V'_x >, =, or < _(n)V_x

according as 1 + a'_(x+n) 1 + a_(x+n)

1 - ------------ >, =, or < 1- -----------

1 + a'_x 1 + a_x

1 + a_(x+n) 1 + a'_(x+n)

i.e. as ----------- >, =, or < ------------ (1)

1 + a_x 1 + a'_x

1 + a'_(x) 1 + a'_(x+n)

or as ---------- >, =, or < ------------ (2)

1 + a_x 1 + a_(x+n)

where the accented symbols throughout refer to one table and the

unaccented symbols to the other.

We have thus the means of ascertaining whether the policy-values of

any table will be greater or less than, or equal to, those of another,

either (1) by calculating for each table separately the ratios of the

annuity-values at successive ages, and comparing the results, or (2)

by calculating at successive ages the ratios of the annuity-values of

one table to those of another, and observing whether these ratios

decrease or increase with advancing age or remain stationary

throughout. The above relations will subsist whatever may be the

differences in the data employed, and whether or not the

annuity-values by the different tables are calculated at the same rate

of interest. When the same rate of interest is employed, any

divergence in the ratios of the annuity-values will of necessity be

due to differences in the rates of mortality.

Fallacy of single-policy reserve.

A prevailing fallacy in the popular mind, which has grown out of the

practice of net valuations, is the inference that the average technical

reserve represents the value of the individual policy. Each risk is

properly assumed at its probable or average value at the time. But from

that moment its circumstances are constantly changing in directions then

unforeseen, and the expectation that such changes will occur is the

motive for insuring. To treat them singly as unchanged in value at any

later time is as illogical as it would be after some have matured. The

actual value of any one risk borne by a company is indeterminate. It may

become a claim to-morrow, or not for a generation to come. In the former

case the company must now hold funds to pay in full; in the latter, the

future premiums will perhaps more than suffice, so that no present

reserve is needed. An entire reserve for the whole body of risks is

essential, and its amount is definite, upon the reasonable assumption

that the general average remains undisturbed by individual changes. A

distinct reserve for a single policy is inconceivable. To recognize it

is to deny the first principle of insurance. The average amount by which

the reserve of a company must be increased, because of the existence of

policies of a given class, is to the actuary an important fact, and is

commonly accepted as his best guide in the distribution of surplus. But

a popular theory has seized upon the assignment of this average sum to

each policy, in the technical shorthand of the actuary, and holds that

it is in each case the special property of the owner of that policy. The

practical consequences are serious when, as often, many of the insured

cease to pay premiums, and each demands the amount of the supposed

individual reserve. His right to claim it is countenanced by a

widespread public opinion, which has inspired statutes in Massachusetts

and some other states, requiring companies to redeem all policies

lapsing after the first two or three years of insurance at a price

founded on the technical reserve. Yet, in by far the majority of

instances, the lapse of policies is of itself a loss to the company. It

is deprived of business secured at much expense before it has derived

any of the advantage expected from the accession. It is compelled to pay

numbers of its profitable contributors for ceasing to contribute. The

burden falls in a mutual company upon the insured who fulfil their

contracts. Such laws favour those who withdraw after few payments at the

cost of those who maintain their insurance to the end, or for many

years. The American companies formerly yielded to the pressure of a

mistaken public sentiment, and competed for favour by promising

excessive values in case of surrender.[2] Similar conditions exist in

Switzerland, Austria, and other countries in which the business is

minutely regulated by government bureaus. But in Great Britain the

companies are largely free from such influences, while an open market

exists for policies which have a commercial value, with results on the

whole more satisfactory to all parties interested than any rule of

compulsory purchase which could be enforced on the companies.

Industrial Insurance.

A special form of life insurance, which has wonderfully developed, is

the family insurance of the labouring people by the so-called industrial

companies. Until recently this class of people had no satisfactory share

in the benefits of insurance, although the friendly societies in Great

Britain, and many forms of beneficial associations in the United States,

were attempts, often in part successful, to provide for special wants,

mainly for maintenance of the sick and for the costs of burial. Most of

them, however, lacked a scientific basis and an efficient and permanent

organization, while thousands of them were grossly mismanaged. In

Germany an elaborate scheme of compulsory insurance for labourers was

established by a law of the empire in 1883, and extended in subsequent

years; and similar legislation has been enacted in several other

countries, most thoroughly in Switzerland and Austria. The ultimate

value of this great social experiment cannot yet be determined. That it

relieves much want and does a great service in preventing pauperism is

not disputed; but that it also undermines the independent spirit of the

people, and that it imposes a burden upon the national industry, which

not only hampers it in the world's competition, but reacts with special

injury upon the class it aims to benefit, are criticisms not

satisfactorily answered. No scheme of government insurance, certainly,

is adapted to a people impatient of paternalism in its rulers and

thoroughly habituated to voluntary association for all common interests.

The solution of the great problem, how to apply the insurance principle

to the most pressing needs for protection of the class supported by the

wages of labour, is now sought in Great Britain and America mainly in

the universal offer to them of industrial insurance. The Prudential

Assurance Company of London was the pioneer in this work, beginning it

experimentally in 1848, but gradually adapting its methods to the new

field, until a generation later they showed themselves so efficient that

an extraordinary growth resulted, and has continued without

interruption. This company and others upon a similar plan insure whole

households together for burial expenses in case of death, and a small

provision for dependants or for old age, charging as premiums small

fractions of a day's wages, which must be collected weekly. The great

difficulties encountered were the cost of small and frequent

collections, and the high rate of mortality, which is from 40 to 90%

more than that in the experience of the older companies. This high

death-rate is due not so much to the fact that life is shorter in the

labouring class as to the lack of efficient medical selection, which

would be too costly. The premiums, at best, must be made higher than in

offices insuring for annual payments, but the demand for insurance

extended as rapidly as the system could be explained, and the Prudential

is said to have now in force some 12,000,000 policies, with an average

premium of twopence a week, secured by an accumulated insurance fund of

L17,000,000. It has superseded a host of petty assessment societies of

various classes without scientific basis or business responsibility,

which deluded and disappointed the poor. The British government in 1864

undertook to administer a plan for the insurance of working men, but in

thirty years accomplished less than the work of one private company in a

year. In addition to the many insurance companies which transact

industrial business in the United Kingdom, a large number of friendly

societies have adopted similar plans.

The system of industrial insurance was introduced into the United

States in 1876. Its growth, though much more rapid than in Great

Britain, was at first slow compared with that of later years. The

following table, condensed from the Insurance Year-Book for 1900, is

an interesting exhibit of the character as well as of the extent of

this form of insurance among working men:--

_Industrial Insurance in the United States._

+------+------+-------------+------------+--------------+------------+------------+

| | | | Policies in| Insurance in | | |

| Year.|No. of| Insurance | force 31st | force 31st | Premiums | Losses |

| | Cos. | written. | December. | December. | received. | paid. |

+------+------+-------------+------------+--------------+------------+------------+

| 1876 | 1 | $400,000 | 2,500 | $248,342 | $14,495 | $1,958 |

| 1880 | 3 | 34,212,131 | 228,357 | 19,590,780 | 1,155,360 | 430,631 |

| 1884 | 3 | 89,150,302 | 1,076,422 | 108,451,099 | 4,486,612 | 1,499,432 |

| 1888 | 7 | 161,260,335 | 2,788,000 | 302,033,066 | 11,939,540 | 4,162,745 |

| 1892 | 11 | 276,893,923 | 5,118,897 | 582,710,309 | 24,352,900 | 8,847,322 |

| 1896 | 11 | 360,852,458 | 7,375,688 | 886,484,869 | 40,058,701 | 13,420,336 |

| 1899 | 16 | 519,789,085 | 10,048,625 |1,292,805,402 | 56,159,889 | 17,023,485 |

+------+------+-------------+------------+--------------+------------+------------+

It is remarkable that the average weekly premium in the United States

appears to be about 10 cents, or two and a half times as high as in

Great Britain. The average policy is also proportionally larger, and

the progressive increase in its amount deserves notice. At the rate at

which the practice of insurance is extending among working men, it

would require but few years for it to become as universal in these

countries as any paternal government has aimed to make it by

compulsion.

Division of surplus.

There are various sources from which a surplus of funds may arise in an

insurance company: (1) from the rate of interest actually earned being

higher than that anticipated in the calculations; (2) from the

death-rate among the insured being lower than that provided for by the

mortality tables; (3) from the expenses and contingent outlay being less

than the "loading" provided to meet them; and (4) from miscellaneous

sources, such as profitable investments, the cancelment of policies, &c.

Supposing a valuation to have been made on sound data and by a proper

method, and to have resulted in showing that the funds in hand exceed

the liabilities, the surplus thus ascertained may be regarded as

_profit_, and either its amount may be withdrawn from the assets of the

office or the liabilities may be increased in a corresponding degree.

Bonuses.

Various methods are employed by insurance companies in distributing

their surplus funds among the insured. In some offices the share or

"bonus" falling to each policyholder is paid to him in cash; in others

it is applied in providing a reversionary sum which is added to the

amount assured by the policy; in others it goes to reduce the annual

contributions payable by the policyholder. A method of more recent

introduction is to apply the earlier bonuses on a policy to limit the

term for which premiums may be payable, thus relieving the policyholder

of his annual payments after a certain period. Another method is to

apply the bonuses towards making the sum insured payable in the lifetime

of the policyholder. The plan of reversionary bonus additions is most

common, and when it is followed the option is usually given of

exchanging the bonuses for their value in cash or of having them applied

in the reduction of premiums.

Not only are there different modes of applying surplus, but the basis on

which it is divided among the insured also varies in different offices.

In some the reversionary bonus is calculated as an equal percentage per

annum of the sum insured, reckoning back either to the commencement of

the policy in every case, or (more commonly) to the preceding division

of profits. In others the rate is calculated, not only on the original

sums insured, but also on previous bonus additions. In others the ratio

of distribution is applied to the cash surplus, and the share allotted

to each policy is dealt with in one or other of the ways above

indicated. The following are some of the ratios employed by different

offices in the allocation of profits: (1) in proportion to the amount of

premiums paid (with or without accumulated interest) since the last

preceding valuation; (2) in proportion to the accumulated "loading" of

the premiums so paid; (3) in proportion to the reserve values of the

policies; (4) in proportion to the difference between the accumulated

premiums and the reserve value of the policy in each case.

Some offices have a special system of dealing with surplus, reserving it

for those policyholders who survive the ordinary "expectation of life,"

or whose premiums paid, with accumulated interest, amount to the sums

insured by their policies. This system is usually connected with

specially low rates of premium.

In the United States the so-called "contribution plan" has been

accepted in theory by many companies, though carried out with many

variations in detail by different actuaries. The principle is, that

since each of the insured is charged in his premium a safe margin

above all probable outlays, when the necessary amount under each head

becomes determinate the several excesses should be returned to him. It

is therefore sought to calculate what each member would have been

charged for net premium and loading had the mortality, rate of

interest, and expenses been precisely known beforehand, and to credit

him with the balance of his payments. As a corollary of the theory of

net valuations, which regards every life insured as an average life

until its end, and assumes the rigid accuracy and equity of all the

formulas employed to represent business facts, it is consistent and

complete. But many minds find it more curious than practical, and

prefer to seek equity in faithfulness to contract rights rather than

in adjustments which they deem too refined, if not fanciful. The plan

has met with little favour in England, where surplus is more commonly

distributed on general business principles. Enormous bonuses were

saved by the British offices out of the excessive premiums at first

collected, and by the American companies during the epoch of high

interest rates. But the use of more accurate tables, the decline in

interest, and the increased expenses of later years, have vastly

reduced the apparent profits. Former methods of distributing surplus,

when ascertained, have largely given way in America to novel and more

complex plans. The Tontine idea, historically familiar, was for many

years imitated by some offices in their insurance contracts. All

premiums above outlay, in a company or a class of policies, were

accumulated, only stipulated amounts being paid on death claims

meanwhile maturing, with no compensation to its members withdrawing,

until the end of a fixed term, when the whole fund was apportioned to

the survivors. Large returns were sometimes made, but many who could

not maintain their policies were dissatisfied. "Semi-tontines"

followed, partly meeting the difficulty by pooling only the surplus,

and allowing some return in case of withdrawal. But these cruder forms

of contract are now largely superseded by various "reserve-dividend,"

"accumulation," "bond," and "investment" policies, with options at

stated periods between cash withdrawals and continued insurance, the

simple inducement to provide against death being more or less merged

in that of making a profitable investment of capital.

Surrender values.

In those branches of insurance where the contract is one of indemnity

against loss, the risk remaining the same from year to year--and where

the consent of both parties, insurer and insured, is required at each

periodical renewal--no question of allowance in respect of past payments

can arise when one party or the other determines to drop the contract.

It is quite recognized that the premiums are simply an equivalent for

the risk undertaken during the period to which they apply, with a

certain margin for expenses and for profit to the insurer, and that

therefore a favourable issue of the particular contract supplies no

argument for a return of any part of the sums paid. In life insurance,

however, we have shown that the premiums contain a third element,

namely, the portion that is set aside and accumulated to meet the risk

of the insurance when the premium payable is no longer sufficient of

itself for that purpose.

When a policyholder withdraws from his contract with a life insurance

office, the provision made for the future in respect of his particular

insurance is no longer required, and out of it a surrender value may be

allowed him for giving up his right to the policy. If there were no

reasons to the contrary, the office might hand over the whole of this

provision, which is in fact the reserve value of the policy. No more

could be given without encroaching upon the provision necessary for the

remaining policies. But the policyholder in withdrawing is exercising a

power which circumstances give to him only and not to the other party in

the contract. The office is bound by the policy so long as the premiums

are duly paid and the other conditions of insurance are not infringed.

It has no opportunity of reviewing its position and withdrawing from the

bargain should that appear likely to be a losing one. The policyholder,

however, is free to continue or to drop the insurance as he pleases, and

it may fairly be presumed that he will take whichever course will best

serve his own interest. The tendency obviously is that policies on

deteriorated and unhealthy lives are kept in force, while those on lives

having good prospects of longevity are more readily given up. Again, the

retiring policyholder, by withdrawing his annual contribution, not only

diminishes the fund from which expenses are met, but lessens the area

over which these are spread, and so increases the burden for those who

remain. Considerations like these point to the conclusion that, in

fairness to the remaining constituents of the office, the surrender

value to be allowed for a policy which is to be given up should be less

than the reserve value. The common practice is to allow a proportion

only of the reserve value. Some offices have adopted the plan of

allowing a specified proportion of the amount of premiums paid. This

plan is not defended on any ground of principle, but is followed for its

simplicity and as a concession to a popular demand for fixed surrender

values.

Non-forfeiture system.

Another mode of securing to retiring policyholders the benefit of the

reserve values of their insurances is that known as the _non-forfeiture

system_. This system was first introduced in America, whence it found

its way to the United Kingdom, where it was gradually adopted by a large

proportion of the insurance companies. In its original form it was known

as the "ten years non-forfeiture plan." The policies were effected by

premiums payable during ten years only, the rates being of course

correspondingly high. If during those ten years the policyholder wished

to discontinue his payments, he was entitled to a free "paid-up policy"

for as many tenth parts of the original sum insured as he had paid

premiums. The system, once introduced, was gradually extended first to

insurances effected by premiums payable during longer fixed periods, and

ultimately, by some offices, to insurances bearing annual premiums

during the whole of life. The methods of fixing the amount of paid-up

policy in the last-mentioned class of cases vary in different offices,

but the principle underlying them all is that of applying the reserve

value to the purchase of a new insurance of reduced amount.

Conditions of insurance.

An office, in entering on a contract of life insurance, does so in the

faith that all circumstances material to be known in order to a proper

estimate of the risk have been disclosed. These circumstances are beyond

its own knowledge, and as the office for the most part (except as

regards the result of the medical examination, which may reveal features

of the case unknown to the proposer himself) is dependent on the

information furnished by the party seeking to effect the insurance, it

is proper that the latter be made responsible for the correctness of

such information. Accordingly it is made a stipulation, preliminary to

the issue of every policy, that all the required information bearing

upon the risk shall have been truly and fairly stated, and that in case

of any misrepresentation, or any concealment of material facts, the

insurance shall be forfeited. In practice, however, this forfeiture is

rarely insisted on unless there has been an evident intention to

deceive. Other systems and conditions of life insurance policies may be

shortly noticed.

The usual division of policies is into "non-participating" and

"participating." Non-participating policies are contracts for the

payment on death of a certain fixed sum in consideration of a given

premium, and these amounts are not affected by the profit made by the

company. Participating policies entitle the holders to a share in the

profits of the company. These profits are applied in various ways, as

described above. A policy may be a whole life one, that is, the

policyholder may pay a periodical premium throughout life, or it may be

a limited payment one (the holder paying a premium for a limited number

of years), or an endowment policy, under which the insurer receives the

amount he has insured for at a given age, say fifty-five or sixty; or if

death occur previously, the sum is paid to his representatives. There

are also endowment policies for children, under which parents or others

receive a specified sum on a child attaining a given age, the premiums

being returnable if the child dies before the specified age.

_As to Payment of Premiums._--A certain period of grace is allowed,

most commonly thirty days, after each premium falls due. If payment is

not made within that time, the presumption is that the policyholder

intends to drop the contract, and the risk of the office comes to an

end. It may, however, be revived on certain conditions, usually the

production of evidence of health and payment of a fine in addition to

the premium. An impression used to prevail among the public that the

offices were interested in encouraging the forfeiture of policies. If

any such impression was ever shared by the offices themselves it must

have long since passed away, every reasonable effort being now made on

their part, not only to secure insurances but to retain them, and to

afford all the facilities that can be extended to policyholders with

that object.

_As to Foreign Travel and Residence, and as to Hazardous

Occupations._--When Babbage wrote his _Comparative View of Assurance

Institutions_ in 1826, voyaging abroad was scarcely permitted under a

British life policy. The Elbe and the Garonne, Texel and Havre, Texel

and Brest, the Elbe and Brest were the limits prescribed by most of

the English offices. Even at a much later period the extra premiums

charged for leave to travel or reside abroad were very heavy. But

improved means of conveyance--in some places better sanitary

appliances, and habits of living more suited to the climatic

conditions--and, more than all perhaps, the knowledge that has been

gained by experience as to the extent of the extra risks involved and

the relative salubrity of foreign climates--have enabled the offices

to modify their terms very considerably. The limits of free residence

and travel have been greatly widened, and where extra premiums are

still required these are, as a rule, much lower than formerly. The

assured are now commonly permitted to reside anywhere within such

limits as north of 35 deg. N. lat. (except in Asia) or south of 30

deg. S. lat., and to travel to and from any places within those

limits, without extra premium.

Military men (when on active service) and seafaring men are usually

charged extra rates, as are also persons following specially dangerous

or unhealthy occupations at home.

_As to Suicide._--The policies of most companies used to contain a

proviso that the insurance shall be void in case the person whose life

is insured dies by his own hand, but it is now seldom inserted. Some

offices, acting on a sound principle, limit its operation to a fixed

period, the extent of which varies in different offices from six

months to seven years from the date of issue of the policy.

The practice of rendering policies _indisputable_ and free from

restriction as to foreign travel or residence, after a certain period,

has tended greatly to simplify the contract between the office and the

insured. A declaration of indisputability covers any inaccuracies in

the original documents on which a policy was granted, unless these

inaccuracies amount to fraud, which the law will not condone under any

circumstances.

A remarkable difference in the development of life insurance between

Great Britain and the United States is, that among the British

companies only one-third of the insurances in force is in purely

mutual institutions, while in America the proportion exceeds

four-fifths. In both countries there are also "mixed" companies, in

which policyholders receive a fixed percentage of the realized

surplus, often from three-fourths to nine-tenths of the whole, but the

control and management are in the hands of shareholders. These form

the great majority of the proprietary offices in the United Kingdom,

and the profits of the business have been large. The amount of capital

paid in by shareholders of forty-one joint-stock companies was

L5,931,000, but the capital authorized and subscribed was much more,

and the subscriptions have often been paid, wholly or in part, by

credits from surplus. The shares of these companies, at market prices,

represent a value of at least L50,000,000, but the dividends upon

these shares are drawn largely from other business, many of the

largest and most prosperous corporations conducting also fire

insurance, and some of them marine or casualty insurance.

No branch of social statistics has been more diligently studied than

life insurance, and several governments publish classified accounts of

corporations insuring lives within their jurisdiction. But the reports

are not uniform in method and in periods covered, and aggregates derived

from them must be used with reserve. By the Life Assurance Companies Act

1870, and amendments made in later years, each company issuing policies

in the United Kingdom must deposit with the Board of Trade every year

its revenue account and balance-sheet for the preceding year, and must

at fixed intervals cause an investigation of its financial condition to

be made by an actuary, and furnish the public through the Board of Trade

with the detailed results, in forms prescribed by the act. Thus these

returns are the highest authority for the conditions and operations of

the offices, which often supplement or anticipate them by voluntary

publications. In the United States the laws exact still more minute and

much prompter reports to the insurance departments of the states; and

every annual statement is required to show the results of an actuarial

investigation. All these facts are collected, classified and compared by

statisticians for several standard annuals in both countries, especially

the _Post Magazine Almanack_, _Bourne's Directory_ and _Manual_ and the

_Insurance Blue Book_ in London, and _The Insurance Year-Book_ of the

Spectator Company in New York.

The reports of the insurance department of New York cover more

companies than those of any other state. The institutions not included

in them are about thirty-five in number, mostly small and local. The

New York reports represent very nearly 95% of the entire business of

the United States. While the amount of life assurance done by British

and other foreign offices in the United States is insignificant,

fourteen companies of the United States have agencies in Canada (ten

for new business), and four transact business in Europe and in other

parts of the world. The home business of the American companies is in

the aggregate about 87(1/2)% of the whole.

In the principal countries of continental Europe life assurance is

offered by the chief international institutions of Great Britain and

the United States, and their policies are in force probably to the

aggregate amount of L140,000,000. The domestic companies have been

stimulated to increased activity by the aggressive canvassing of the

foreign agencies, and the business in recent years has grown rapidly,

until now the total sum insured upon lives on the continent of Europe

is little less than a milliard of pounds sterling. Much information

about life assurance in the different countries of Europe will be

found in Ehrenzweig's _Assekuranzjahrbuch_ (Vienna).

(C. T. L.; T. A. I.)

Encyclopaedia Britannica, 11th Edition, "Inscriptions" to "Ireland, William Henry" Volume 14, Slice 6 · 第 17 / 49 题