Labour, and of labour problems generally, may not be without interest.
"I think," he writes, "we should discourage anything that tends
to prevent Canadian workers from being good citizens, and enough
means and leisure to avoid the brutalizing tendency of suppressed
bitterness and poverty, is necessary to that end. I am inclined
to believe that healthy, rational development will be best
furthered by restraining those influences which tend to lower the
level of citizenship, and the material well-being of the mass of
the workers in a country in which, as in Canada, the workers are
an important element in the governing of the nation. Society must
insist upon rules of fairness governing our industrial system,
and upon frowning down the 'mean man.' Let each individual have
to himself the reward of his energy, and of his legitimate
effort, but let him work in accordance with rules of fair play,
and frown down, and banish, if need be, the 'mean man.'
"There are those who have held that man has but one right, the
right to live, if he can. Modern British democracy does not
stop there. That same sense of self-respect which prevents us
considering as tolerable a society which allows men and women,
who are unable to provide for themselves, to lie down on the
street and die, forces us to insist that there shall be some
rules for the regulation of industrial life, more particularly
where the parties in an industrial contest are of unequal
strength. Most modern societies are prepared to admit that
industry should be so conducted that men who are willing to
work shall be allowed to work under as wholesome conditions as
are reasonably possible, and that they shall be allowed such a
return for their labour and so much leisure, as is necessary to
health. For, to put it on no higher ground, no society, however
hard hearted, can afford for long, when the remedy lies in its
own hands, to countenance conditions which create in the hearts
of reasonable men, that bitterness which tends to provoke social
upheavals and revolutions.
"Where the governing power is dependent upon the governed,
no abstract theory of individual liberty or what not, will
long prevent the State from taking cognizance of apparent and
remediable injustice. Doctrinaire political philosophers,
painters of Utopias, peddlars of political panaceas, still have
their own little _nostrums_ for society, but the law has been
built up, as has seemed right or expedient to the law makers of
the time, as a series of arbitrary rules based upon experience,
and defining the terms upon which people may best live in each
other's society.
"The attitude taken by those who have fashioned British policy
in industrial matters, recognizing the principle that upon
individual ability and individual energy rests national progress,
allows to the individual the enjoyment of the fruits of his
industry. But it insists that in the getting of it he must be
governed by rules of fair play. The rule which underlies the
various labour laws seems to be 'leave well enough alone, but
get after the mean man.' A parent has a right to chastise his
child, but that does not mean that he has a right to beat his
child whenever he feels inclined, or allow him to be so worked
as to start him in life a crippled, deformed, little creature.
The Factories Acts, perhaps the best known department of labour
legislation, both in England and in Canada, have been created
to correct abuses, which would not have arisen but for the
practices of hard-hearted employers. In order to thwart the mean
man, who will consider neither the comfort nor the well-being
of his employees, certain rules have been laid down, declaring
how establishments, where abuses are likely to arise, shall be
conducted.
"The generally accepted rule nowadays is, that good done is
sufficient justification of an act, in the absence of evidence
that equal or greater evil will follow. Take as an illustration
the inspection of apples and pears, which does not fall within
the scope of what is normally considered labour legislation. It
was found that, left to themselves, some men who sold apples were
so short-sighted as to fill the centre of the apple barrels with
inferior fruit, straw, old boots, clothes, and other material
which cost less than the hand-picked fruit of the Canadian
orchards, and which could not be seen when covered up with rosy,
sweet smelling Northern Spies. But the appetite of the British
consumer does not extend to the contents of the refuse cart, and
Canadian fruit growers as a whole suffered. Because some men are
prepared to carry their meanness to the extent of counterfeiting,
and of impairing the reputation of their countrymen, the Canadian
parliament felt called upon, in the interest of common decency
and the good of the apple trade, to require an inspection, which,
while it will defeat the mean man, will involve the regulation of
every honest Canadian shipper who is content to take his chances
on the principle, '_caveat emptor_.'
"Here, then, is an illustration which may be applied. Let every
man stand upon his own feet, says the parliament at Westminster.
Let every man choose and pursue his own aim in life, and have for
himself the reward of his efforts. But where an abuse develops to
such an extent that it becomes a menace to public safety, or an
invasion of the rights of others, we are prepared to so legislate
as to defeat the offender, whilst restricting individual
enterprise to the least possible extent."
And of the application of the same principle of fair play to industrial
disputes, he writes:
"Partly because society feels that it cannot afford to see the
machinery of production tied up and inactive, partly because
of the effect upon consumers of increased inconvenience and
increased prices as the result of that suspension, but largely, I
think, because society demands that the men who work shall have
fair treatment, because the great heart of society, stripped of
its shams, its semblances, its dilettantisms, its hypocrisies
and its follies, demands that justice and fair play shall rule
between man and man, that they who are willing to work with,
their hands shall have a fair return for their work, and shall
be allowed to work under fair conditions, it has come to pass
that, in British countries, there is an answer to the demand
of labour for some kind of arbitrament other than the strong
hand, when the parties to an industrial dispute fail to agree.
In New Zealand the answer has come in compulsory arbitration,
which, at bottom, means, practically, the fixing of wages by the
State. In Great Britain and Canada individualism will not go so
far. Public opinion, for the time being at least, is satisfied
with the creation of machinery for the operation of voluntary
conciliation. We hope that public opinion will, in most cases and
in the long run, strike a true note. Under modern conditions,
as Carlyle says, 'Democracy virtually extant will insist upon
becoming palpably extant.'
"Inasmuch as many industrial disputes have their origin in
misunderstandings, and in sentimental alienations from the
arbitrary disposition of one party or the other, the Acts
in Great Britain and Canada, providing as they do for the
appointment of an unbiased mediator to bring the parties
together, are calculated to sweep away all unessential
entanglements, and make the way clear for a settlement by means
of amicable compromise without taking away from either of the
parties the privilege, to which each claims a right, of using
its strength to further its own legitimate individual ends.
The existence of the machinery makes it difficult for either
party in a serious dispute to refuse to employ it; the prestige
of the government behind the conciliator enables him to deal
freely with each party, and to throw the full light of day upon
the real condition of affairs. This done, the full strength of
the system of voluntary conciliation comes into play. Public
opinion will force a settlement which approximates to justice
and fairness. The mean party, whether it be the employer or the
labour organization, must inevitably give way to the extent of
its meanness, and at the same time, the right of the individual
to realize for himself the fullest fruits of his legitimate
effort, at once the stimulus of the capitalist, and _raison
d'être_ of the trade union, is preserved. The system, it is
true, acknowledges, at once, the imperfection of trade union
machinery, and the selfishness, even to the extent of meanness,
of employers; it goes further than the grasping and heartless
employer would allow; it falls short of what many unionists,
especially among the socialists in the organizations, would
demand; but it adequately represents the general attitude of
the British public in matters of labour legislation generally,
preserves the reward of individual effort to the individual who
makes the effort, but makes it impossible for the mean man to
profit by his meanness. Meanwhile, with the option, in case of
disputes, of the arbitrament of public opinion, an employer is
apt to give greater consideration to a proposal for the creation
of a permanent conciliation board, representative of himself and
his employees, to determine questions which may arise within his
establishment.
"Such a bringing together of the two classes in the producing
scheme for the consideration of their mutual interests, as well
as their mutual differences, is calculated to promote a harmony
which should make for the great aim of all, the promotion of
industrial peace. Granted the existence of a fair rate of wages
and fair conditions of work, the existence of conditions,
which can, with little difficulty, merge into a modified form
of industrial association or partnership, and there is the
vindication of the truth, that there is no necessary warfare
between the parties to production."
Lastly, of Democracy; its problems were to him mainly industrial; a
well informed public opinion was the one hope, a recognition of the
duties of citizenship, the one necessity of the times. In obedience to
a moral order lay the secret of happiness, for the heart of a people
like the heart of man, was governed by truth.
"If we are to have faith in democracy, we must believe that the
people, when informed, will choose what is right in preference
to what is base. If we can judge of the disposition of the press
and the expressed opinions of prominent men who give thought to
the matter, Canada has deliberately set her face towards the
promotion of industrial peace, the stamping out of the mean man.
Canadians seem disposed to declare with Carlyle, that 'cash
payment is not the sole nexus of man with man. Deep, far deeper
than supply and demand are laws, obligations as sacred as man's
life itself. He that will not learn them, perpetual mutiny,
contention, hatred, isolation, execration, will wait on his
footsteps, till all men discern that the thing which he attains,
however golden it look or be, is not success, but the want of
success.'"
* * * * *
"Working men are not asking for favours. In their federations
less and less is heard of technical differences, and more of a
desire to secure the good will of the general public by means of
a cool, deliberate presentation of views upon public questions
primarily affecting them. It is impossible not to accept the
general views of Mr. Henry Compton, that as working men acquire
their full rights, their leaders will turn to the noble task
of impressing upon them the duties of citizenship. Outside of
parliaments and law courts, the destiny of the nation's workers
and employers is being shaped by the consciousness of right in
the minds of the mass of the people."
* * * * *
"I have confidence that public opinion will, in most cases and
in the long run, strike a true note. I have faith in the saying,
'the people may make mistakes, but the people never lie.' Show
the people what it all means, and the people will do what is
right. They are learning the insufficiency of political catch
words. They know that no political pill, call it by ever so
attractive a word, is a cure for all ills."
* * * * *
"Whatever course we may pursue we must not forget that it is but
a means to an end. Machinery is good, so long as we remember
that it is machinery. No system will, even for a short time,
avoid industrial evils unless the people have respect for what
is right and true and just. The present system has its omissions
and its weaknesses, but it keeps in mind some of the principles
of public policy, which experience has shown to be sturdy, sane
and wholesome. I think it is a stride in the right direction. If
men will but be true to themselves, a new era is dawning upon
us; an era, which, if it will not be free of pain, hardship and
suffering for many, will, while preserving a premium as a reward
for the energetic, a punishment for the mean, leave the final
judgment in industrial questions with public opinion, which, when
informed, is ready to choose what is right in preference to what
is base. The ultimate solution of industrial problems, now as
never before, lies with the people at large, and all will be well
if citizens will but discharge the duties of their citizenship."
_THE PURPOSE OF LIFE_
"I trust I may do my duty before God and man and realize the best that
is in me." These words are among the last in Harper's diary. Five
years before, referring to repeated disappointments and reverses he
had written: "I hope they will enable me to realize the high ideal of
my existence." The same lofty purpose was expressed in the opening
paragraph of his diary, already quoted. It reads:
"I am writing this record of my thoughts and actions in order that I
may be better able to understand myself; to improve in that wherein I
find myself wanting, and that some day I may be able to look back and
find a rule of development or perhaps of life, with its assistance. I
shall endeavour to be at least honest with myself, and hope that the
use of this book may help me occasionally, to sever myself mentally
from the associations of the world and retire within myself. My
hope is that some day I may be able to become acquainted with my own
individuality, and discover what is the first essential and object of
my existence."
If love for others was the ruling passion, the realization of a high
ideal was the constant purpose of Harper's life. He deliberately, at
an early age, looked in upon his life; regarded it as a trust given
him by the Creator to mould and fashion at his will; saw that it had
capacities which he believed to be infinite and divine; and sought, by
reflection and action, to unfold its meaning and to work out its end.
"There is a dreamy undercurrent in my whole make-up, which I have never
been able to understand, but which sometimes seems to me to be more
real than my waking life." Already the infinite mystery had become a
great reality to him. His search was not in vain. Before its close,
"_He saw life clearly,_
_And he saw it whole._"
Man found himself in a world surrounded by mortals like himself; two
theories were possible, either all was chance, or there was design.
If chance, there could be no ultimate meaning of things, no relation
between the parts, either between the universe and man, or man and his
fellows; truth and right there might be, by arrangement, but they could
not be absolute; duty might exist, but under what law? No, the world,
man,--these clearly were to be accounted for in some more rational way.
The only alternative was design. The finite mind, seeking to interpret
the Infinite, had invented a language, whereby, through the medium of
words, it sought to give expression to its thoughts. A creator and an
infinite purpose were essential to design; the creator, the finite mind
conceived of as God, the infinite purpose, His will. To know God and to
do His will became then the chief end of man.
From a consciousness of the mystery of his own being and of the
universe about him, the earliest perception of the infinite nature
of each and of their relation, came to Harper in the discovery of
what he was wont to call "the rule of law." In Nature he found it
first. In Nature there was no chance, all was cause and effect; there
was constant change, but no final destruction. "Immortal growth was
the prophecy which Nature made for man." What the eye of the senses
discovered in the physical world, the eye of the soul discerned to be
true of the inner life. Character was not the child of Destiny, the
shadow of Circumstance, it was the one immortal creation of which man
was capable. "What a man sows, that shall he also reap." In character
was the harvest of all that a man ever thought, or willed, or did.
And herein lay the greatness of life. An order in the universe, a
capacity in man to discover and interpret; Truth, the order; the path,
Right; Reason, lighted by the lamp of Conscience, might lead man to the
abode of God.
Without some satisfying of reason, Harper maintained there could be no
true inspiration of soul; for a belief to be vital, it was necessary
that its significance should be grasped, and its meaning comprehended.
It was secondary, therefore, _what_ a man believed, so long as he had a
reason for the faith that was in him, and was prepared to follow where
an honest search might lead. In the end, the meaning of life would be
clear. It was not against criticism or the critical spirit that he was
prone to object, but against such divorced from an honest and sincere
purpose. Honest criticism he believed was essential to clearer vision,
and, reverently pursued, strengthened belief.
It was the intellectual honesty of Matthew Arnold which attracted
Harper so strongly, and gave the writings of that author so great an
influence over his life. What he has written, in reference to his
reading of _Literature and Dogma_, is not without interest as showing
the effect which this book had upon him, and as disclosing his own
views in the matter of criticism and belief.
"To-day," he writes, "I spent a good morning taking a look into
_Literature and Dogma_, which, so far as I have read, is in
entire accord with Matthew Arnold's clear, critical method of
examination. I was anxious to get at his main thesis, and read
several chapters, as well as the conclusion, and think that as
a result my own views regarding Christianity have been rather
strengthened. A quibble always annoys me, but Matthew Arnold's
criticism is of a different sort. For my own part, I am convinced
that the critical spirit is not indicative of meanness, but
rather of balance and honesty of mind, and is calculated to
create, not blind prejudice, but wholesome conviction. This is
particularly the case where the critic has, as in the case of
Matthew Arnold, imaginative power properly controlled, and a deep
appreciation of love and beauty."
And some days later:
"To-night I read several chapters of Matthew Arnold's _Literature
and Dogma_, which, with what I have already read of the work,
cleared my mind as to the main purpose of the author, the placing
of our conception of the value of the Bible and of Christianity
on a more stable and permanent basis. I feel confident that this
will be the effect upon my own mind, for I thoroughly hold
that a belief to be vital must be real to him who professes it.
Indeed, the profession to others of what one believes, however
important, is almost inevitably vague, or, at least, liable to
be misunderstood. What is really important is for us to believe
what we ourselves find believable and true before the bar of our
inmost conscience. I find myself reaching out with eagerness to
the thought, which seems an old one to me, that God is intimately
associated with conscience; that conduct is important, but that
rules of conduct institutionalized are apt to be external and
wanting in vital force; and that it was the emphasizing of the
importance of the personal, inward condition, which was the real
strength and lasting service of the new dispensation.
"I find my views clearing as time goes on. Latterly two thoughts
have been, perhaps, more prominent than any others: the
importance of constant choice in the matter of selection and
rejection, and a respect for the conception of the many sidedness
of truth, which conception brings with it a toleration for the
views of others, particularly in the matter of religion. For
given that religion is an inward personal matter, and that men
are constituted so differently, their conceptions of the truth,
itself single and indissoluble, if you will, must vary widely.
Under such conditions the necessity of keeping in view the
highest standard of life, as illustrated by Christ, becomes of
the very greatest importance."
In the character of Christ, Harper found the answer to the question,
what is the purpose of life? That life appealed to him from every
side. It was the manliest of lives. Conscious of its greatness, it
could forbear to use its creative powers for selfish ends. It could be
governed by a principle, where a multitude could not attract. Bigotry,
passion and prejudice only added force to its invectives; ridicule and
calumny, dignity to its assertion of right. In the presence of the
strong, it could champion the cause of the weak; the rich it could make
to tremble at their neglect of the claims of the poor. In the midst of
opposition, it could stand alone; surrounded by temptation, it could
remain pure.
It was the manliest of lives. Chivalrous in its defense of woman,
tender in its love for little children, loyal in its allegiance to
friends. Uncompromising it was in its demands for truth, unsparing in
its rebuke of evil, relentless, almost violent, in its denunciations of
hypocrisy. Yet nowhere was such sympathy to be found; nowhere, greater
compassion; nowhere, forgiveness more sincere.
It was the manliest of lives, but it was also the simplest and the
best. In vain one searched for an account of material possessions; in
vain one looked for an assertion of worldly place or power; but it was
recorded that its cradle was a manger, its crown, a wreath of thorns.
The mountains, the woods, the sea, the flowers, the stars, were so
sought by, and so ministered to that life, as to be almost a part of
it. Simple fisher-folk of Galilee, devoted but humble women in the town
of Bethany, shared its companionship, the sorrowful and outcast, its
love.
And withal, it had a mission, higher, greater than the world had
ever known. Clearly it saw into the mystery of the universe, deeply
it divined the meaning of the human soul. In words, as simple, as
beautiful, as the flower, or the name which suggested the thought,
it related the universe to man, and man to God. "Consider the lilies
how they grow!"--all that Nature had to teach was there, selection
and rejection, cause and effect, the unfailing operation of law, life
and death. "Our Father,"--obedience, love, trust, forgiveness, the
brotherhood of man, man's sonship under God.
Was it a matter of wonder then, that such a nature as Harper's should
be captivated by such a life? Having founded his belief on reason, in
the following after the perfect life of Christ, reason was soon outrun
by that which brought conviction of itself. Having learned something of
the secret and the method of that life, Harper came soon to believe the
words:
"_Ego sum via, veritas, vita,_
_Sine via non itur, sine veritate non_
_Cognoscitur, sine vita non vivitur._"
They came to be the controlling power in his life.
Harper sought the realization of his belief in conduct. His impurity,
his weakness, he contrasted with the strength and beauty of the life
of Christ, and daily sought with an earnest devotion to yield the
allegiance due to the higher ideal. Without many professions, he strove
silently for the attainment of a character which would make him, among
men, not unworthy of the ideal which he cherished in his heart.
The following passages may help to make good the truth of these words: