CHAPTER IX

THE GREAT CONSPIRACY

One morning, after six weeks of this pleasant life, Lord Chester, who

had made excellent use of his time, and was now as completely a man as

his companions, was summoned to the Bishop's study, and there received a

communication of the greatest importance.

The Professor was the only other person present.

'I have thought it prudent, Lord Chester,' said the Bishop gravely, 'to

acquaint you with the fact that the time is now approaching when the

great Attempt will be made. Are you still of the same mind? May we look

for your devotion--even if we fail?'

'You may, my lord.' The young man held out his hand, which the aged

Bishop clasped.

'It is good,' he said, 'to see the devotion of youth ready to renounce

life and its joys; to incur the perils of death and dishonour. This

seems hard even in old age, when life has given all it has to give. But

in young men---- Yet, my son, remember that the martyr does but change a

lower life for a higher.'

'I give you my life, if so it must be,' Lord Chester repeated.

'We take what is offered cheerfully. You must know then, my lord, that

the ground has been artfully prepared for us. This conspiracy, which you

have hitherto thought confined to one old man's house and half a dozen

young men living with him, is in reality spread over the whole country.

We have organisations, great or small, in nearly every town of England.

Some of them have as yet only advanced to the stage of discontent;

others have been pushed on to learn that the evil condition of men is

due chiefly to the government of women; others have learned that the sex

which rules ought to obey; others, that the worship of the Perfect Woman

is a vain superstition: none have gone so far as you and your friends,

who have learned more--the faith in the Perfect Man. That is because you

are to be the leaders, you yourself to be the Chief.

'Now, my lord, the thing having so far advanced, the danger is, that one

or other of our secret societies may be discovered. True, they do not

know the ramifications or extent of the conspiracy. They cannot,

therefore, do us any injury by treachery or unlucky disclosures; yet the

punishment of the members would be so severe as to strike terror into

the rest of our members. Therefore, it is desirable to begin as soon as

possible.'

'To-day!' cried the young Chief.

'No--not to-day, nor to-morrow. The difficulty is, to find some

pretext,--some reasonable pretext--under cover of which we might rise.'

'Can we not invent something.'

'There are the convicts. We might raise a force, and liberate those of

the prisoners who are victims of the harsh laws of violence and the

refusal to take a husband's evidence when accused by a wife. Then the

country would be with us. But I shrink from commencing this great

rebellion with bloodshed.'

He paused and reflected for a time.

'Then there is the labour cry. We might send our little force into the

towns, and call on the workmen to rise for freedom. But suppose they

would not rise? Then--more bloodshed.

'Or we might preach the Faith throughout the land, as Clarence Veysey

wants to do. But I incline not to the belief in wholesale miracles, and

the age of faith is past, and the number of our preachers is very

small.'

'You will be helped,' said the Professor, 'in a quarter where you least

suspect. I, too, with my girls, have done my little.'

She proceeded to open a packet of papers, which she laid before the

young Chief.

'What are these?' he asked.

'They are called Tracts for the Times,' she replied. 'They are addressed

to the Women of England.'

He took them up and read them carefully one by one.

'Who wrote these?'

'The girls and I together. We posted them wherever we could get

addresses--to all the undergraduates, to all the students of hospitals,

Inns of Court, and institutions of every kind; to quiet country

vicarages; to rich people and poor people,--wherever there was a

chance, we directed a tract.'

'You have done well,' said the Bishop.

'They have been found out, and a reward is offered for the printers. As

they were printed in the cellars of this house, the reward is not likely

to be claimed. They were all posted here, which makes the Government the

more uneasy. They believe in the spread of what they call irreligion

among the undergraduates. Unfortunately, the undergraduates are as yet

only discontented, because all avenues are choked.'

The Bishop took up one of the tracts again, and read it thoughtfully. It

was headed, _Tracts for the Times: For Young Women_, and was the first

number. The second title was _Work and Women_.

The writer, in brief telling paragraphs, very different from the

long-winded, verbose style everywhere prevalent, called upon women

seriously to consider their own position, and the state that things had

been brought to by the Government of the Peeresses. Every profession was

crowded: the shameful spectacle of women begging for employment, even

the most ill-paid, was everywhere seen; the law in both branches was

filled with briefless and clientless members; there were more doctors

than patients; there were more teachers than pupils; there were artists

without number who produced acres of painted canvas every year and found

no patrons; the Church had too many curates; while architects,

journalists, novelists, poets, orators, swarmed, and were all alike

ravenous for work at any rate of pay, even the lowest. The happiest

were the few who could win their way by competitive examination into the

Civil Service; and even there, the Government having logically applied

the sound political axioms of supply and demand to the hire of their

servants, they could hardly live upon their miserable pay, and must give

up all hopes of marriage. There was a time, the tract went on, when men

had to do all the work, including the work of the professions. In those

days all kinds of work were considered respectable, so that there was

not this universal run upon the professions. And in those days, said the

writer, the axiom of open competition in professional charges was not

acted up to, insomuch that physicians, barristers, and solicitors

charged a sum agreed upon by themselves--and that an adequate sum--for

services rendered; while the pay of the Service was given in

consideration to the amount required for comfortable living. The only

way out of the difficulty, concluded the author, was to limit the number

of those who entered the professions, to regulate the charges on a

liberal scale, and to increase the pay of the Services. As for the rest,

if women must work, they must do the things which women can do

well--sew, make dresses, cook, and, in fact, perform all those services

which were thought menial, unless, indeed, they preferred the hard work

of men in the fields and at the looms.

The second tract treated of the Idleness of Men.

By the wisdom of their ancestors, it had been ordained that every man

should be taught a handicraft, by means of which to earn his own living.

This wholesome rule had been allowed to fall into abeyance; for while

some sort of carpenter's work was nominally and officially taught in

boys' schools, it had long been considered a mark of social inferiority

for man to do any work at all. 'We educate our men,' the tract went on,

'in the practice of every gymnastic and athletic feat; we turn them out

strong, active, able to do and endure, and then we find nothing for them

to do. Is it their fault that they become vacuous, ill-tempered,

discontented, the bane of the house which their virtues ought to make a

happy home? What else can we expect? Whence the early falling off into

fat cheeks and flabby limbs? whence the love of the table--that vice

which stains our manhood? whence the apathy at Church services?--whence

should they come but from the forced idleness, the lack of interest in

life?'

The tract went on to call for a reform in this as in other matters. Let

the men be set to work; let men of all classes have to work. Why should

women do all, as well as think for all? 'It must be considered, again,

that every man cannot be married; indeed, under the present state of

things few women can think of marriage till they have arrived at middle

age, and therefore most men must remain single. Why should we doom them

to a long life of forced inaction? Happier far the rustic who ploughs

the field, or the cobbler who patches the village boots.' Then there

followed an artful and specious reference to old times: 'Under the

former régime, men worked, and women, in the freedom of the house,

thought. The nominal ruler was the Hand; the actual, the Head. In those

days, the flower of woman's life was not wasted in study and

competition. The maidens were wooed while they were young and beautiful;

their lovers worked for them, surrounded them with pleasant things,

lapped them in warmth, brought them all that they could desire, made

their lives a restful dream of love. It has come to this, O women of the

New Faith, that you have thrown away the love of men, and with it the

whole joy of creation! You worship the Woman; your mothers, happier in

their generation, were contented each to be worshipped by a man.'

'That is very good,' said the Bishop.

Then the Professor produced another and a more dangerous manifesto,

addressed to the young men of England. It was dark and mysterious: it

bade them be on the watch for a great and glorious change; they were to

remember the days when men were rulers; they were to distrust their

teachers, and especially the priestesses; they were to look with

loathing upon the inaction to which they were condemned; they were told

to ask themselves for what end their limbs were strong if they were to

do nothing all their lives; and they were taught how, in the old days,

the men did all the work, and were rewarded by marrying young and lovely

women. This tract had been circulated from hand to hand, none of the

agents in its distribution knowing anything of the plot.

There were others, all turning upon the evils of the times, and all

recalling the old days when women sat at home.

'We want,' said the Bishop, 'a pretext,--we want a spark which shall set

fire to this mass of discontent.'

That very night there was a stormy debate in the House of Peeresses. The

Duchess of Dunstanburgh, whose Ministry was kept in power by nothing but

the stern will of their leader, because it had never commanded the

confidence or even the respect of the House, came down with a bundle of

papers in her hand. They were these very tracts. She read them through,

one by one. She informed the House that these tracts had been circulated

wholesale: from every town in the country she received intelligence that

they had been taken from some girl's hands,--in many cases from the

innocent hands of young men. She said that it had been ascertained so

far that the tracts were posted from Cambridge; it was believed they

were the work of certain mischievous and infidel undergraduates. She had

taken the unusual course of instituting a college visitation, so far

without effect. Meantime she assured the House that if the author of

these tracts could be discovered, no punishment would be too severe to

meet the offence.

The Countess of Carlyon rose to reply. She said that no one regretted

more than herself the tone of these tracts. At the same time there was,

without doubt, ample cause for discontent. The professions were crammed;

thousands of learned young women were asking themselves where they were

to look for even daily bread. In the homes, the young men, seeing the

misery, were, for their part, asking why they should not work, if work

of any kind were to be got. To sit at home, and starve in gentility, was

a hard thing to do, even by the most patient and religious young man;

while for a girl to see the days go by barren and unprofitable, while

her beauty withered,--to have no hope of marriage; to see the man she

might have loved taken from her--here the Countess faced the Duchess

with indignant eyes--taken from her by one old enough to be his

grandmother,--surely here was cause enough for discontent! She urged the

appointment of a commission for the consideration of grievances; and she

urged, further, that the evidence of men, old and young, should be

received--especially on two important points: first, whether they really

_liked_ a life of inaction; and secondly, whether they really _liked_

marrying their grandmothers.

The scene which followed this motion was truly deplorable. The following

of Lady Carlyon consisted of all the younger members of the House--a

minority, but full of life and vigour; on the opposite side were the old

and middle-aged Peeresses, who had been brought up in the doctrine of

woman's divine right of authority, and of man's divine rule of

obedience. The elders had a tremendous majority, of course; but not the

less, the fact that such a motion could be made was disquieting. The

debate was not reported, but it got abroad; and while the tracts

circulated more widely than ever, no more were seized, because they

were all kept hidden, and circulated underhand.

From end to end of the country, the talk was of nothing but of the old

times. Was it true, the girls asked, that formerly the women ruled at

home, while the men did all the work? If that was so, would no one find

a compromise by which they could restore that part, at least, of the

former régime? Oh, to end these weary struggles,--these studies, which

led to examinations; these examinations, which led to diplomas; these

diplomas which led to nothing; these agonising endeavours to trample

upon each other, to push themselves into notoriety, to snatch the scraps

of work from each other's hands! Oh, to rest, to lie still, to watch the

men work! Oh--but this they whispered with clasping of hands--oh, to be

worshipped by a lover young and loyal! What did the tract say? Happy

women of old, when there was no Perfect Woman, but each was the goddess

of one man!

The Revolt of Man · 第 9 / 14 章