On the same day, _i.e._ on the 12th of Shevál, Yemishjí Hasan Páshá’s

commissioner, Alí Aghá, ághá of the janissaries, who had been sent to

Constantinople to contract a marriage between the commander-in-chief

and Ayesha Sultáná, the relict of the late grand vezír, Ibrahím Páshá,

met along with Yemenlí Hasan Aghá, the vezír’s own deputy, and Abdí

Chelebí, secretary of the customs, and fixed the dowry at four thousand

ducats. After the contract was settled and sealed, one Nesúh Aghá was

sent to Belgrade with the marriage documents to the serdár. Nesúh, who

had lost his commission among the spáhís, expected, on this occasion,

either to be raised to the ágháship of the janissaries, or to be made

chief master of the horse, what he was before; but neither of these

offices could be conferred on him at that time: he was, however, made

a kapújí báshí. This same Nesúh Aghá afterwards attained the rank of

páshá, and became, in the end, prime minister; but we shall have to

speak of him in the sequel.

On the 20th of Dhu’l kadah Alí Aghá left the Sublime Porte with his

troops and marched for Belgrade.

_Concerning the rebel Delí Hasan, the brother of Karah Yázijí.—Hasan

Páshá, the commander-in-chief, falls a martyr._

It is recorded by Sháh Verdí, who had been deputy or lieutenant to

Karah Yázijí, that when Karah Yázijí died, as already observed, his

followers took his body, and cutting it into pieces, afterwards buried

it in separate and distinct places, in order that the Osmánlís might

not have it in their power to burn it.

This same Verdí, Yolar Kapdí, and one Túyel, all three noted rebels,

joined the insurgent Delí Hasan, after the death of his brother, when

they left the mountains of Jánbeg with an insurgent army of several

thousand men, with the view of intercepting and seizing Hasan Páshá’s

heavy baggage whilst on its way from Diárbeker. The páshá not having

many troops along with him at this time, did not venture to give battle

to these desperate mountaineers, but fortified himself as well as he

was able in the fortress of Tokat. The city and suburbs, however, were

subjected to the cruelty of these barbarians, who not only robbed and

plundered wherever they were able, but also destroyed the páshá’s

beautiful flower-garden. Not satisfied with all these excesses, they

determined to attack the citadel and seize the páshá himself. For this

purpose they encamped on the outside of the city. Information of the

insurgent army having determined to lay siege to the fortress of Tokat

having reached the court of Constantinople, the governor of Diárbeker,

Khosrú Páshá, was created a vezír, and ordered to proceed with the army

of Kúrdistán and oppose the progress of the insurgents. No person,

however, had sufficient courage to inform Hasan Páshá that his office

was conferred on Khosrú Páshá.

In the meantime the insurgents, after continuing the siege for about

a month, had every prospect of succeeding in their attempts. Hasan

Páshá was in the habit of going every morning and sitting on a seat

in a certain place opposite the gate of the fortress, a circumstance

which was some way or other made known to the rebels. They accordingly

watched him, when one of them aimed his piece at him and shot him dead

on the spot. Delí Hasan wished no more, raised the siege, and set out

on a predatory excursion into Anatolia. The property of Hasan Páshá

which had fallen into the hands of the rebels they distributed amongst

them; and their power soon waxed so very considerable, that for the

space of seven or eight years they ruled the country with a rod of iron.

Yávuz Alí Aghá was made válí of Egypt this year. This same year, also,

a letter from the king of France was received, in which complaint

was made of the injuries which some of his subjects had sustained

from pirates belonging to some of the Turkish islands. The Turkish

government immediately issued the strongest prohibitions against

this traffic, and threatened to punish with rigour every instance of

transgression of this kind which should happen to come to its knowledge.

We have still to observe one other circumstance before commencing to

relate the events of the following year. During the time that Khalíl

Páshá was governor or deputy of Constantinople, the ulemá assembled

together, waited on his excellency, and demanded justice against the

spáhís for the disturbance and tumult which they had been the means

of raising in the metropolis lately. A report of the whole of their

proceedings was laid before his majesty, who issued a royal letter

relative to this meeting.

Ibrahím Khán, the valas pádisháh, was this year subdued by Sháh

Abbás.[10]

EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1011, H.

_Hasan Páshá recovers Alba Julia._

Towards the end of the preceding year the páshá made every preparation

for commencing a new campaign in the beginning of this year. A new

bridge was erected on the Save: he was joined by the ághá of the

janissaries from Constantinople about the commencement of Moharrem,

and troops from all quarters poured into his camp. The troops that

accompanied the ághá from the metropolis received double wages:

provisions were distributed, and vessels laden with the same article

were sent off for Buda. The royal camp, in the greatest haste,

removed from Belgrade and arrived at Serim on the 15th of the month.

Badalooshka cannon were transported from Buda to the camp, and on the

22nd Alba Julia was put under siege. Lála Mohammed Páshá, from Buda,

encamped on the south side, in front of the city; the grand vezír

(_i.e._ the commander-in-chief, Yemishjí Hasan Páshá) took up his

position on one side, and the ághá of the janissaries, with nine pieces

of ordnance, presented himself before the gate. Mohammed Páshá, with

the army of Romeili and five pieces of ordnance, and Dervísh Páshá, the

beglerbeg of Bosnia, with the army of Buda, entered into entrenchments,

and immediately erected mounds. Three thousand chosen men and four

thousand pioneers were under the immediate eye of the grand vezír.

After a few days of constant battering, the besieging army sprung four

mines, which had some considerable effect, and soon afterwards they

took possession of the large tower, but were obliged to relinquish it.

The enemy, besides, had formed a kind of wall or mound within their

ramparts, which served to protect them against the besieging army’s

artillery. No great progress had hitherto been made.

On the 17th of the month Sefer, about the hour of dinner, and the hot

part of the day, a servant of Mohammed Páshá started suddenly upon his

feet, seized a standard, ran in the greatest haste to the tower, and

fixed it on its top. The janissaries and others no sooner saw this,

than they immediately went and took possession of it, causing the few

men who watched it to fly. The enemy, however, continued to trust to

their strong bulwarks, and thought themselves safe. They were miserably

mistaken. The Moslem and orthodox warriors opened upon them a brisk

fire of musketry, which drove them from their position. Mohammed Páshá

succeeded in getting into the city and took it. When the serdár heard

that his troops had taken the tower before-mentioned, he ordered his

tent to be immediately erected near it.

The enemy perceiving the progress of the besiegers, and that they were

assaulting them, in fact, from every quarter, fled into the inner

fortress. This last refuge of theirs was attacked in its turn. By means

of mounds which they soon raised for their own protection, they were

enabled to effect some mines, which they had no sooner ignited than one

of the towers was blown into the air and a sufficient breach made.

The courage of the poor devils when they saw this gave way, and they

offered to yield up the place. A certain number of their chief officers

came out and received, as on former occasions, garments and were sent

off with the rest of the military of Alba Julia to their own countries.

The victorious Moslems, after taking possession of this important

place, placed a sufficient garrison in it, and the rest of their troops

returned to Buda about the end of the month last mentioned.

_The Commander-in-chief conducts an expedition into Transylvania._

In consequence of the woiwoda of Transylvania having, contrary to all

law and justice, entered by violence into a fortress belonging to Sekul

Murish, one of the independent princes of Transylvania, where he seized

on its treasures and arms, and slew the men who were in it, the above

prince, during the winter season, came to the serdár and solicited his

aid, promising he would, if thus supplied with sufficient means, subdue

the whole of the region of Transylvania under the Mohammedan yoke. The

serdár placed confidence in his promises, and therefore determined to

aid him in person. All this had taken place before the reduction of

Alba Julia, for which, however, the serdár was preparing when the above

prince came to him.

The serdár, or commander-in-chief, having fully achieved what he was

at that time preparing for, as related in the preceding section, and

having no reason to expect danger from any quarter, passed over from

Buda to the plains of Pest. The infidels’ camp was at a place called

Jegirdelin, opposite to Osterghún.

As the orthodox Moslems used to call out every evening, _Allah! Allah!_

so also the infidels cried out from one certain place, every morning

and evening, the word _Yesú_, and immediately after this discharged

their large cannon. _Yesú_ is a corruption of _Isa_ (Jesus) in the

gospel. The sound of the guns fired by the infidels was heard at Pest.

Súfí Sinán Páshá was appointed commandant of Buda, for Kází Zádeh Alí

Páshá, the beglerbeg of Buda, who had been present at the siege of

Alba Julia, was there wounded by a musket-ball, and carried off the

field in a litter or sledge. This Alí Páshá came along with Hábel

Effendí, the cazí of Buda, to the serdár, and remonstrated against

leaving Buda defenceless. You will not be two stages distant, said

they, before the infidels will come and surround us. The danger of this

circumstance seemed to press very much upon their imagination, and

they did not fail to paint it in lively colours to the serdár. “Though

it be perfectly true,” said the serdár in return, “that we hear the

sound of the enemy’s cannon, yet it would be very unwise to leave Ardil

Oghlí (_i.e._ the prince of Transylvania) in possession of Lipovah

and Yanovah in the jurisdiction of Temiswar. There are only about six

or seven thousand troops in the enemy’s camp, and their object is

to terrify the Moslem army from entering Transylvania. They are not

sufficiently strong to offer to attack you. You have no reason whatever

to fear they will do so; be therefore easy in your minds on this

score.” Thus did the serdár endeavour to soothe their terrors; but Alí

Páshá replied: “My lord, allow me to inform you that some spies sent

out by me returned last night, and informed me that there are more than

eighty thousand soldiers and forty pieces of ordnance in the enemy’s

camp, and that their object is to attack Buda. Let Hábel Effendí note

down what I have now said, and if it turns out to be false, then you

may take what vengeance you please on me.” Yemishjí Páshá himself, a

proud obstinate Albanian, remained immoveable in maintaining his own

assertions, _viz._ that the enemy had no other view than merely to

frighten them from entering Transylvania, and that they had neither

strength nor intention to attack Buda. In the meantime, when Mohammed

Páshá, beglerbeg of Romeili, perceived the serdár’s obstinacy, he asked

to be permitted to make an excursion as far as Filk and Sitchan, and

carry thence what plunder he might be able to take. His request was not

acceded to; and the following day, the first of Rabia II., the serdár

marched off for Solnuk, which he reached in four days, carrying along

with him five pieces of cannon and one hundred sháhs (a kind of smaller

ordnance). In four days more he crossed the Tise, and on the 11th of

the same month reached the palanka of Sarwash. The troops of Julia and

Temiswar joined his camp at this place; but he had scarcely time to

hold a council of his great men, when, behold! messengers with evil

intelligence from Buda waited upon him.

_Pest taken.—Buda is besieged._

The enemy had no sooner heard of the commander-in-chiefs movements than

they began to put their cannon in order for marching. King Ferdinand

ordered his Hungarian, Croatian, and Frank army, and various captains

to advance before him. On arriving at Old Buda, they crossed over to

the island of Kislar, by means of a bridge of boats, thence proceeded

in boats to Pest, destroyed its bridge, and entered it on the side next

the river, where there happened to be no wall. On the land side they

planted their artillery. With the exception of a company of Moslems

who had occupied a large tower on the banks of the Danube, and who

had escaped by means of boats, the whole of the rest, men, women, and

children, fell into the hands of the invaders. About five thousand of

these hateful infidels were left in possession of Pest, whilst the

rest of their army returned and encamped before Old Buda, and took

possession of a palanka called Kiris Elias which belonged to it. At

Gul Bábá, opposite the great earthen tower, they placed ten pieces of

cannon, and opened entrenchments before the gates which open towards

Vienna and Awa, and thus commenced the siege of Buda.

The messengers who, post haste, brought intelligence of the enemy’s

movements to the serdár, found him, as before mentioned, engaged

in holding a council of his great men at Sarwash. The serdár, as

may easily be imagined, became absolutely frantic with rage when he

learned from the messenger the state of things at Buda. Without a

moment’s delay, however, he ordered off two thousand chosen men under

the command of Núh Páshá, the beglerbeg of Anatolia, to the aid of

Buda, whilst he himself followed the body of his army. In four days

he reached Pest, and encamped in its neighbourhood. Here he was soon

made to perceive that the enemy was hotly engaged in endeavouring to

reduce Buda, battering its walls with no less than twenty-eight pieces

of ordnance; nor were they in the least degree alarmed by the approach

of the Moslem forces. Pest, too, was filled with the enemy’s troops,

and therefore, at that time, not easily taken. They also erected a kind

of bridge between Kizlar áta and the last-mentioned place; and thus

effectually hindered all communications between the Moslem army and

Buda.

The obstinate Albanian (the commander-in-chief) now found more than

sufficient reason to repent his having left Buda. To no good purpose

whatever he opened ten pieces of artillery in one or two places against

Pest. He disposed his line of entrenchments in such a way as that the

people of Buda could easily salute their brethren near Pest. The one

besieged, the other besieging. The Moslems, however, contrived to erect

four badalooshkas, by means of which they broke down the bridge the

enemy had erected at Pest, and thus prevented any further intercourse

with it; but it was the cause of a greater increase of the enemy’s

number at Buda.

During the space of fifteen days the Moslem camp before Pest

experienced the most dreadful hardships for want of provisions. One

kíleh (a measure) of flour sold for twenty pieces of gold, and one

of barley for fifteen, and when no more could be had for any price,

the troops were obliged to be supplied, though at the utmost risk,

from Buda. This was secretly accomplished by boats, which were sent

over from under the water-gate. The Budians, however, began to murmur,

and remonstrated against supplying them with an article which they

themselves might soon be in need of. All further supply of this kind

was, therefore, prohibited; but this prohibition was, notwithstanding,

found ineffectual. Some for the love of money sold provisions, and

others there were who sent a supply to their friends.

At length, Alí Páshá, the same who counselled the commander-in-chief

against leaving Buda when he went on his fruitless expedition into

Transylvania, Hábel Effendí, Alí Páshá’s coadjutor, and the ághá of the

janissaries, went to the serdár and told him plainly they would not

afford any further supply of provisions. “If you,” said they, “continue

ten days longer, all the provisions in Buda will be exhausted: send us,

therefore, Mohammed Páshá with a certain number of troops, and do you

go away altogether.” Mohammed Páshá seemed at first inclined to decline

this proposal, but afterwards said, that he had been two years already

in Buda, but that if he was ordered to remain another year in it he

would endeavour to do his duty. The Budians fell upon their knees and

begged him to accept of the office; they also petitioned the serdár

himself, and kissed his beard; so earnest were they that Mohammed Páshá

should remain with them. The serdár condescended to grant them their

request. One thousand men whose pay had been advanced, and one thousand

feudatory troops were appointed to Buda, besides military stores and

money. He also sent a robe of honour to Mohammed Páshá. After the hour

of the afternoon prayers, Yemishjí Hasan Páshá turned his face towards

his barks, moved away on foot, bidding adieu to scenes which reflected

no honour on his military skill, prudence, or courage.

Mohammed Páshá was a man of grave deportment, chaste manners, and an

officer of inflexible firmness and of great courage. When in the siege,

if any of his troops raised a commotion on account of the scarcity of

provisions, he used to beat them most soundly, and then reprove them

for their rashness. Not one, in fact, ever ventured to show him any

resistance, such was the influence he maintained amongst his troops.

After the serdár took his leave, the troops destined for Buda entered

that place at the water-gate under covert of the night: their ordnance

was also conveyed during the same period.

Next day, the 1st of Rabia II., the commander-in-chief, Yemishjí Hasan

Páshá, passed through Keshkemet, and arrived at Waradin. Four large

cannon which he took with him were dragged along by his soldiers;

but he left two of them at Sonbúr, and the remaining two at Batchka.

Passing over the bridge at Waradin he pursued his journey towards

Belgrade.

In the meantime, Mohammed Páshá, after entering Buda, held a council

of his officers, to whom he delivered a comforting and encouraging

speech, and then dismissed them by telling them to go, every man, to

his respective post. Next morning, at daybreak, five hundred horsemen

were selected and sent out towards Awa, near which they dispersed two

pickets belonging to the enemy. Some of them they killed, and others

of them they made prisoners. The enemy, as before observed, had placed

a number of their cannon at Kiris Elias, and for the space of ten

successive days battered the walls and made several assaults, but they

were uniformly met and repulsed by showers of musketry, and the hurling

of bombs from the besieged. One day, when they thought they would carry

every thing before them by one general assault, the brave and orthodox

Moslems, as related in the Memoirs of Soleimán Páshá, rolled amongst

them a number of bombs charged with pieces of iron, which, when they

exploded, destroyed several thousands of the assailants, and completely

repulsed them. After this last, but very effectual check had been

given to them, they began to dig beneath the gate which looked towards

Vienna, with the view of laying mines, and in the most desperate manner

and with the utmost fury directed no less than two thousand cannon-shot

against the walls, by which means they at last effected a large

breach. The situation of the besieged was now truly perilous. But the

brave, heroic, and orthodox Moslems were determined to maintain their

resistance, or die in making that resistance. With this view, and in

the solemn hour of night, they entered into a sacred compact with each

other to devote themselves to death in defending Buda.

On the 10th of Rabia II., and in conformity to the counsel of

their brave commander, Mohammed Páshá, all the foot and horse that

were in the garrison at daybreak, rushed out of Buda with the

utmost impetuosity, and attacked the enemy unawares in their own

entrenchments, with such heroic bravery as absolutely confounded them.

The enemy’s camp or tábúr having been at some distance, it was not easy

for those in the entrenchments to get aid from thence, and before any

did arrive, the orthodox Moslems, for the space of two hours, committed

such tremendous havoc amongst them as to clear the entrenchments

of these intruders. Their cannon they spiked, and carried off the

greater part of their gunpowder to Buda, to which they had retreated,

exploding what they could not conveniently carry along with them. The

cazí of Buda, Hábel Effendí, an old man about eighty years of age, in

order to encourage the orthodox believers, such was his zeal, slew an

infidel with his own hands, a circumstance, no doubt, that made a deep

impression on the minds of the Musselmans, and which had a powerful

effect in urging them on to the work of destruction.

A shower of rain coming on about this time, and the season having been

far advanced, the infidels, in rage and despair, raised the siege and

set off for Osterghún, dragging their cannon along with them through

the mud which had been occasioned by the rain. The heroic Moslems,

perceiving their advantages, pursued the fugitive host, captured a

number of their cannon, which in their hurry they had been obliged to

leave sticking in the mud, and brought them back to Buda. Mohammed

Páshá rewarded each of his brave men with tokens of his esteem and

approbation, and sent a representation of the whole exploit to the

commander-in-chief, Yemishjí Hasan Páshá.

Mohammed Páshá was about this time promoted to the government of

Romeili.

_Ghází Gheráí Khán arrives with a Tátár army._

The grand vezír, Hasan Páshá, (_i. e._ Yemishjí Hasan Páshá, the

commander-in-chief,) after passing through Waradin, arrived in the

plains of Zimrún, where he learned that Ghází Gheráí Khán, who

for a good while past had not attended the wars, had arrived. It

would appear that in consequence of his malicious brothers, Salámet

Gheráí, Mohammed Gheráí, and Sháhín Gheráí, who had excited rebellion

and insubordination among the Tátárs, one party of whom had gone

into Romeili, and another to Anatolia, where they joined the rebel

Delí Hasan, the brother of Scrivano, the khán had found sufficient

employment at home. He was much afraid also that his brother, who had

joined Delí Hasan, would succeed with the latter in endeavouring to

deprive him of the khánship. On these accounts his highness, the khán

of the Crimea, had found it impracticable for the last two years to

render any service to the Ottomans, and thinking there was some reason

to suspect the emperor might be displeased with him, and therefore

depose him, he, to avert those evils, came forward with an army on this

occasion, had an interview with the serdár in the above plains, and

accompanied him to Belgrade.

His royal highness the Tátár khán lodged in the mansion belonging

to Etmekjí Zádeh, the treasurer. For two successive days the serdár

and he entertained each other in the most splendid manner. Petcheví

was pointed out to the khán for his winter-quarters; and Sigetwar,

Kopan, Mehaj, and other cantons beyond the Drave, were appointed for

a similar purpose to his men. The khán departed for Petcheví, and his

men were distributed in the above-mentioned towns and villages. His

royal highness the khán passed his time in every sort of indulgence

and pleasure, amusing himself occasionally in reading the good and bad

poets of Baghdád. Here he composed an epistle in verse on the evils

of coffee and wine. He was still haunted, however, by the fear of his

brother Salámet Gheráí, who, he was aware, meditated his downfall.

After the grand vezír had reached Belgrade, as already mentioned,

he ordered the troops to be paid their wages. The household troops

received their usual allowance; the feudatory troops received each

man two pieces of money, and the foot soldiers one. The ághá of

the janissaries was permitted to return to Constantinople, and the

feudatory troops were also allowed to retire.

EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1012, H.

_Advantage gained by the rebel Delí Hasan.—Mahmúd Páshá is appointed in

the room of Khosrú Páshá._

We have before mentioned how the rebel Delí Hasan, towards the

conclusion of the preceding year, murdered Hasan Páshá in the city of

Tokat, and we have also related his subsequent march into Anatolia. The

beglerbeg of Diárbeker, vezír Khosrú Páshá, who had been sent with the

troops of Haleb and Meræsh, to chastise this notorious rebel, failed in

the attempt. Some of the above troops having refused obedience to his

authority, left him, and went to Sivás. The rest, on seeing this, under

the pretence that winter had arrived, dispersed themselves also, and

left him without a man.

Annals of the Turkish Empire, from 1591 to 1659 · 第 20 / 45 段