutions for the education of the deaf;

and in one state, Mississippi,[62] a provision is found exempting the

deaf from the payment of a poll tax. The law cannot be said to have

concerned itself extensively with the deaf, but the light in which they

have been viewed has been indicated fairly clearly. Judicial _dicta_ and

opinions have been of less frequency and importance than legislation,

and have rather dealt with the mental capacity of the deaf in certain

legal relations and proceedings, as in their responsibility for crimes,

the making of wills, the appointment of interpreters, etc. Legislation

itself has not often been engaged in providing for the deaf as a special

class, beyond maintaining schools for the education of the young. Where

this legislation has taken place, it may be said to be of three kinds.

First, the deaf have been regarded as mentally deficient or incapable of

certain civic acts, and discriminatory laws have been enacted. Next, the

deaf have been thought to need special consideration or protection on

the part of the state, and laws have been passed for the appointment of

guardians or otherwise for their security or benefit. The third class of

legislation is where the state bases its action upon the supposed

weakness of the deaf, their "physical disability," as it is frequently

termed, and here we have a series of what may be called negative

benefactions, designed to make less hard the way of the deaf. Such

special provision has consisted chiefly in the remission of taxes in

certain instances or of some other form of more or less direct

assistance.

LEGISLATION DISCRIMINATORY RESPECTING THE DEAF

Legislation which may be termed discriminatory in respect to the deaf

has really been of but slight extent.[63] In Georgia we find an

enactment of 1840,[64] in which the deaf were to be regarded _pro tanto_

as idiots, so far as concerned the managing of their estates, though

this was in fact intended for their protection. In New Mexico a law has

been enacted, forbidding those deaf by birth from making wills, unless

their intention is declared in writing;[65] and in Louisiana a deaf man

is incapable of acting as a witness to a testament.[66] In several

states, as New York and Massachusetts, there have been enactments in

regard to deaf-mute immigrants together with other classes who might be

likely to become a public charge, with the exaction of bond as

security.[67] In Georgia[68] there is an enactment in reference to

various itinerant concerns which might leave deaf persons, as well as

others, in the state as public charges.[69]

LEGISLATION IN PROTECTION OF THE DEAF

Legislation of the second class, where the deaf are thought to require

particular consideration or protection, has likewise been infrequent.

The first instance is an enactment of Massachusetts in 1776,[70]

relating to the appointment, on certain occasions, of guardians for the

deaf, especially those deaf "from their nativity," together with other

persons--which is probably the earliest statutory reference to the deaf

in America. A later example is an enactment in Georgia in 1818,[71] and

still in force, providing for the appointment of guardians, on somewhat

the same order as that which we have indicated, for deaf and dumb

persons incapable of managing their estates. In New Jersey in 1838[72] a

law was enacted, forbidding deaf persons under seventeen years of age to

be bound out as apprentices. In Ohio a statute also of 1838[73] provided

for guardians for the deaf, and several modern statutes are somewhat of

this nature. In Maine the deaf cannot be sent to the reform school.[74]

In Arkansas[75] and Missouri[76] it is provided that the court may

appoint guardians for deaf persons from fourteen to twenty-one years of

age in case of the death of a parent. Of somewhat different character,

but still for the protection of the deaf, is the enactment in several

states, as Wisconsin[77] and Virginia,[78] where injury or abuse of the

deaf is made a matter of special attention in the law.

LEGISLATION IN AID OF THE DEAF

Examples of legislation designed to be of material aid to the deaf are

rather more common, the chief of which, as we have noted, is the

exemption from the payment of some personal or property tax.[79] Thus in

Missouri we find a statute of 1843[80] allowing a deaf man to be exempt

from the poll tax and the tax on property up to $300. Indiana in

1848[81] exempted its deaf and blind citizens from a poll tax and a

property tax up to $500. Mississippi[82] exempted these classes from the

road duty in 1878, and two years later from the poll tax as well, this

exemption being incorporated in the state constitution, as we have seen.

Tennessee[83] in 1895 also exempted from the poll tax the deaf, the

blind and those incapable of labor. In Pennsylvania legislation seems to

have gone the furthest in its desire to be of material help to the deaf,

for here we find the deaf with the blind exempted from the penalties

which usually apply to tramps.[84] Such are instances of this form of

legislation, but similar legislation has been enacted in other states.

Very rare are instances where the state makes special provision for the

care of, or extends special poor relief to, any of its deaf population.

The chief example seems to be the action of some of the New England

states with their so-called "missions for the deaf." These are

associations, composed in great part of the deaf and engaged in various

forms of mission work, and to them state funds are granted to aid the

aged, infirm and helpless deaf. By this plan Maine is said to have been

without a deaf-mute pauper in ten years. The amounts allowed, however,

for this purpose are not large, being $200 a year in Maine and $150 in

New Hampshire.[85] In Ohio the counties are allowed to contract with

private homes for the maintenance of the aged and infirm deaf--there

being but one such in the state, that supported by the deaf

themselves--and the state board of charities is given power to remove

deaf persons thereto from the county infirmaries.[86]

Instances are likewise rare where the state makes a distinct

appropriation of money for the benefit of the deaf other than for

schools. We have one instance in New York where the state for a certain

number of years allowed a small sum to the publishers of a paper for the

benefit of poor deaf-mutes.[87]

As a last species of legislation in aid of the deaf, we have a single

enactment of quite different character from that which we have hitherto

found, and of later appearance. This is the law enacted in Minnesota in

1913,[88] which provides for a division for the deaf in the state bureau

of labor. Its duties are to

Collect statistics of the deaf, ascertain what trades or occupations

are most suitable for them and best adapted to promote their

interests, ... use [its] best efforts to aid them in securing such

employment as they may be best fitted to engage in, keep a census

and obtain facts, information and statistics as to their condition

in life with a view to the betterment of their lot, and endeavor to

obtain statistics and information of the conditions of labor and

employment and education in other states with a view to promoting

the general welfare of the deaf in this state.

Such legislation may prove highly beneficial to the deaf, not only in

rendering very desirable aid to them, but also in offering means of

learning very important facts as to their condition.

TENOR OF COURT DECISIONS AFFECTING THE DEAF

The opinions of the courts of law in regard to the deaf have, as we have

noted, rather revolved upon the mental capacity of the deaf in certain

proceedings, and upon their competence in certain legal relations. These

judicial expressions have in the main referred to four relations of the

deaf in the law: 1. in their responsibility for crime; 2. in acting as

witnesses; 3. in requiring guardians; and 4. in the making of wills and

contracts generally.

As to the responsibility of the deaf man for his misdeeds, there has

been in times past more or less presumption against it, especially if he

were born deaf and were without education; but to-day he is quite

generally held fully answerable for his crimes and misdemeanors, and his

deafness cannot mitigate his punishment.[89] As a witness, the deaf man

under proper circumstances is now allowed to appear without hindrance

before virtually any court.[90] As to special guardians, these will be

accorded the deaf when there appears sufficient need, though there is

less of this than formerly.[91] With respect to the testamentary

capacity of the deaf, we find that in times past the deaf were often

said to be more or less incapable of making wills, though this

presumption could always be overcome. Naturally their wills were

subjected to considerable scrutiny for the purpose of preventing fraud;

but if written and apparently genuine, they could usually stand. To-day

the deaf are practically everywhere held to be quite capable in this

respect, and probably nowhere would a will be set aside for reason of

the deafness of the testator alone. Likewise the deaf are now generally

held capable of entering into all contractual relations.[92]

PRESENT TREND OF THE LAW IN RESPECT TO THE DEAF

In most of the statutes and decisions to which we have referred there

appears a distinct trend towards treating the deaf quite as normal

persons, and the tendency may be considered to be general to-day to hold

them very much as other citizens. The greater part of all the special

legislation has ceased of late years, and it is seldom now that a

particular enactment is placed upon the statute books. Where such does

occur, it arises chiefly where some peculiar protection of the deaf has

been felt to be needed. Discriminatory legislation has practically

disappeared, as has also beneficial legislation of the old sort, the

only kind likely to be enacted in the future being along the new lines

pointed out.

In judicial proceedings likewise particular usage in respect to the deaf

has almost entirely passed away, and the deaf to-day receive little

distinctive treatment. Practically the sole special consideration now

accorded them is in the procurement of interpreters for proper

occasions. On the whole, then, the present attitude of the law may be

said to be to regard the deaf more and more fully as citizens, to allow

them all the rights and duties of such, and to consider them in little

need of particular aid or attention.[93]

FOOTNOTES:

[61] The legal treatment of the deaf, however, in past times has not

been as severe as has been often supposed. Both the Justinian Code and

the Civil Law, as well as the Common Law, granted a number of rights to

the deaf, these being in some cases as far as the policy of the law

would permit. In a few instances a not unsympathetic attitude was

displayed towards them. In the early Roman law and in some other systems

word of mouth was necessary to accomplish certain legal acts, and this

of course bore hardly upon the deaf. In all cases it was the deaf-mute

from birth who suffered most. On this subject, see A. C. Gaw, "The Legal

Status of the Deaf," 1907; H. P. Peet, "Legal Rights and

Responsibilities of the Deaf," 1857 (Proceedings of Convention of

American Instructors, iv., p. 17).

[62] Constitution, 1890, sec. 243. The blind are also included in the

exemption.

[63] In New York we find an early reference to the deaf in the rules

adopted in 1761 by the state assembly regarding suffrage qualifications

in the election of its own members, one of which rules declared that "no

man deaf and dumb from his nativity has a vote," though this may have

been partly due to the fact that nearly all voting then was _viva voce_.

William Smith, "History of the Late Province of New York," 1830, ii., p.

358.

[64] Laws, p. 110. A Kentucky statute refers to "idiots and those by

speech or sign incapable" of understanding (Stat., 1894, Sec. 2149), but

the deaf may not necessarily be included.

[65] Cod. Laws, 1865, ch. 3, Sec. 2; 1884, Sec. 1378.

[66] Civ. Code, 1838, Sec. 1852; 1898, Sec. 1591.

[67] In 1849 New York required the masters of ships landing in New York

City to report to the mayor what passengers were deaf, blind or insane.

Laws, ch. 350. See also Laws, 1851, ch. 523; 1881, ch. 427. See Public

Statutes of Massachusetts, 1882, p. 468. The present United States

immigration laws do not directly exclude the deaf, but they have been

thought at times to have been made to bear unduly upon them.

[68] Code, 1911, Sec. 559. The application is to "proprietors of circuses

and other migratory companies."

[69] In a few states, as California and New York, attempts have been

made to secure laws barring the deaf from licenses to run automobiles.

Such measures, however, are to be regarded less as discrimination

against the deaf than for the public safety.

[70] Laws, 1776, ch. 20.

[71] Laws, 1818, p. 342; 1840, p. 345; Code, 1911, Sec. 3089.

[72] Laws, p. 128.

[73] Laws, 1838, p. 40; 1841, p. 573.

[74] Rev. Stat., 1883, ch. 142, Sec. 2.

[75] Digest, 1894, Sec. 3571; 1904, Sec. 3760.

[76] Stat., 1872, p. 672; Rev. Stat., 1909, Sec. 407. In Kansas by opinion

of the attorney-general, the juvenile court laws do not apply to the

deaf.

[77] Gen. Stat., 1898, p. 2672. Abuse or ill-treatment of an inmate of a

state institution for the deaf, the blind and other classes may be

punished by fine or imprisonment.

[78] Laws, 1908, p. 55. It is made a misdemeanor to abduct or kidnap

inmates of "deaf and dumb and blind hospitals".

[79] In several states there are provisions in regard to the employment

of interpreters for the deaf. See Code of Georgia, 1911, Sec. 5864; Gen.

Laws of Rhode Island, 1909, Sec. 3855.

[80] Laws, p. 202.

[81] Laws, ch. 76.

[82] Laws, 1878, ch. 52; 1880, p. 20.

[83] Laws, 1895, ch. 120; Ann. Code, 1896, Sec. 686.

[84] Purdon's Digest, 1903, p. 5023. In Georgia persons deaf and blind

are expressly permitted to make wills if properly scrutinized. Code,

1911, Sec. 3844.

[85] See Laws of New Hampshire, 1895, ch. 131. This relief is here known

as the "Granite State Mission". See also _Deaf-Mutes' Journal_, Feb. 9,

1911.

[86] See Laws, 1896, p. 419; 1898, p. 212; 1900, p. 369.

[87] This seems to have been begun in 1839, and continued nearly fifty

years. See Laws, 1839, ch. 329; 1858, ch. 546; 1886, ch. 330. The sum of

$100 was first granted to the _Radii_, and later appropriations to

succeeding publications.

[88] Laws, p. 330. The law was secured by the efforts of the deaf

themselves. See _Deaf-Mutes' Journal_, May 22, 1913.

[89] See Houst. Crim. Cas. (Del.), 291; 8 Jones L. (N. C.), 136; 14

Mass., 207. This last case was one of larceny. See also I. L. Peet,

"Psychical Status and Criminal Responsibility of the Totally Uneducated

Deaf and Dumb," 1872 (_Journal of Psychological Medicine_, Jan., 1872);

_Annals_, xvii., 1872, p. 65.

[90] 37 S. W. (Tex.), 440; 118 Mo., 127; 39 S. C., 318; 1 Den. (N. Y.),

19; 23 Col., 314; 3 N. M., 134.

[91] See 16 Ohio St., 455, where a guardian was allowed; 41 N. J. Eq.,

409, where the deaf were said to be liable to guardianship.

[92] See 1 Jones Eq. (N. C.), 221. In 4 Johns. Ch., 441, a New York case

in 1820, it was said by Chancellor Kent that the deaf and dumb were

considered _prima facie_ as insane, incapable of making a will and fit

subjects for guardianship, by the civil law. The presumption was due, he

said, to the fact that "want of hearing and speech exceedingly cramps

the powers of the mind," but it was to be overcome by proof. In this

case the presumption was overruled. The implication, however, never

applied to the deaf not born so. At present there is no presumption in

connection with wills, deeds, witnessing, or guardianship. See 3 Conn.,

299; 27 Gratt. (Va.), 190; 6 Ga., 324; 3 Ired. (N. C.), 535. In the

Missouri case, quoted above, it was said: "Presumption of idiocy does

not seem to obtain in modern practice, at least not in the United

States."

[93] The deaf as a class may be said to be strongly opposed to nearly

all forms of legal treatment different from those of their

fellow-citizens. In Texas, where they have been exempted from a personal

or property tax, they have made formal protest against the exemption.

_Annals_, l., 1905, p. 263; Report of Mississippi School, 1911, p. 72.

They have, as another instance, voiced opposition to the release of

criminals on the ground of their deafness. See Proceedings of Convention

of National Association of the Deaf, ii., 1883, p. 16.

CHAPTER IV

ECONOMIC CONDITION OF THE DEAF

EXTENT TO WHICH THE DEAF ARE A WAGE-EARNING AND SELF-SUPPORTING ELEMENT

OF THE POPULATION

In the want of the sense of hearing, and with it oftentimes the faculty

of speech, the deaf are deprived of most important powers, and, it might

appear, of an essential equipment for work among men. It is not to be

denied that the deaf start out into life severely handicapped, nor can

the difficulties which they must face in meeting the world pass

unregarded.

Yet notwithstanding the particular adversity under which the deaf have

to labor, they remain in full possession of all their other physical

forces, and it may be a question whether on the whole they are to be

considered disqualified from engaging in the industrial pursuits of men.

It may be that there are occupations in which their deafness will not

prove of material consequence, and that in such fields they will be able

to enter without serious impediment. In the present chapter we shall

attempt to see how far these possibilities seem to be realized in the

actual industrial life of the community. In other words, we shall

consider what is the place of the deaf as economic factors in this

life, and how far they are independent wage-earners, at the same time

comparing their economic standing with that of the general population.

The returns of the census, covering the entire country and presenting

the results of a careful investigation, will furnish our most complete

source of information. Here[94] are reported in gainful occupations

12,678 deaf persons over ten years of age, or 38.1 per cent of the

number of the deaf over this age.[95] This is somewhat less than the

percentage for the general population, which is 50.2. Of the deaf twenty

years of age and over, however, the percentage gainfully employed is

50.1, embracing 11,670 persons. In the following table is shown the

number of the deaf over ten years of age in the five great occupations,

with the respective percentages, and also the percentages for the

general population.

GENERAL OCCUPATIONS OF THE DEAF

PER CENT

PER OF GENERAL

OCCUPATION NUMBER CENT POPULATION

Agricultural pursuits 4,761 37.5 35.7

Manufacturing and mechanical 4,583 36.1 24.4

Domestic and personal 2,395 18.9 19.2

Trade and transportation 552 4.4 16.4

Professional 387 3.1 4.3

It is seen from this that the proportions are very nearly the same for

the deaf and the general population in agricultural pursuits, domestic

and personal service, and professional service. In manufacturing and

mechanical occupations the proportion of the deaf is indeed considerably

higher. In trade and transportation, on the other hand, the proportion

for the deaf is far lower than that for the general population--a

condition to be accounted for by the very evident need of hearing in

such pursuits.

Of the deaf engaged in agricultural pursuits, 3,366, or about

three-fourths, are in a position of ownership or direction, being

farmers, planters, or overseers; 1,218 are agricultural laborers, while

75 are gardeners, florists, or nursery-men. The large number of the deaf

in professional occupations is in part explained by the fact that 206

are themselves engaged in the instruction of the deaf. Other specified

occupations where fifty or more of the deaf are employed in each are as

follows:

SPECIFIED OCCUPATIONS OF THE DEAF

Laborers not specified 1,217

Servants and waiters 712

Boot and shoemakers and repairers 559

Printers, lithographers and pressmen 382

Carpenters and joiners 371

Dressmakers 314

Seamstresses 306

Tailors 236

Painters, glaziers and varnishers 223

Launderers 210

Cigar and tobacco operators 162

Cabinet-makers 119

Merchants and dealers (retail) 115

Iron and steel workers 106

Clerks and copyists 105

Housekeepers and stewards 91

Machinists 87

Blacksmiths 84

Miners and quarrymen 81

Cotton mill operators 78

Barbers and hairdressers 74

Bakers 61

Agents 61

Artists and teachers of art 60

Harness and saddle makers and repairers 59

Draymen, hackmen, teamsters, etc. 56

Manufacturers and officials 55

Masons 52

So far, then, as appears from the findings of the United States census,

the deaf are seen to be distributed among the chief industries very

generally, and in very many of what are known as "trades" they are able

to be profitably employed. In some activities of life deafness is of

course an effectual barrier, but these are rather restricted ones. There

is but one great division of employment in which the deaf cannot enter

extensively, namely, commercial and mercantile pursuits. With these

exceptions, the deaf are found to be industrially occupied like the rest

of the community, and to be able to engage, and actually engaging, in

most of the employments of men.[96]

In respect to the general economic status of the deaf, a second source

of information, at the bottom of the scale, as it were, is to be found

in the proportion of the deaf cared for in public alms-houses. Though a

much greater proportion of the deaf are discovered here than of the

general population, the deaf do not on the whole constitute a large part

of the alms-house population of the country. In 1910 the census reported

540 deaf-mutes to be in alms-houses, or six-tenths of one per cent of

all their inmates.[97] That is to say, a little over one per cent (1.2)

of the total number of the deaf in the United States are found to-day in

alms-houses.[98]

Such is the evidence we have in respect to the economic standing of the

deaf. Yet the fact that the deaf are usually found capable of taking

care of themselves should not be, after all, a matter either of doubt or

of wonder. They are for the most part, as we have indicated, quite

"able-bodied," and but for their want of hearing are perfectly normal

in respect to "doing a job." If they are skillful and efficient, their

deafness proves comparatively little of a drawback. Another contributing

cause in the situation lies in the fact that most of the deaf have

attended the special schools provided for them, where industrial

preparation with the opportunity to learn a trade is offered and largely

availed of.[99] When they go out into the world, they may be supposed to

have an industrial equipment, which, besides taking in view their

handicap, is one in many respects fully equal to that of their hearing

fellow-laborers; and though many of the deaf, apparently the greater

number, do not follow the trade learned at school, yet there is no doubt

that the training and lessons in industry there acquired prove of

decided practical advantage.[100]

VIEWS OF THE DEAF AS TO THEIR ECONOMIC STANDING

To what extent the deaf hold themselves able to stand alongside the

general population may well be indicated by what they themselves have to

say. Of the adult deaf who have had schooling, it is claimed that

eighty-one per cent are gainfully employed;[101] and that of the adult

male deaf ninety per cent are self-supporting.[102] A large proportion

are said to be the heads of families and the possessors of homes.[103]

In respect to the conditions of their employment, including that of

wages, they are usually ready to declare that they are little different

from those of the general population, sometimes taking pains to point

out the substantial equality of the two.[104]

The views of the deaf in the whole matter of their industrial footing

may be expressed as summed up in the following resolutions, which were

reported by a special committee on industrial conditions of the deaf at

the convention of the National Association of the Deaf in 1904:[105]

1. There are few ordinary occupations in which the deaf do not or

cannot engage.

2. Employers and foremen treat deaf workmen as they do hearing

workmen.

3. Deafness is a hindrance to a great extent, but it is not such a

formidable barrier as has popularly been supposed.

4. The deaf workman usually has steady work. Those that do not

generally have only themselves to blame.

5. The deaf invariably get the same wages for the same class of work

as the hearing.

6. Employers and foremen are glad to have deaf workmen who can show

that they have the ability to do the work expected of them, and take

them on a basis equal to that of the hearing. If they are competent,

their services secure ready recognition.[106]

THE DEAF AS ALMS-SEEKERS

It might be thought that the deaf might sometimes find their infirmity a

useful means of soliciting alms from the public. But it is gratifying to

learn that very few of them ever try to make capital out of their

affliction. That a deaf man merely as such is in no wise to be

considered a special beneficiary of charity is a principle spiritedly

endorsed by nearly all the deaf themselves; and they are found to be the

last to lend encouragement to any appeals for aid from the charitably

disposed.[107]

On the other hand, it is a fact, perhaps not as widely known as it

should be, that there are persons able to hear who often pretend to be

deaf and dumb in order to work on the sensibilities of the public. To

such appeals a far more ready response is met with than should be the

case. The deaf themselves usually do what they can to prevent this, a

certain number indeed going to considerable lengths in this direction,

and not infrequently running such impostors down.[108] In nearly all the

state associations of the deaf as well as in the national organization

it is made a particular object to investigate and prosecute mendicants

simulating deafness, while in their papers a vigorous war is being

waged.[109] At the same time by many of the deaf a campaign of education

is being conducted for the enlightenment of the public. The following

resolutions, adopted by the National Association of the Deaf in 1910,

attest their feeling in the matter:[110]

_Whereas_, There is no necessity for an educated deaf person to beg

or solicit alms on account of deafness; and

_Whereas_, There are many cases of persons who are not really deaf,

but hearing people, who prey on the sympathy of the public to the

injury of the respectable and self-supporting deaf; therefore be it

_Resolved_, That it is the sense of the Association that stringent

laws should be enacted, making it a penal offense to ask pecuniary

aid on account of deafness or on pretense of being "deaf and dumb."

Only very rarely, however, has legal cognizance been taken of this evil,

though it may sometimes be included under the general charge of

"vagrancy" or "imposture." In a few states there have been special

enactments, as in New York[111] and Minnesota,[112] in the former the

impersonation of a deaf man being expressly added to the offenses that

constitute imposture, and in the latter to those that constitute

vagrancy.

HOMES FOR THE DEAF

Homes for the deaf in America have never been organized on other than a

small scale, and in the main they may be said to serve a purpose similar

to that of homes for the aged and infirm generally. Though there is

little call for such establishments to a wide extent, and though the

proportion of the deaf to be benefited by them is small,[113] yet for a

number of the deaf there is a peculiar need. These are deaf persons,

usually the old and decrepit, who are without means to support

themselves, and have no family or friends to look to for help. To them a

special retreat in association with others in similar condition proves

an immeasurable blessing, and in such their last years may be spent in

tranquillity and comparative happiness.

The object of a home for the deaf is thus given for one of them.[114]

To take care of such of the deaf of the state as are incapacitated

by reason of old age or other infirmity from taking care of

themselves, to the end that they may have the comforts of a home,

where they can associate with each other, and have the consolation

of religious services in their own language of signs, instead of

being sent to a county infirmary.

The purpose of another home is thus described:[115]

This home is unique, being the only institution of its kind in the

state, owned and controlled by the deaf, who have formed themselves

into an association, known as the Pennsylvania Society for the

Advancement of the Deaf. Like our Ohio cousins, who have already

established a similar home, we pride ourselves upon our ability to

own and control such a responsible institution. The home owes its

existence entirely to the charitable impulse of the deaf themselves,

aided by the generosity of their hearing friends. It exists because

of the desire to provide a home of rest for the infirm of our class

during their declining years, so that they may find here comfort and

happiness in congenial companionship and intelligent conversation.

At present there are five homes for the deaf.[116] They are found in the

states of Massachusetts, New York, Ohio, and Pennsylvania, there being

two in New York.[117] The first to be created was the Gallaudet Home at

Wappinger's Falls, New York, founded in 1885; the second the Ohio Home

at Westerville in 1896; the third the home of St. Elizabeth's

Industrial School in New York City in 1897; the fourth the New England

Home at Everett, Massachusetts, in 1901;[118] and the fifth the

Pennsylvania Home at Doyleston in 1902. The homes in Ohio and

Pennsylvania are owned and controlled by the societies for the deaf in

these respective states, the management being in the hands of trustees,

in the former of twenty, and in the latter of nine. The Gallaudet Home

is under the Church Mission to Deaf-Mutes of the Protestant Episcopal

Church, with the direction vested in a board of twenty-five trustees.

The home in Massachusetts is controlled by a private society organized

for the purpose, with a board of fifteen trustees in charge. The home in

New York City is a part of St. Elizabeth's Industrial School of the

Roman Catholic Church.[119]

The homes are for the most part for the deaf of restricted areas, those

in Pennsylvania and Ohio being for the deaf in these respective states.

With but one exception,[120] they are open to the "aged and infirm," in

some there being an age limitation of sixty years. The homes are in

general free to those qualified to enter, and though a charge may be

exacted from persons able to pay, this is seldom done, the homes being

intended for the destitute and friendless.

The total number of inmates in the homes is 106, ranging in different

ones from 13 to 30, and averaging about 20. The total annual cost of

maintenance is $30,190, making the average cost of each inmate

$290.[121] The value of the property of the homes is about $375,000, one

home having two-thirds of this, and two homes four-fifths.

As little is received in the way of pay from inmates,[122] the homes

have to depend for the most part upon private benevolence for their

support. In the case of the Ohio and Pennsylvania homes this support

comes largely from the deaf themselves.[123] In nearly all the homes

there are a certain number of inmates, but usually a very small number,

cared for at public expense. Private contributions to the homes are

seldom large, though in one case these have amounted to a considerable

sum.[124] They usually range from three or four thousand dollars a year

to several times as much.[125]

CONCLUSIONS WITH RESPECT TO THE ECONOMIC POSITION OF THE DEAF

From all the foregoing we may conclude the following with respect to the

economic position of the deaf:

1. The deaf are not a burden upon the community.

2. They are wage-earners in a degree that compares well with the general

population.

3. The occupations open to them and in which they are successfully

employed are much larger in number than is generally thought, and in

many their infirmity is very little of a drawback.

4. The deaf hold themselves on an economic equality with the rest of

their fellow-citizens, and ask no alms or favors of any kind.

5. Beyond homes for certain of the aged and infirm, which are called for

in not a few quarters, the deaf stand in need of little distinctive

economic treatment from society.

FOOTNOTES:

[94] Special Reports, p. 146ff.

[95] The proportion for the deaf would no doubt be higher but for the

large number in the schools. It should also be noted that "keeping

house", the most usual occupation reported by females, is not listed

among the occupations.

[96] Several of the deaf have won distinction as artists, and there have

been not a few inventors. In the civil service of the National

government there are said to be nearly two score. In 1908 an order was

issued by the Civil Service Commission, debarring deaf persons from this

service. So great was the protest, however, made by the deaf and their

friends that the decision was reversed by the President, and the deaf

were allowed to compete for any position where their deafness would not

interfere. See _Annals_, liii., 1908, p. 249; liv., 1909, p. 387; _Volta

Review_, x., 1908, p. 224; _Silent Worker_, Feb., 1909; Proceedings of

National Association of the Deaf, ix., 1910, pp. 26, 70.

[97] Paupers in Alms-houses, 1913, p. 76. In 1911 there were in the

alms-houses of Illinois, according to the Report of the state board of

charities, 38 deaf-mutes, or 0.5 per cent of the entire alms-house

population; in Indiana, 81, or 2.6 per cent; in New York, 191, or 1.8

per cent; and in Virginia, 17, or 0.7 per cent. In Michigan, according

to the annual Abstract of Statistical Information Relating to the

Insane, Deaf and Dumb, etc., for 1912, of the 1,059 deaf persons

reported, 32, or 3 per cent, were cared for at public expense.

[98] The percentage for the general population is 0.1.

[99] In many schools it is said that few of their former pupils have

failed to be self-supporting, especially those who have taken the full

prescribed course. Of the New York Institution the proportion is stated

to be as low as four per cent. Report, 1907, p. 37. Of the Michigan

School it is asserted that out of 1,800 former pupils, only three are

not self-supporting. Proceedings of Michigan Conference of Charities and

Corrections, 1907, pp. 32, 63. Similar claims are made for other schools

in respect to the condition of the deaf. By the head of the New Jersey

School it is stated: "Inquiry at the state prison elicits the fact that

there is not among its vast number of inmates a single deaf man or

woman, and, indeed, I know of no educated deaf convict or pauper in the

state." Report of Board of Education of New Jersey, 1904, p. 323. In

1911 a committee of the Convention of American Instructors of the Deaf

was appointed to collect information and statistics as to the

occupations and wages of the deaf. Proceedings, xix., p. 217.

[100] A special committee on the industrial condition of the deaf of the

National Association of the Deaf stated as a conclusion: "More deaf

workmen learn a new trade when they leave school than follow the one

they were taught at school." Proceedings, vii., 1904, p. 216. In

Minnesota the division for the deaf in the state bureau of labor works

in connection with the state school. See _Deaf-Mutes' Journal_, March 7,

1912. On the general industrial training of the deaf and its results,

see _Annals_, l., 1905, p. 98; lvii., 1912, p. 364; _Volta Review_, xi.,

1909, p. 311 (Proceedings of American Association to Promote the

Teaching of Speech to the Deaf); xiii., 1912, pp. 542, 595; Proceedings

of American Instructors, xv., 1898, p. 86; xvi., 1901, p. 238; xvii.,

1905, p. 93; Report of Special Committee of Board of Directors of

Pennsylvania Institution to Collect Information as to Lives and

Occupations of Former Pupils, 1884; Report of Pennsylvania Institution,

1885, p. 30; Mississippi School, 1893, p. 9; 1911, pp. 36, 52; Manual

and History of Ohio School, 1911, p. 16; Report of United States

Commissioner of Education, 1885, p. ccxxxv.; _Journal of Social

Science_, xxvi., 1889, p. 91.

[101] Proceedings of National Association of the Deaf, viii., 1907, p.

41; Indiana Bulletin of Charities and Corrections, June, 1912.

[102] Proceedings of National Conference of Charities and Corrections,

1906, pp. 232, 239.

[103] _Ibid._; Proceedings of National Association of the Deaf, _loc.

cit._

[104] In New York the deaf are said to "earn from $2500 a year to $6 or

$7 a week", most being "journeymen at their trades or skilled factory

operatives". Proceedings of Empire State Association of Deaf-Mutes, xx.,

1899, p. 7. In Missouri the earnings of the graduates of the state

school are reported as ranging up to $1300 a year. Report of Missouri

School, 1912, p. 28. In Massachusetts, in an investigation of the state

board of education, it has been found that of 84 deaf men who had left

school between 1907 and 1912, the average wage was $7.78 a week. _Volta

Review_, xv., 1913, p. 183. The deaf when opportunity offers often

become members of labor unions. They are said "quite generally to join

labor unions where the nature of their occupation permits", though, on

the whole, it does not seem that a large proportion do. Proceedings of

National Association of the Deaf, vii., 1904, pp. 143, 218. For other

views of the deaf on their employment and its returns, see _ibid._, i.,

1880, p. 10; iv., 1893, pp. 122, 167; v., 1896, p. 35; vi., 1899, p. 64;

viii., 1907, p. 53; Empire State Association of Deaf-Mutes, xi., 1887,

p. 9; Illinois Gallaudet Union, v., 1897, p. 25; Reunion of Alumni of

Wisconsin School for the Deaf, vii., 1895, p. 2; _Louisiana Pelican_, of

Louisiana School, Oct. 17, 1908.

[105] Proceedings, vii., p. 190ff. Questionnaires were submitted to deaf

workmen and their employers, and the conclusions (p. 227) were based on

their replies. These resolutions were confirmed by further findings

reported in 1907, especially as to the similarity of the wages of the

deaf and the hearing, and as to the satisfaction of employers with deaf

workmen. Proceedings, viii., p. 48.

[106] Another conclusion was that rural pursuits are better for the deaf

than factory work.

[107] See Proceedings of Convention of American Instructors, v., 1858,

p. 351; Report of Kentucky School, 1867, p. 13n.; _Annals_, x., 1858, p.

161; xxiv., 1879, p. 194.

[108] In the year 1911 the number of impostors whose arrest was secured

by the deaf was 38. _Deaf-Mutes' Journal_, Sept. 4, 1913.

[109] In many issues this is made a prominent feature.

[110] Proceedings, ix., p. 89. See also Proceedings of Pennsylvania

Society for the Advancement of the Deaf, xxiv., 1910, pp. 12, 32; Iowa

Association for the Advancement of the Deaf, vi., 1895, p. 29. The

action on the part of the deaf is worthy of the highest praise, and

speaks volumes for them. The real cause for wonder, however, is that the

public should ever allow itself to be deceived by those asking alms on

the pretexts given. By no disease known to medical science, save

paralysis alone, can a man lose his speech and hearing at one and the

same time. It may be safely estimated that of such gentry 98, perhaps

100, per cent are rank frauds.

[111] Rev. Stat., 1896, p. 1242. See also _Annals_, xxxi., 1886, p. 295.

On the other hand, it would seem that such statutes as that in

Pennsylvania which we have noted, exempting the deaf from the provisions

against tramps, would lend encouragement to alms-seeking.

[112] Laws, 1911, p. 356. The law in this state was secured by the

action of the deaf.

[113] It is said that less than 400, or less than one per cent of the

entire number of the deaf, are in need of special homes. Proceedings of

National Association of the Deaf, ix., 1910, p. 51.

[114] Report of Ohio Home for Aged and Infirm Deaf, 1912, p. 15.

[115] From an address given at opening of Pennsylvania Home for the

Deaf, 1902. On the objects of a home, see also Proceedings of Reunion of

Alumni of Wisconsin School for the Deaf, vii., 1895, p. 10.

[116] In three other states funds are being collected to establish

homes: Illinois, Indiana and Missouri. To that in Indiana 20 acres of

land have been donated. A private home was opened in New Jersey in 1854

for colored deaf, blind and crippled, lasting but a short time, and

having less than a dozen inmates. See Report of New Jersey School for

the Deaf, 1893, pp. 3, 7.

[117] A national home for the deaf has also been proposed. For arguments

for and against it, see Proceedings of National Association of the Deaf,

ix., 1910, p. 51. In 1872 such a home was projected, to be located in

New York City, some $4,000 being collected for it. Little encouragement,

however, was met from outside, and the plan was abandoned for a local

institution. See Report of Church Mission to Deaf-Mutes, 1874, p. 18;

1875, p. 17 ("Report of Committee on Building and Fund of National Home

for the Aged and Infirm Deaf"); New York _Times_, Sept. 1, 1875. See

also _International Record of Charities and Corrections_, June, 1886.

[118] This home was at Roxbury till 1905.

[119] In one or two cases there are ladies' auxiliary societies.

[120] The home in New York City receives only women from sixteen to

fifty years of age.

[121] One home is exceptionally provided for, however. Without it the

average is $252.

[122] In 1903 the amount from pay inmates was $1,600. Special Report of

the Census. Benevolent Institutions, 1904. The nominal charge is usually

$250.

[123] Over $3,000 was contributed by the deaf of Ohio for the

establishment of a home in this state.

[124] The Gallaudet Home has an endowment fund of $153,150, of which

$107,000 came from one legacy.

[125] See Appendix A for table in respect to the homes for the deaf. In

connection with the scheme of homes for the deaf, it is interesting to

note that there have been one or two suggestions for colonies for them,

though such have never been taken seriously. One was by a deaf man in

1860 in the form of a memorial to Congress for the creation of a

deaf-mute commonwealth. See _Annals_, viii., 1856, p. 118; x., 1858, pp.

40, 72, 136; xxix., 1884, p. 73. See also "Facts and Opinions Relating

to the Deaf from America", 1892, p. 182; Proceedings of National

Association of the Deaf, i., 1880, pp. 36-39. Farm colonies on a small

scale for poor deaf-mutes have also been considered occasionally, but

little further has ever been attempted. See _Deaf-Mutes' Journal_, Aug.

8, 1912; Sept. 12, 1912.

CHAPTER V

SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF THE DEAF

SOCIAL CLEAVAGE FROM THE GENERAL POPULATION

The preceding chapter has dealt with the economic possibilities of the

deaf, and the extent to which they stand alongside the population

generally. The other side of the shield in relation of the deaf to

society is now to be presented, that is, how far their want of hearing

will count in their participation in the social life of the community.

While the deaf man may be an active component in the economic and

industrial life of society, yet his inability to hear and his frequently

consequent inability to speak stand in the way of his prompt and

continuous partaking in its social life. He may, and does, have many

friends among his neighbors and acquaintances, but in the discourse

between man and man which forms such a large part of the interest and

delight in living, he is unable to join. There is usually at hand no

ready and rapid means of communication as there is between two hearing

persons in conversation, and his intercourse must necessarily be slow

and tedious. The privileges of his church he cannot enjoy; in his lodge

he misses the fellowship which is one of its fundamental ends; in few

forms of convivial entertainment can he take part. Thus seeking an

outlet for those social instincts which charge through his being, the

deaf man finds himself among men, but as though surrounded by a great

impenetrable wall against which their voices break in vain.

Placed, however, with his deaf fellows, he discovers himself in a

different situation. He soon learns that by the use of that language of

signs so largely employed by other deaf men, and of which he in a short

time becomes master, he is able to converse with an ease and quickness

fully as great as by that means of which he has been deprived. Hence he

ceases in large measure to carry on his social intercourse with the

hearing, and turns to his deaf comrades; in them he builds up an

approximately congenial companionship and fellowship, and to them he

looks largely for his means of social diversion. With them he feels a

close bond of sympathy, and is moved to co-operate with them, and to

stand with them when their mutual interests are concerned. In time

associations in various forms come to be organized among them. In such

wise is realized the desire of the deaf as of all men to commune with

their fellows.

DESIRABILITY OF ORGANIZATIONS COMPOSED OF THE DEAF

By some people societies or organizations composed exclusively of the

deaf have been opposed, or at least looked upon with disfavor. This is

because it has been felt that it is not well for the deaf to form a

class apart in the community, and that unless discouraged the practice

will cause intermarriage among the deaf, which may result in an

increasing number of deaf people--a matter to which we have already

given attention.

But in combating this tendency of the deaf to organize among themselves,

we are really unmindful of an elemental sociological principle, that

like-minded persons are prone to congregate, and will seek to form

purposive societies and associations, exemplified as well in a boys'

athletic club, in a church sewing circle, in a lodge of free and

accepted masons, as in a "league of elect surds."[126] If "clannishness"

is the outcome, it must be accepted only as the necessary consequence of

the infirmity of the deaf, in the practical affairs of life such men

being bound to seek out and associate with others of like condition. By

the deaf themselves it is claimed that the good readily outweighs the

possible evils, and that, as the fact of their deafness forbids them

belonging generally to societies for the hearing, they are thus forced

to band together, or almost entirely to go without the social

amalgamations which form such a conspicuous and valuable part of

life.[127]

PURPOSES, ACTIVITIES AND EXTENT OF SUCH ORGANIZATIONS

The organizations of the deaf are of several kinds: termed clubs,

leagues, societies, associations and the like; and wherever a number of

deaf persons are congregated, some such organization is likely to be

effected.[128] In large cities not a few may be found, planned perhaps

on different lines or appealing to different kinds of people. The

majority of the societies are formed for the mutual pleasure and culture

of the members.[129] A part are organized on fraternal principles, some

with benefit features, paying out so much in case of illness and the

like; while in a few a certain amount of relief may be dispensed to

those discovered to be in need. In most of the societies, as with the

body of the deaf generally, there is a considerable amount of

solidarity, and the members are usually quick to act in a common cause

or to apply the principle that the concern of one is the concern of

all.[130]

While these societies of the deaf are usually local in their

composition, there exists more or less communication with bodies in

other cities and communities. In over a fourth of the states there are

state societies, while in most of the states there are also alumni

associations of the special schools, which are of state-wide

extent.[131] A national body is likewise in existence, the National

Association of the Deaf, founded in 1880, and incorporated in 1900; and

there is a National Fraternal Society of the Deaf, with benefits for

sickness, injury and death, which has many local branches, this being

probably the largest organization of the deaf in the country.[132] An

international organization has also been formed, known as the World's

Congress of the Deaf.

Among the various associations of the deaf, particular mention may be

made of church organizations in some of the larger cities and towns,

which not infrequently serve in some measure the purpose of a social

center. These deaf congregations are usually in communion with some

denominational body, often being the result of church "missions" to the

deaf, and are ministered to regularly or at stated times by clergymen,

most of whom are themselves deaf. For the use of the deaf, the church

building or rooms in it are generally given over at certain times. In a

few cases the deaf are in possession of edifices of their own.[133]

NEWSPAPERS OF THE DEAF

With the deaf there have been a number of special papers, published by

and for them, and circulating for the most part only among them. Their

chief purpose is to chronicle the various happenings in deaf circles,

and to serve as a medium for the discussion of matters of general

interest to the deaf. These papers are usually weeklies or monthlies,

more often the former, and frequently have correspondents in a greater

or smaller number of localities. There have been not a few ventures in

the establishment of such independent papers, but most of them have

proved short-lived for want of sufficient support, some being of very

brief duration, and only an exceptional one continuing over an extended

period. As a rule there have been seldom more than two or three in

existence at any one time.[134] In addition, there have been several

religious papers for the deaf, often under the auspices of some

denominational body, but usually published by the deaf themselves.

These, however, have never been numerous, and have been of limited

circulation.[135]

FOOTNOTES:

[126] The deaf are not usually eligible to regular secret orders.

[127] On the subject of societies of the deaf, see _Annals_, xviii.,

1873, pp. 200, 255; xxi., 1876, p. 137; xxxii., 1887, p. 246; xxxiii.,

1888, p. 28; xlix., 1904, p. 369; Proceedings of Convention of American

Instructors, ix., 1878, p. 117; National Association of the Deaf, ii.,

1883, p. 12; iv., 1893, pp. 25, 40; vii., 1904, p. 132; viii., 1907, p.

26; Reunion of Alumni of Wisconsin School for the Deaf, v., 1888, p. 36;

Empire State Association of Deaf-Mutes, xiii., 1890, p. 12; _Deaf-Mutes'

Friend_, Aug., 1869. See also E. A. Hodgson, "The Deaf and Dumb; Facts,

Anecdotes and Poetry", 1891; J. E. Gallaher, "Representative Deaf

Persons in the United States", 1898; _International Review_, ii., 1875,

p. 471.

[128] The oldest organization of the deaf now existing is the New

England Gallaudet Association of the Deaf, which began in 1853. It

resulted largely from the Gallaudet Memorial Association, organized two

years before to raise funds for a monument to Thomas Hopkins Gallaudet.

In 1859 was created the Alumni Association of the High Class of the New

York Institution; in 1865 the Empire State Association; and in 1870 the

Ohio Alumni Association. See Proceedings of National Association of the

Deaf, iv., 1893, p. 25.

[129] Some of these have special club rooms for social and literary

meetings, where conversation can be carried on freely without attracting

public notice. Some of these club rooms are large and well appointed. In

not a few of the younger clubs athletics forms a prominent feature.

[130] This spirit is illustrated in many ways, perhaps most strikingly

in the case where a deaf man seems likely to be debarred from some

public position because of his want of hearing, when the deaf promptly

rally to his support. We have already seen their action in connection

with the order of the Civil Service Commission. Sometimes candidates for

office have been asked to state their views on this subject. As a

further instance of mutual assistance among the deaf may be mentioned

the raising of relief funds for deaf sufferers in other localities in

times of some great disaster.

[131] In Ohio and Pennsylvania the state societies manage homes for the

aged deaf, as we have seen; and in Virginia the state association

supports a special missionary to the deaf. In Pennsylvania there are

many county sections of the state body. In a number of centers a leading

association is that of the alumni of Gallaudet College.

[132] There has also frequently been discussion of a federation of the

various state and local organizations. See Proceedings of National

Association of the Deaf, iii., 1889, p. 14; ix., 1910, p. 25.

[133] Such churches are now in New York, Philadelphia and Wheeling,

under Protestant Episcopal auspices; in Milwaukee under Lutheran; and in

Baltimore under Methodist. Special church buildings are also in

contemplation in other cities. Funds for these churches are raised by

the deaf with the assistance of their hearing friends. In the Roman

Catholic Church there is a special organization of the deaf, founded in

1910, and known as the Knights of l'Epee.

[134] There have been about thirty such publications created, the first

of which seems to have been begun in 1839, and the second in 1860. See

especially "Periodicals Devoted to the Interests of the Deaf," by the

Volta Bureau, 1913. See also _Volta Review_, xii., 1910, p. 456;

Proceedings of National Association of the Deaf, ix., 1910, p. 45. The

present publications are: the _Deaf-Mutes' Journal_, of New York, a

weekly; the _Observer_, of Seattle, a bi-weekly; the _Frat_, of Chicago,

a monthly; and the _Pennsylvania Society News_, a quarterly.

[135] Those now existing are: the _Catholic Deaf-Mute_, of New York,

under Roman Catholic auspices; the _Silent Churchman_, of Chicago, under

Protestant Episcopal; the _Silent Herald_, of Chicago, under Methodist;

and the _Deaf Lutheran_, of Milwaukee, under Lutheran.

CHAPTER VI

POPULAR CONCEPTIONS CONCERNING THE DEAF

VIEWED AS A STRANGE CLASS

The position of the deaf in society is yet to be seen from another

standpoint. The question may be asked, How does the public at large, how

does "the man in the street," look upon the deaf? Are the deaf viewed

merely as so many people deprived of the sense of hearing, in whom also

the power of speech is often wanting? Or is there superimposed upon this

a feeling, owing perhaps to the supposed isolation of the deaf, that

they are in other ways a peculiar class of beings?

Unfortunately, it is the latter of these two conceptions that is the

prevailing one--unfortunately for the deaf, for their burden is quite

sufficient as it is. The public has been and is under many

misapprehensions and delusions regarding the deaf.[136] Being thrown

intimately with them but seldom, people often come to form curious

ideas respecting the deaf, but ideas which are more or less unhappy

ones. There is frequently an attitude towards them combined of wonder,

misgiving, fear, aversion--a vague feeling or belief that the deaf are

more or less distinct in their thoughts and actions from other people,

that they are somehow "unnatural" or "uncanny."[137]

VIEWED AS A DEFECTIVE CLASS

Not only are the deaf often looked upon as a strange class in the

community, but they are not uncommonly known as "defectives," and this

is the classification frequently applied to them. It is true that the

deaf are "defective" in that they are deprived of one of the most

important of the physical senses; but, in addition, the term often

carries a connotation of mental, or even of moral, aberrance, and

results in the infliction upon the deaf of an unnecessary brand. In many

libraries such a classification is found, and the deaf are catalogued

under the heading "defective." In the "Index of the Economic Material in

Documents of the States of the United States" of the Carnegie

Foundation, the deaf and the blind are grouped as "defectives" along

with the feeble-minded and consumptives.[138] Though in such a

classification, any untoward signification is disclaimed, and it is held

to be merely one of convenience of arrangement, it remains true that

terms are employed and associations involved that to a certain extent do

a very real injury to the deaf.[139]

VIEWED AS AN UNHAPPY CLASS

People are also prone to think of the deaf as an unhappy, morose or

dejected class. Professor E. T. Devine in his "Misery and its Causes"

(1909)[140] enumerates the deaf, among other classes, as embodiments of

misery--"not for the most part," he is careful to state, "personally

unhappy," but rather with reference to their imperfect senses. This view

is clear enough, and in one sense is doubtless correct; but it does not

express the entire situation in respect to the deaf. While their

deafness must always be a serious and distressing affliction, and even

handicap and burden as well, and while the deaf must often bemoan their

fate, it yet seems to be true that the deaf as a lot are not "unhappy."

They are good-natured, see the world from an odd angle sometimes, yet

are as much philosophers as the average man; and when in the company of

their deaf associates are able to derive fully as large a portion of

happiness as any other group of human beings. The deaf are cheerful,

swayed by the same emotions as other mortals, responsive equally to all

the touches of life, and are not, at least in these days of education, a

morbid, brooding, passionate folk, as is too often the popular judgment.

VIEWED AS A DEPENDENT CLASS

In some quarters the deaf continue to be looked upon as one of the

dependent classes of society. Mr. Robert Hunter in his "Poverty"

(1904)[141] under the head of "Dependents and their Treatment" places

the deaf and dumb as "absolute dependents." Such views, however, are no

longer general, the deaf having themselves demonstrated to what extent

they are a self-supporting part of the community. But where this belief

is still shared, the deaf are thought in many cases to be in need of aid

or public charity; or at any rate to be economically inferior to the

rest of society. Deaf pupils in the schools, for instance, are often

referred to as "inmates" or even as "patients," not only by the public

but by newspapers as well; and the schools themselves are often spoken

of as "asylums" or as charitable institutions.[142] This nomenclature is

hardly defensible on any ground, and by it the education of the deaf is

not even given its true status.

As a further illustration of the general feeling, though rather of

different order, may perhaps be cited the attitude of the general

insurance companies toward the deaf. Though some of the companies accept

the deaf at their regular rates, a number refuse them altogether, while

others limit their liability or demand an extra premium.[143] This is

largely because of the fear that the deaf are more liable to accidents

than other people; but in point of fact the deaf seem to be a long-lived

people, and it is likely that with greater statistical knowledge

concerning them, most of the discrimination would cease.[144]

NEED OF A CHANGED REGARD FOR THE DEAF

Thus in many ways are the deaf made to suffer from popular

misconceptions, and quite unnecessarily. Too long have designations been

employed regarding them that call up undeserved associations. Too long

have they been set down as a strange and uncertain body of human beings,

removed in their actions, manners and modes of thought from the rest of

society. The interests of the deaf require a different consideration and

treatment. They demand that the deaf be regarded exactly as other

people, only unable to hear. Theirs will be a great boon when they are

looked upon no more as a distinct and different portion of the race, but

entirely as normal creatures, equally capable and human as all other

men.[145]

FOOTNOTES:

[136] Very often in the public mind the deaf and the blind are

associated, the two classes sometimes becoming more or less merged the

one into the other, and the problems of the one are not infrequently

assumed to be those of the other. As a matter of fact, there is but one

point of similarity in the two classes--both are "defective" in that

they are deprived of a most important physical sense. The gulf that

really separates the blind from the deaf is far deeper than that which

lies between either of the two classes and the normal population.

[137] In this connection it may be interesting to note the regard for

the deaf as has been indicated by the deaf characters that have been

created in fiction. Though not a large number are found, there is

displayed towards them an attitude largely of kindly sympathy, in some

cases mingled with wonder. Such characters appear in Lew Wallace's

"Prince of India", where three deaf-mutes are instructed to speak;

Scott's _Fanella_ in "Peveril of the Peak"; Dickens' _Sophy_ in "Dr.

Marigold" (an unusually attractive and lovable character); Collins'

_Madonna Mary_ in "Hide and Seek"; Caine's _Naomi_ in "The Scapegoat";

Haggard's "She"; Maarten's "God's Fool"; de Musset's "Pierre and

Camille"; and elsewhere. Thomas Holcroft's "Deaf and Dumb; or the Orphan

Protected" is an adaptation from the French play "Abbe de l'Epee" of J.

N. Bouilly, in 1802, in which the founder of the first school for the

deaf and his pupils are touchingly portrayed. Feigned characters are

also found, as Scott's mute in "The Talisman"; in Moliere's "Le Medecin

malgre Lui"; Jonson's "Epicoene"; and John Poole's "Deaf as a Post".

Defoe has a character, _Duncan Campbell_, which is possibly based on one

from real life, being referred to by Addison in the _Spectator_ and the

_Tatler_. On the subject of the deaf in fiction, see _Silent Worker_,

Dec., 1893; _Annals_, xxxix., 1894, p. 79; Indiana Bulletin of Charities

and Corrections, June, 1897; _Athenaeum_, Feb., April, 1896.

[138] It may be recorded here that in the present compilation of the

Bibliography of the United States Bureau of Education, the expression

formerly used, "Delinquents, Dependents and Defectives", has been

dropped in favor of the term, "Special Classes of Persons". On this

subject, see Proceedings of National Educational Association, 1901, p.

876.

[139] A possibly more serious misapprehension respecting the deaf arises

from the impression often current among a large number of people, and

apparently encouraged not infrequently in the proceedings of some

scientific bodies, to the effect that nearly all deaf-mutes are so

either because of a similar condition in their parents or because of the

existence in the parents of some physical disease, sometimes of an

immoral character. This is in a great part due to the increasing

emphasis upon eugenics, with the desire to weed out from the population

as many as possible of the "unfit" or "defective". In consequence has

been the belief that if there were proper regulation of certain

marriages, especially of the deaf and of others suffering from

particular maladies, "deaf-mutism", which is looked upon as an

excrescence upon society, would in the course of a short time be stamped

out. An illustration of this conception is the following extract from

the Handbook of the Child Welfare Exhibit held in New York in 1911 (p.

38): "Mating of the Unfit. 'The Law'. Marriages of cousins, insane or

feeble-minded, alcoholic, syphilitic parents and effects. The

cost--7,369 blind infants, 89,287 deaf and dumb, 18,476 feeble-minded".

See also Proceedings of National Conference of Charities and

Corrections, 1912, p. 277; Report of Philadelphia Baby Saving Show,

1912, p. 37; _Annals_, lvii., 1912, p. 284. As a matter of fact, as we

have already seen, the question of deafness is not one so much of

eugenics as of medical science, although eugenics may well be called in

play in respect to the marriages of persons under unfavorable

conditions, including to an extent the congenitally deaf and those

having deaf relatives. The total number of the deaf, however, marrying

under unfavorable conditions, is not large. Every effort to remove or

diminish deafness is entitled only to the highest praise; but when it is

made to appear that deafness generally results from such causes as are

often ascribed, it is seen how wrongly the deaf, upon whom a great

affliction is already resting, may be made to suffer.

[140] P. 45. See also Proceedings of Empire State Association of

Deaf-Mutes, xii., 1888, p. 35; National Conference of Charities and

Corrections, 1883, p. 416.

[141] P. 76. See also p. 96. Similarly Professor C. R. Henderson in his

"Dependents, Defectives and Delinquents" says (p. 170): "Many of the

deaf and blind are so deficient in industrial efficiency, owing to their

infirmity, that they must be cared for in adult life and old age".

[142] In the special census report of Benevolent Institutions of 1904

schools for the deaf and the blind are included, because they contain

"free homes for care and maintenance". In some charity directories

schools for the deaf are listed.

[143] It is claimed that 95 per cent of the general fraternal

organizations consider the deaf as "hazardous" or "undesirable".

Proceedings of National Association of the Deaf, ix., 1910, p. 53.

Accident insurance is usually refused by all. When an extra rate is

charged in life insurance, this is usually one-half of one per cent. On

the subject of insurance and the mortality of the deaf, see _Annals_,

xxxiii., 1888, p. 246; xlix., 1904, p. 274; Proceedings of Convention of

American Instructors, ii., 1851, p. 168; iii., 1853, p. 85; xi., 1886,

p. 67; Empire State Association of Deaf-Mutes, xii., 1888, p. 35; xiii.,

1890, p. 30: xvi., 1894, p. 28; xix., 1897, p. 93; National Association

of the Deaf, ii., 1883, p. 12; vii., 1904, p. 183; Report of New York

Institution, 1853, p. 70.

[144] The foregoing illustrate some of the most striking misconceptions

regarding the deaf. On the other hand, no doubt the deaf as well as the

blind suffer from sentiment on the part of the public, and from the

sensational accounts which appear from time to time in the newspapers

and magazines concerning what the deaf have been found able to

accomplish. Many things are referred to as "wonders", as though it were

strange that they could be done by people without hearing, some of the

achievements of the deaf being set down as most remarkable. Such

writings are usually in a kindly spirit, and may often serve a useful

purpose in making known the similarity of the capabilities of the deaf

and of the hearing; but when they make the deaf appear as a peculiar and

unlike part of the race, their effect may be most misleading. The worst

result is that the public becomes ready and willing to believe almost

any thing about the deaf.

[145] In 1908 the Convention of American Instructors of the Deaf

appointed a committee to consider the question of the dissemination of

knowledge regarding the attainments of the deaf. Proceedings, xviii., p.

210.

CHAPTER VII

PRIVATE ORGANIZATIONS INTERESTED IN THE DEAF

GENERAL SOCIETIES INTERESTED IN THE DEAF

We have now considered the interest of society in the deaf in its

several relations, together with the treatment that has been extended to

them. It remains to be noted whether there have been any private

undertakings organized in behalf of the deaf or interested in their

welfare, and what has been done by such bodies.

In America virtually the only organizations composed of persons not deaf

and formed for the purpose of advancing the interests of the deaf have

been those more or less closely related to the education of deaf

children, and with their exception practically no movements in respect

to the deaf may be said to have been undertaken.[146]

These organizations interested in the instruction of the deaf are of two

divisions: bodies actively engaged in the work of this instruction, and

bodies only indirectly concerned. The first division includes, on the

one hand, associations of instructors of the deaf, and, on the other,

societies or corporations formed to promote and establish schools, which

have either passed out of existence, their mission being fulfilled, on

the taking over of the school by the state, or have remained in control

of certain schools--to be considered when we come to the general

provisions for the education of the deaf. In the second division are

three kinds of organizations: the Volta Bureau, an organization in a

class of its own; associations of parents concerned mainly with the

instruction of their own children; and undertakings interested in the

extension of religious knowledge to the deaf, usually in the form of

church missions.

THE VOLTA BUREAU

The one organization in America of large compass and concerned solely

with the interests of the deaf is the Volta Bureau, located in

Washington. This has resulted from the gift of Dr. Alexander Graham Bell

in 1880, who having received 50,000 francs from the French government in

recognition of his services in the field of invention, decided to use

the money to establish the bureau for the "increase and diffusion of

knowledge relating to the deaf." The bureau now contains much

information regarding the deaf as a class, as well as carefully compiled

data regarding many individuals; and also publishes works on the deaf,

including the "Volta Review," a monthly periodical. It is much

interested in the methods of instruction of the deaf, while another

important aim may be said to be the elimination of deafness as far as

possible, or the removal of many of the effects of deafness. Dr. Bell's

total benefactions to this bureau, together with the Association to

Promote the Teaching of Speech to the Deaf, to which it is now joined,

have amounted to more than a quarter of a million dollars.[147]

PARENTS' ASSOCIATIONS FOR THE DEAF

Associations of parents have been organized chiefly in relation to the

education of their own deaf children, though in some cases friends as

well as parents are included. They have often been particularly

concerned in the creation of day schools for the deaf, but have also

shown an interest in other ways.[148] These associations have been

mostly confined to cities, and have been organized in a dozen or so of

them, as Boston, Cleveland, Cincinnati, Chicago, Detroit, Milwaukee, St.

Paul, New York, Los Angeles, and San Francisco.[149] State associations

have been rare, being found in only two or three states, as Ohio,

Wisconsin and Nebraska.[150]

CHURCH MISSIONS TO THE DEAF

Practically all the religious denominations have shown more or less

concern in the spiritual welfare of the deaf, so far as individuals have

been affected, and many churches have deaf members on their rolls. Some

of the church bodies have, in addition, given more particular attention

to the deaf, and have instituted special activities to embrace as many

of them as possible. Such movements have their greatest opportunities

in the cities, where it is easier to reach the deaf than in the

scattered districts of the country, though some efforts have been made

there too. On the whole, however, only a small part of the religious

duty towards the deaf is found to have been done; and it remains beyond

question that they have been neglected in this regard far too much, and

that there is indeed a field "white unto the harvest" for the spiritual

well-being of the deaf. Perhaps also there is no sphere of religious

endeavor where the need of mutual understanding and co-operation is so

manifest as with the deaf.

The denominations that have taken special action usually maintain what

are called "missions to the deaf," and have clergymen, both deaf and

hearing, who give part or all of their time to the work. In a few of the

larger cities, as we have seen, special churches for the deaf have been

organized, supported with the aid of the denominational body, while in

other cases the use of the church building is allowed to the deaf at

certain times. Visits are also made from time to time to smaller places

when a number of deaf people may be assembled together, and special

meetings are arranged for them.[151] In such missions, while the aims

are largely spiritual, there are often in addition operations of a

material character, with appropriate attention to individual cases of

need.[152]

Among Protestant Churches, the Protestant Episcopal may be considered

the pioneer, and it has taken up the work with considerable zeal and

effectiveness. In 1850 work was begun in the East, and in 1871 formally

organized. In 1873 it was extended to the Mid-west, and in 1875 to the

North-west and South-west. In a number of the dioceses the work is now

given attention, in some of the large cities, as New York, Philadelphia

and Chicago, its labor being notable.[153] The Lutheran Church has been

active particularly in some of the states of the Middle West, as in the

synods of Missouri, Ohio, and others, and in a few cities of the East.

The Methodists have likewise been engaged in certain sections of the

country, especially in the South and in the Mid-west. The Baptists have

also taken up work, especially in the South and in New England.

Together with the Congregationalists, they started action in the latter

section in 1884, though most of the work in New England is now done by a

union organization of several denominations, called the "Evangelical

Alliance." In other Protestant bodies little has been attempted beyond

local undertakings in a few places. The work of the Roman Catholic

Church in respect to the deaf is well organized in a number of centers,

and many of the Catholic deaf are carefully looked after. With the

Hebrews most of the attention has been confined to certain large

cities.[154]

ORGANIZATIONS INTERESTED IN THE EDUCATION OF THE DEAF

There are in America three large bodies interested in the education of

the deaf, and composed for the most part of those directly connected

with the work of education. These are the Convention of American

Instructors of the Deaf, the Conference of Superintendents and

Principals, and the American Association to Promote the Teaching of

Speech to the Deaf, all meeting, as a usual thing, triennially in

different years. Of these the oldest is the Convention of American

Instructors, which was organized in 1850.[155] It is a large and

representative body, and has manifested its interest from the beginning

in the general welfare of the deaf, as well as in the particular demands

of education. The Conference of Superintendents and Principals, as its

name implies, is composed of the heads of schools, and was organized in

1868.[156] The Association to Promote the Teaching of Speech to the Deaf

was incorporated as such in 1890, though it was not the first body

concerned in this work.[157] It is now countrywide, and embraces a large

number of those interested in the teaching of speech to the deaf,

whether active educators or not. A large section of its members are

"pure oralists," that is, believing in the exclusive use of speech with

the deaf. In 1908 the Volta Bureau was taken over by this body.[158] It

may be mentioned here also that the educators of the deaf are

represented in the National Educational Association.[159]

PUBLICATIONS DEVOTED TO THE INTERESTS OF THE DEAF

There are two publications devoted to the interests of the deaf: the

"American Annals of the Deaf" and the "Volta Review," both published in

Washington. The former was begun in 1848. It appears bi-monthly, and is

under the direction of the Conference of Principals.[160] It has long

been known as the standard periodical relating to the deaf in America,

and represents current thought and opinion of practical educators of the

deaf, as well as constituting a general record of the work. The "Volta

Review," formerly known as the "Association Review," was begun in 1899,

and was published by the Association to Promote the Teaching of Speech

to the Deaf. It is now published conjointly by the Association and the

Volta Bureau, and appears as an illustrated monthly. It is "devoted to

the problems of deafness," but deals in the greatest measure with the

matters pertaining to the education of the deaf.[161] In most of the

residential schools, or institutions, there are also papers, which

often serve to keep parents and others informed of the work of the

respective schools. We have already referred to the publications by the

deaf themselves, both secular and religious.

FOOTNOTES:

[146] General organizations of a philanthropic or other character have

seldom extended activities to include the deaf, though at times some

institution, as the Young Men's Christian Association or a social

settlement, has manifested an interest, chiefly in providing a place for

meeting.

[147] The bureau contains a card catalogue of more than 50,000 deaf

children who have been in the special schools from 1817 to 1900;

authentic manuscript respecting 4,471 marriages of the deaf; and the

special schedules of the census of 1900 respecting the deaf. It serves,

moreover, as a bureau of information and advice, with suggestions for

the hard of hearing also, and as a teachers' agency. On the work of the

bureau, see _Deaf-Mute Advance_, of Illinois School, March 14, 1891;

_Silent Worker_, May, 1895; and current numbers of the _Volta Review_,

especially that for Jan., 1913 (xiv., p. 605).

[148] The purpose of the Boston Parents' Education Association for Deaf

Children is "to encourage home instruction, aid schools for the deaf in

Boston, help deaf children to continue their education in schools or

colleges for hearing persons, aid them in acquiring a practical

knowledge of useful trades and business, assist them in obtaining

remunerative employment, bring them into more extensive social relations

with hearing persons, and employ such other means for their advancement

as may be deemed advisable." See "Offering in behalf of the Deaf", by

this association, 1903, p. 8. See also _Association Review_, ii., 1900,

p. 146. Most of the associations have also been interested in the

employment of the oral method of instruction. Dues in such associations

are usually only one or two dollars, and there is often a board of

directors appointed.

[149] The first seems to have been the Boston Association, formed in

1894.

[150] In several of these associations membership is over a hundred. In

Milwaukee there is also a similar society known as the Wisconsin

Phonological Institute to Promote the Teaching of Speech to the Deaf,

which was organized in 1878, and incorporated in 1879, as a

philanthropic society. See Report, 1878, p. 5.

[151] On the subject of church work among the deaf, see Proceedings of

National Association of the Deaf, i., 1880, p. 19; iv., 1893, p. 53;

vi., 1899, p. 58; vii., 1904, p. 153; Empire State Association of

Deaf-Mutes, xii., 1888, p. 31; Conference on Church Work among the Deaf

(Protestant Episcopal), i., 1881, p. 5; ii., 1883, p. 4; iv., 1887, p.

3; v., 1888, p. 23; Report of Diocesan Commission on Church Work among

the Deaf, 1886; Church Mission to the Deaf (New York), 1873, p. 14;

1886, p. 3; 1888, p. 3; _Annals_, xxix., 1884, p. 24.

[152] Direct relief may be afforded in some cases, and in others visits

made to hospitals, prisons and the like, where deaf persons may be

found, without regard to religious affiliation. Assistance is also often

rendered in acting as interpreters in court, though this work is

frequently shared in by instructors of the deaf. In one or two

instances, as we have seen, homes for the deaf have been established by

religious bodies.

[153] In the Protestant Episcopal Church there are now some twelve

clergymen engaged in this work, ten of whom are deaf, and more than

twice this number of lay helpers.

[154] In New York there is a Society for the Welfare of the Jewish Deaf,

which was organized in 1910, and incorporated in 1913. Laws, ch. 313. It

is controlled by a board of from seventeen to thirty governors, and is

interested in the educational, industrial, social and religious concerns

of the deaf. See _Hebrew Standard_, March 15, 1912; _Jewish Charities_,

Jan., 1912. See also Proceedings of National Conference of Jewish

Charities, 1908, p. 28.

[155] Its first meeting was at the New York Institution, after a call

had been issued by several of the leading educators. In 1897 this body

was incorporated.

[156] The organization was effected at Washington. See Report of

Columbia Institution, 1868, p. 16.

[157] A convention of articulation teachers was held as early as 1874.

Another meeting was held in 1884. See _Annals_, xix., 1874, pp. 90, 217;

xxix., 1884, pp. 154, 237; _Volta Review_, xiv., 1913, p. 394. In 1894

was formed the Association to Promote Auricular Training of the Deaf,

which was subsequently merged with the larger organization.

[158] The Association has a board of fifteen directors, and an advisory

board of twelve.

[159] This was organized in 1897. Proceedings, p. 36. It is known as

Department XVI, or the Department of Special Education. Both instructors

of the deaf and of the blind are represented, those interested in the

education of the feeble-minded having also been included up to 1902. In

addition to the three general organizations of educators of the deaf,

there have been several local conferences, as of the principals of

schools in the Southern states and in New York, and of teachers in the

state of Michigan and of the city of New York.

[160] Its first publication was by the instructors of the Hartford

School. Publication was omitted in 1849, and from 1861 to 1868.

[161] For other publications that have appeared in the interest of the

deaf, see "Periodicals Devoted to the Interests of the Deaf," by the

Volta Bureau, 1913.

PART II

PROVISION FOR THE EDUCATION OF THE DEAF

The Deaf Their Position in Society and the Provision for Their Education in the United States · 第 1 / 17 章